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TERRITORIAL GROWTH 

Occupied by thirteen Original 
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Ceded by Great Britain 1783 
Purchased from France 1803 
Purchased from Spain 1819 

By revolt from Mexico 1845 
Oregon Treaty with.Great Britain 
1846 

Ceded by'Mexico 1848, 1853 
Purchased from Russia 1867 


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“The study of the past begins to inspire us with new hopes 
for the future of humanity. The life which, viewed from with¬ 
out, seems in us, and thousands such as we, so petty and triv¬ 
ial, catches a new significance and even grandeur from the 
thought that it is not the isolated, transient thing we deemed 
it. We begin to perceive that no earnest effort for the good of 
humanity is ever lost, no life, however obscure, that has been 
devoted to the highest ends, to the service of mankind, to 
the progress of truth and goodness in the world, is ever spent 
in vain. For we can think of them as contributions to a 
life which is not of to-day or yesterday, but of all time — 
a life which, never hasting, never resting, is through the 
ages ever advancing to its consummation.” — John Caird. 



America 

Group before the New York Custom House, by Daniel Chester French. 

The famous sculptor has represented America as a young woman, strong and vig¬ 
orous, looking forward into the future with faith and hope. Her right hand holds 
the torch of progress, while peace and plenty are indicated by the sheaf of corn 
upon her lap. Kneeling at her left side is the figure of Industry, holding in his 
hand the winged wheel which has come to signify material progress. In the back¬ 
ground at the right of America is the Indian, gazing with apprehension at the 
onward march of civilization. 



0 




OUR UNITED STATES 

A HISTORY 


BY 

WILLIAM BACKUS GUITTEAU, Ph.D. 

* • 

DIRECTOR OF SCHOOLS, TOLEDO, OHIO 
AUTHOR OF “ GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS IN THE 
UNITED STATES,” “PREPARING FOR 
CITIZENSHIP,” ETC. 




SILVER, BURDETT AND COMPANY 


NEW YORK 


NEWARK 


BOSTON 


CHICAGO 




Copyright, 1919, 1923, by 
SILVER, BURDETT AND COMPANY 

Published October, 1919 




FF8 ~ 8 '23 

©C1A60C298 


PREFACE 


Recent events have demonstrated that our teaching of history- 
should emphasize more than ever before the peculiar and character¬ 
istic genius of American institutions, and the permanent and outstand¬ 
ing assets of American democracy. In this textbook the author has 
kept in view the dominant purpose in present-day teaching of history 
and government; that is, the preparation of pupils for intelligent, 
helpful citizenship, through the study of our country’s history, its 
ideals, and institutions. History teaching worthy of the name no 
longer tolerates the mere recital of facts, dates, and names, or the an¬ 
swering of stereotyped questions at the end of the chapter. Rather, 
our teachers of history will draw from the events of the past their 
underlying significance; and they will relate the past to the present 
in such a way as to create in the minds of the pupils high ideals of 
American citizenship and political conduct, and to foster loyalty to 
the best American traditions. 

Lack of definiteness is one of the criticisms most frequently made of 
history teaching. By this is meant the lack of definite aims; for 
definiteness in history teaching does not mean insisting upon exact 
and specific knowledge of relatively unimportant dates, names, or 
events. Facts, of course, we must have, but these separate facts 
are too fragmentary to serve as the foundation for our course in 
history. It remains for the teacher to analyze and evaluate the 
significant facts of history, to group them into large units of study 
which will “tie up in one bundle a large number of related facts 
forming a well-constructed whole.” This can best be accomplished by 
applying the project method to the study of history; in other words, 
by abandoning the old “question and answer” method, and by organ¬ 
izing classroom instruction on the basis of large projects, or knowledge 
units. This implies the omission of many minor topics and detached 
facts, and the grouping of each history assignment around one central 
organizing idea. 

The material presented in Our United States is especially adapted 
to teaching by the project method, for this text selects the big topics 
of history and gives them an enlarged treatment. For example, see 
the discussion of the Erie Canal (pages 318 to 320) or the Steam Rail- 

v 


VI 


PREFACE 


road (pages 320 to 323), or the Trust Problem (pages 501 to 505). 
It will be found that these discussions are built upon the project 
method; that is, they organize knowledge around one central idea. 
To assist teachers in organizing the facts of our history by the project 
method, a Teacher’s Manual has been published by Silver, Burdett 
and Company for use in connection with this textbook. 

Throughout this volume, the larger emphasis has been placed upon 
social and industrial history. Such vital topics as the industrial 
revolution, the westward movement, the rise and control of large 
corporations, questions of labor, of the tariff, money, and banking, 
— these have received much more than the usual space. However, 
in writing the story of our wars, the author has proceeded upon the 
theory that if the story is worth telling at all, it is worth telling well. 
Therefore, an endeavor has been made to present a vivid narrative 
of military campaigns, rather than a mere colorless summary. Teach¬ 
ers will find the story of the campaign of the Civil War narrated from 
the geographical point of view, a method of approach which clears 
away the difficulties of the story when told merely as a chronology 
of events. 

Attention is called to the division of the entire field of American 
history into eight parts, beginning with Discovery and Exploration 
(Part I) and ending with The United States as a World Power (Part 
VIII). The full page illustration placed at the beginning of each of 
these divisions is intended to illustrate, not the pages which immedi¬ 
ately follow, but rather the central theme of each grand division. 

It will be noted that more than one fourth of this textbook deals 
with the history of our country since the Civil War. In other words, 
nearly two hundred pages are devoted to a discussion of the more 
recent events of our political and industrial history. This has made 
possible an adequate treatment of the important social and political 
problems of today; and these are the problems which the young 
citizens now in our schools will soon be called upon to solve. 

The entire book has been carefully read by Dr. Herman V. Ames, 
of the University of Pennsylvania, and by Mr. Wallace McCamant, 
President General of the National Society of the Sons of the Ameri¬ 
can Revolution; and I am deeply indebted to them for helpful criti¬ 
cisms. The author will appreciate any suggestions from those who 
use this book, especially from the teachers of history, upon whom the 
success of any textbook so largely depends. 

William Backus Guitteau 

Toledo, Ohio 
August, 1922 


CONTENTS 


PART I 

DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION (1492-1607) 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. The Way to Cathay ...... 1 

II. The Discovery of a New World ... 9 

III. Spanish and English Explorations ... 20 

IV. French and Dutch Explorations ... 32 

V. Early America — The Land and the People 42 

PART II 

COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD (1607-1763) 

VI. The Old Dominion ...... 57 

VII. The Other Southern Colonies .... 69 

VIII. The New England Colonies .... 78 

IX. The Middle Colonies ..... 96 

X. The Struggle for a Continent . . . .111 

XI. Life in Colonial Times 126 

PART III 

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION (1763-1783) 

XII. The Quarrel with the Mother Country . . 143 

XIII. The Dawning of Independence .... 160 

XIV. The Campaigns in the Middle States . . 175 

XV. The Closing Years of the Revolution . . 189 

PART IV 

THE NEW REPUBLIC (1783-1812) 

XVI. The Critical Period under the Confederation 209 

XVII. Making the Federal Constitution . . . 221 

XVIII. Setting the New Government in Motion . . 234 

XIX. Our Difficult Foreign Relations . . . 244 

XX. The Policies of Jefferson ..... 256 

vii 






Vlll 


CONTENTS 


PART V 

THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY (1812-1840) 


CHAPTER PAGE 

XXI. The War of 1812.269 

XXII. New Tools and New Methods of Production 287 

XXIII. Pushing the Frontier Westward . . . 293 

XXIV. The Monroe Doctrine and the Missouri Com¬ 
promise .305 

XXV. New Systems of Transportation . . . 315 

XXVI. Jacksonian Democracy.327 

XXVII. How Democracy Changed American Life . 341 


PART VI 

SLAVERY AND THE WEST (1840-1860) 

XXVIII. Our Great Westward Expansion . . . 351 

XXIX. Our War with Mexico ..... 362 

XXX. Shall the New Territory be Slave or Free? 369 
XXXI. The Struggle for Kansas ..... 383 

XXXII. The Crisis of Secession ..... 391 
XXXIII. Social and Industrial Growth . . . 403 


PART VII 


THE CIVIL WAR (1860-1865) 


XXXIV. 

The Appeal to Arms 

# 


. 415 

XXXV. 

The War in the West 

9 

# 

. 429 

XXXVI. 

The War in the East 



. 441 

XXXVII. 

Civil Affairs during the War 



. 456 


PART VIII 

THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER (1865-1918) 


XXXVIII. Restoring the Broken Union .... 465 
XXXIX. Thirty Years of Foreign Affairs, 1865-1895 480 
XL. The New West and the New South . . 488 

XLI. The Age of Big Business. 501 

XLII. Political and Economic Reforms . . . 512 

XLIII. The War with Spain ...... 525 

XLIV. Our Own Times and Its Problems . . . 536 

XLV. The Progress of a Half Century, 1865-1915 554 
XLVI. Democracy on Trial in the World War . . 569 

XLVII. The Turning of the Tide ..... 595 

XLVIII. Democracy’s Victory and Its Meaning . . 617 



CONTENTS 


IX 


APPENDIX 

Declaration of Independence. 

Constitution of the United States .... 
Lincoln’s Gettysburg Speech ..... 
Area, Population, and Electoral Votes of the States 
Presidents and Vice Presidents of the United States 
Index ........... 


PAGE 

i 

y 

xxiii 

xxiv 

xxv 
xxvii 


LIST OF REFERENCE MAPS 


The United States and Possessions 
The World as Europeans Knew It before 1492 
Trade Routes to the East . 

Toscanelli’s Map 
The Four Voyages of Columbus 
Famous World Voyages 
Spanish Voyages of Exploration and Conquest 
French and Dutch Explorations 
Indian Tribes of North America 
Principal English Grants, 1606-1665 
Early Settlements in Virginia 
The Other Southern Colonies 
The New England Colonies 
New Netherland and New Sweden 
French Forts and Portage Routes 
The Ohio Valley Country . 


Colonial North America before the French 

War — 1750 . 

Colonial North America after the French 

War — 1763 . 

Boston and Vicinity in 1775 
Campaigns in the Northern and Middle States 
The West during the Revolution 
Campaigns in the Southern States 
North America at the Close of the Revolution 
The Westward Movement .... 

The United States in 1783 
Exploring the Great West, 1803-1806 
The United States in 1803 
The Campaigns in the North, the West, and in 
Washington ..... 
Campaigns in the Southwest 
The Westward Movement, 1820-1835 . 

The United States in 1820 .... 

The Route of the National Road, 1812-1840 
Transportation Competition for the Western Trade 
Texas and the Mexican War 


Front cover lining 


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365 












X 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Oregon and the Mexican Cessions . . . Facing 370 

The United States in 1850 ....... 379 

The United States in 1854 ....... 388 

Strategy, Blockade, and Restriction of Confederate 

Territory. Facing 422 

Campaigns in the West . . . . . . ' . . 432 

Campaigns in the East ........ 443 

Railroad Development in the West.495 

The Five German Drives of 1918 .598 

The Allied Counter-Offensives .... Facing 606 
Map of Europe in 1922 ...... Facing 630 


The World Showing the United States and Possessions 

Back cover lining 

(The titles in small capital letters indicate color maps.) 







Thou, too, sail on, O Ship of State! 

Sail on, O Union, strong and great! 

Humanity with all its fears, 

With all the hopes of future years, 

Is hanging breathless on thy fate! 

We know what Master laid thy keel, 

What Workmen wrought thy ribs of steel, 

Who made each mast, and sail, and rope, 

What anvils rang, what hammers beat, 

In what a forge and what a heat 
Were shaped the anchors of thy hope! 

Fear not each sudden sound and shock, 

’Tis of the wave and not the rock; 

’Tis but the flapping of the sail, 

And not a rent made by the gale! 

In spite of rock and tempests’ roar, 

In spite of false lights on the shore, 

Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea! 

Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee, 

Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 

Our faith triumphant o’er our fears, 

Are all with thee, — are all with thee! 

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow 





Columbus at the Court of Ferdinand and Isabella 














OUR UNITED STATES 

A HISTORY 


CHAPTER I 
THE WAY TO CATHAY 

Early Ideas about the Land and the Sea. In the fifteenth 
century, the common people of Europe knew less about the 
shape and size of the earth than is known to-day by almost every 
child. They thought of the earth, not as a great sphere whirling 
through space, but as a flat plain surrounded on all sides by 
the ocean. This ocean was the Atlantic, a dark waste of un¬ 
explored waters which fancy and superstition filled with all 
sorts of horrors. There were monster sea-serpents, and ter¬ 
rible whirlpools which swallowed up both ships and sailors; 
there was a fiery zone at the equator which no man might 
cross; there was — so runs the story in the Arabian Nights — 
a mysterious Island of Lodestone, which drew the nails from 
the ships and wrecked them. 

Many centuries before, learned men like Aristotle had asserted 
their belief that the earth is round; but as late as the fifteenth 
century, only the few accepted this idea. Concerning the size 
of the earth, men were almost as much mistaken as about its 
shape. European navigators knew only their own continent, 
and parts of two others — southern Asia, and a narrow strip of 
Africa. Naturally, they thought of the earth as much smaller 
than it really is ; for they did not even dream of the existence of 
North and South America, or Australia. It is hard for us to-day to 
understand why so little was then known about geography. But 
these early navigators lacked the means necessary to make long 
voyages. Their ships were so small that even the boldest sailors 


2 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


of our own time would hesitate to put to sea in them, much less 
to venture across the Atlantic. The maps and charts of those 
days were inaccurate and incomplete, nor did early navigators 
have that steadfast friend of the sailor, the mariner’s compass. 
But the greatest obstacle of all to early navigation was fear of 
the unknown, mysterious ocean, — a fear based upon ignorance, 
like the child’s fear of the dark. 



The World as Europeans Knew it before 1492 


The Crusades and the East, 1096-1272. The history of the 
ancient world centered about the Mediterranean Sea, and 
throughout the Middle Ages the life of Europe was still grouped 
about its shores. But at length the nations of Europe began to 
take more interest in the countries of the East, and became eager 
to learn more about the people and geography of Asia. This 
result was due chiefly to the Crusades, or Holy Wars of the Cross. 
These expeditions were organized by the rulers of Europe in order 
to rescue the Holy Land and the tomb of Christ from the infidel 
Turks. The Church favored the movement, and promised salva¬ 
tion to those who became soldiers of the Cross. During the 
eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, thousands of Euro¬ 
peans took part in the Crusades, and on returning, told their 
countrymen about the wonderful things they had seen in the East. 






THE WAY TO CATHAY 


3 


The Revival of Learning. Another influence that increased 
Europe’s interest in the East was the Revival of Learning, which 
began in the twelfth century. When the barbarian tribes over¬ 
whelmed imperial Rome in 476 a.d., the culture and civiliza¬ 
tion of the ancient world became lost to Europe for nearly eight 
hundred years. The period that followed the downfall of Rome 
is called the Dark Ages, for during these long centuries the 
people of Europe were densely ignorant. Science and education 
could make no headway because of the constant warfare and the 
disorganized condition of society. 

But from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries, a few 
European scholars began to study the art and literature of 
Greece and Rome. The invention of printing (1450) brought 
about a general increase and spread of knowledge, and Europe 
began to get the benefit of the achievements of the ancient 
world in art and letters, as well as in government and law. The 
stimulus of the new movement was felt in every field of human 
endeavor. Trade and manufactures increased, and people 
became eager to travel and learn about other countries. The 
spirit of enterprise was in the air; men began to awake to new 
ideas and to have a new confidence in their own powers. Grad¬ 
ually the Dark Ages disappeared before a new age of enlighten¬ 
ment and progress. This new era is called the Renaissance or 
New Birth, because the world seemed to be born again. This 
intellectual advance made the fifteenth century an age of dis¬ 
covery and exploration, a time that could bring forth such men 
as Columbus and Magellan. 

Europe in the Fifteenth Century. What kind of country was 
that Europe which forms the background of our American 
history? Not the Europe which we know to-day, teeming with 
people, divided into strong national states, with many great 
industries, and a commerce covering every corner of the globe. 
On the contrary, Europe in the fifteenth century was thinly 
inhabited, its entire population being under fifty millions, 
or about equal to that of Great Britain to-day. Agriculture 
on a primitive scale was everywhere the chief occupation of the 
people. Manufacturing was in the household stage of develop- 


4 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


ment; nearly all of its processes were carried on by hand labor, 
for steam was unknown as a motive power, while mechanical 
devices were few and crude. Mediterranean commerce had 
created a few flourishing cities, Venice and Genoa being the 
chief rivals for trade with the Far East. Paris, too, was a 
considerable city, but its population was under two hundred 
thousand. London was merely an overgrown town, Berlin was 
a fishing village, and Petrograd did not exist at all. 

As a rule, the people of Europe were not united under strong 
national governments, but owed allegiance to a large number 
of petty rulers. Only a few powers, Austria, France, Spain, and 
England, could be called nations in the sense that we use the 
word to-day. Government was everywhere monarchical in form, 
except in Switzerland and in the free cities of Italy and Germany. 
The powers of the monarch were unlimited except for the 
important privileges belonging to the Church and the nobles. 
The people had no voice in their government, and of course no 
share in education, which was only for the favored few. Their 
part was to till the soil, to pay the taxes, and to fight the battles 
of their overlords. But the age of feudalism was passing, and 
the Revival of Learning brought about a new era in which the 
people were to have some share in education and in government. 

In the age of Columbus, western Europe had a single religion, 
for Protestantism did not have its beginning until early in the 
sixteenth century. Throughout all western Europe, the Pope 
or Bishop of Rome was acknowledged as the supreme head of 
the Roman Catholic Church; while the people of Russia and 
southeastern Europe belonged to the Greek Catholic Church, 
with its head at Constantinople. 

Trade Routes to the East. As a result of the Crusades, 
Europe looked to Asia for such luxuries as spices, drugs, jewels, 
rare woods, silks, rugs, and ivory. There were three important 
trade routes leading to Asia and the Far East. The northern 
route started from Genoa, and after crossing the Mediterranean 
to Constantinople, passed through the Black and Caspian seas 
into China. The southern route started from Venice, passed 
through the Mediterranean Sea to Alexandria, then by caravan 


THE WAY TO CATHAY 


5 


to the Red Sea and on across the Indian Ocean. The middle 
route began at Antioch and made its way through the Persian 
Gulf to India. 

The trade routes were long and difficult, and fraught with 
danger. Chinese or Malay junks and long-winding caravans 
brought the products of the Orient to Constantinople, Alexan¬ 
dria, or Antioch. At these ports, European merchants bartered 



with the Arab traders, offering them linens, woolen goods, glass 
vessels, and wines in exchange for the coveted silks, spices, 
perfumes, rugs, and porcelains. After the Arabs had taken a 
rich toll for their services as middlemen, the Oriental wares 
were loaded on the Italian trading fleets, to be distributed 
throughout Europe. 

The commerce with Asia gave employment to thousands of 
men, and made Venice and Genoa the wealthiest cities of 
Europe. European merchants kept in close touch with the 
“ Indies,” a vague term used to denote southeastern Asia, 
















6 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


as well as China and Japan. Cathay (China) was the name 
given to the farthermost land lying on the border of the great 
Eastern Ocean. This country took a strong hold on the imagina¬ 
tion of the people. It was reported to have a large population, 
hundreds of wealthy cities, and to abound in all the luxuries 
of the time. Farther eastward lay Cipango (Japan), an in¬ 
distinct island country about which almost nothing was known. 

Marco Polo and His Travels, 1271-1295. Europe’s informa¬ 
tion about the Indies came from the reports of a few bold 
travelers, the most famous of whom was Marco Polo, a Venetian. 
Marco Polo traveled with his father and uncle, merchants who 
made a remarkable journey to northern China or Cathay. 
They remained for twenty years in Peking, returning at last 
by way of India, the Red Sea and Cairo, then back to Venice 
by crossing the Mediterranean. Marco Polo afterwards became 
a political prisoner in Genoa, and to while away the time, wrote 
the story of his travels. This famous book told of a vast eastern 
ocean beyond the land of Cathay, an account which seemed to 
confirm the belief of the older writers that the earth is round, 
and that this ocean east of China might be the same as that 
which washed the shores of western Europe. A copy of Polo’s 
book afterwards came into the hands of Christopher Columbus, 
and helped form his idea of the earth as a sphere. 

The Turks Cut Off the Trade Routes. In the fifteenth 
century the Ottoman Turks, whose westward advance was only 
delayed by the Crusaders, began a desperate move on Constanti¬ 
nople. This important city fell into their hands in 1453. The 
result was to cut off the trade from Genoa to the East by way of 
the Black Sea route. As the Turks spread their power and 
influence throughout Asia Minor toward Egypt, the other trade 
routes were also closed. A new route between Europe and the 
East must be found. A few thoughtful men began to ask them¬ 
selves, “ Might not Cathay and the Indies be reached by an 
ocean route? ” 

Prince Henry the Navigator. Spain and Portugal began to 
see that their trade would be increased by the discovery of an 
ocean route to the Far East. Foremost among the men eager to 


THE WAY TO CATHAY 


7 


experiment for a new route was Prince Henry the Navigator, 
of Portugal. Prince Henry was an earnest, devout man, anxious 
above all to find a route which would divert the trade of the 
Orient from infidel to Christian countries. He assembled around 
him students, mariners, and scientific men, and established a 
school of navigation on lonely Cape St. Vincent, which the 
ancients had supposed the westernmost limit of the habitable 
world. Under his direction, Portugal entered upon a glorious 
period of pioneer work in attempting to find a new sea route. 

Scientific Inventions. The efforts of Prince Henry and his 
associates could not have been so successful without the scien¬ 
tific inventions just then coming into common use. The compass, 
by which the ship’s direction can be told in all kinds of weather, 
and the astrolabe, an instrument to determine position with 
regard to the stars, gave the mariner more confidence; for 
the first time he felt that he could sail out of sight of land 
with comparative safety. Then the invention of paper, and 
the newly discovered art of printing, were making books of 
travel and geography more accessible. Finally, the invention 
of gunpowder gave the explorer added security against such 
people as he should find who still depended upon spears and 
arrows. 

The Portuguese Sail Around Africa to India. Before the old 
trade routes were entirely closed, the Portuguese had begun the 
work of finding a new sea route. By the year 1460, Portuguese 
navigators had visited all the island groups off the coast of 
Africa, the Madeiras, the Canaries, the Azores, and the Cape 
Verde Islands. Many people began to believe that a voyage 
around the southern point of Africa would bring the mariner 
to India. Portuguese discoveries made exploration popular, 
and created a bold school of navigators. Attracted by the slave 
trade and the lure of a fabled “ gold coast,” they crept farther 
and farther down the shore of Africa. At last, in 1487, Bar¬ 
tholomew Diaz sailed around the southern extremity of Africa, 
but failed to reach India because of the furious gales. Diaz 
named the headland which he had passed the “ Stormy Cape ” ; 
but King John of Portugal christened it the Cape of Good Hope, 


8 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


because it seemed to promise so much. Among the shipmates of 
Captain Diaz on his famous voyage was Bartholomew, the 
younger brother of Christopher Columbus. 

About ten years later, Vasco da Gama followed up the work 
of Diaz by crossing the Indian Ocean to Calicut in southern 
India. This completed the proof of the route to India by the 
circumnavigation of Africa. Well might the king of Portugal 
exult over this voyage. The first mariner to reach India by 
ocean, Da Gama had actually visited Arab cities, bringing 
back spices, jewels, silks, and tapestries. Under Prince Henry’s 
leadership, Portugal had been the pioneer in exploring the ocean 
route to the far-famed Indies; the voyage of Da Gama won for 
the little kingdom the honor of first reaching the coveted goal. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 23-27. 

Becker, C. L., Beginnings of the American People (Riverside Series), 

pp. 1-12. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I, ch. I. 

Cheyney, E. P., European Background of American History (American 
Nation Series), chs. I-IV. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Hall, Jennie, Our Ancestors in Europe, pp. 341-349. 

Hart, A. B., Editor, American Patriots and Statesmen, I, pp. 31-35. 
Johnson, W. H., French Pathfinders in North America, chs. IV-V. 
Johnson, W. H., The World's Discoverers, chs. II, VIII-XI. 

Parkman, Francis, The Struggle for a Continent, pp. 69-82. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. Early Ideas about the Earth. Archer, A. B., Stories of Ex - 
ploration and Discovery, ch. I; Fiske, John, Discovery of America, I, 
chs. III-IV; Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, ch. I. 

2. The Crusades. Gordy, W. F., American Beginnings in Europe , 
chs. XIX-XX; Hall, Jennie, Our Ancestors in Europe, pp. 329-333. 

3. Marco Polo. Archer, A. B., Stories of Exploration and Dis¬ 
covery, ch. Ill; Fiske, John, Discovery of America, I, p. 280 ; John¬ 
son, W. H., The World's Discoverers , ch. I. 


CHAPTER II 


THE DISCOVERY OF A NEW WORLD 

Christopher Columbus. All this travel toward Asia paved the 
way for some bold mariner to act on the theory that by sailing 
to the west, “ the Indies in the East might be readily found/’ 
The man for this undertaking was Christopher Columbus, the 
son of a humble woolcomber of Genoa. Born about the year 
1446 or 1447, Columbus was 
a sailor on the Mediterranean 
at the age of fourteen. He 
soon became a fearless navi¬ 
gator, as well as an expert 
maker of maps and charts. 

About the year 1471 Colum¬ 
bus went to Lisbon to live. 

There he married the daugh¬ 
ter of one of Prince Henry’s 
navigators, and later made 
his home on the island of 
Porto Santo. From this 
island Columbus sailed on 
Portuguese ships as far south 
as Guinea, and north possibly 
as far as Iceland. These 
voyages, with his study of maps and charts, helped him form 
his idea of a western route to India. Columbus was firm in 
the belief that the earth is round; so he reasoned that by 
sailing westward, he could come to China and Japan in the East. 

Toscanelli’s Map. Toscanelli, a native of Florence and the most 
famous astronomer of his day, shared this belief. Toscanelli 
wrote letters to Columbus setting forth his ideas about the shape 

9 





10 DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 

of the earth, and he may have sent him a copy of a map that he 
had made. This map showed the shape of the earth as a sphere, 
and located the eastern countries visited by Marco Polo. Tos- 
canelli underestimated the size of the earth, and so he placed 
Japan where the Gulf of Mexico actually is. Neither he nor 
Columbus dreamed of a continent between Europe and Asia. 
We know that Columbus made a careful study of Marco Polo's 
book of .travels, for the copy that he used has been preserved, 
with his own notes written on the margin of the pages. 



Columbus Seeks Aid. While Diaz was on his way back to 
Portugal after discovering the Cape of Good Hope route, 
Columbus was seeking aid for his voyage to the west. He first 
offered his services to Genoa, then to the king of Portugal, who 
called him a dreamer. Finally he turned to the rulers of Spain, 
Ferdinand and Isabella. The Spanish monarchs were making a 
final effort to drive the Moors out of Spain, and so had little 
time for Columbus or his plans. Still they commanded him to 
argue his cause before a council of learned men at Salamanca. 
Again was he pronounced a dreamer. “ If the earth were 
round,” jeered the skeptics, “ the men on the other side of it 
would have to walk with their heads downward, while rain and 
snow must fall upward. ” For seven long years, Columbus 
pleaded in vain at the Spanish court. Meantime his brother 












THE DISCOVERY OF A NEW WORLD 


11 


Bartholomew, back from the famous Diaz voyage, made an 
unsuccessful attempt to secure help from King Henry VII of 
England. 

At last Columbus gave up hope of securing aid at the Spanish 
court, and started for France to make the same appeal that 
Spain had rejected. Shortly after he reached the little town of 
Palos on the coast of Spain, a messenger arrived from Queen 



Exact Reproduction of the Santa Maria at the World’s Columbian Exposi¬ 
tion, 1893, now in Jackson Park, Chicago 


Isabella to summon him back. After all these years of disap¬ 
pointment and failure, Columbus was to have his chance. Queen 
Isabella herself gave most of the money with which to equip 
three small sailing vessels, the Santa Maria, the Nina, and the 
Pinta. The vessels themselves were provided by the town of 
Palos; the crews consisted of about ninety unwilling men, some 
of whom were recruits from Spanish jails. 

Columbus Sails Westward. A little before sunrise on August 
3, 1492, the people of Palos watched the three small ships 














12 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


start on the world’s most famous voyage. The Santa Maria 
was chosen for the flagship because it was the largest, although 
only about sixty-five feet over all. The other two vessels were 
commanded by the Pinzon brothers, wealthy citizens of Palos. 
The route lay south to the Canaries, island colonies of Spain. 
From this point, Columbus meant to sail straight across the 
Atlantic to the fabled Chinese cities of Marco Polo as shown on 
the Toscanelli map. 

Six days after leaving Palos the expedition reached the 
Canaries, and at the end of the first week in September it was 
fairly launched upon the open sea. Panic terror filled the hearts 
of the crew as land faded from sight on the eastern horizon, and 
the dark waste of waters unrolled before their gaze. But added 
terrors were in store for them. As the ships sailed westward, 
the compass needle swayed more and more to the northwest, 
instead of pointing toward the north star. About the middle 
of September, masses of seaweed were encountered, suggesting 
hidden shoals and all the old stories of impassable seas. Worst 
of all, the tradewinds blew steadily from the east, and the 
wretched sailors feared that there would never be a western wind 
to carry them home. 

Discovery of America, 1492. The crew and even some 
of the officers were on the point of mutiny, almost ready to 
throw overboard the admiral who steered so relentlessly to¬ 
ward the west. While they were plotting, flocks of birds were 
seen overhead, apparently a promise of land. About two 
o’clock on the morning of October 12, 1492, the lookout at the 
masthead of the Pinta joyfully shouted, “ Land ahead! ” and 
the ships soon cast anchor in the harbor of a little island of the 
Bahama group. The boats were lowered at dawn on the follow¬ 
ing day, and Columbus with most of his men went ashore. 

The first act of the pious admiral was to give thanks to God 
for the happy ending of his voyage. A host of copper-colored 
men, women, and children looked on with awe and amazement 
as Columbus drew his sword and planted the banner of Spain 
on the land which he claimed for Ferdinand and Isabella. 
Columbus supposed that he had reached the outlying islands 


THE DISCOVERY OF A NEW WORLD 


13 



of India, so he called the natives Indians. This name, based 
upon a mistaken idea, has always clung to the original inhabit¬ 
ants of the New World. Later, still in search of Japan or 
China, he coasted among the West Indies, visiting Cuba and 
Haiti. Returning to Spain in January, 1493, the great ad¬ 
miral was received with every mark of favor by Ferdinand and 
Isabella. 

Later Voyages and Death of Columbus. Columbus made 
three other voyages to the New World which he still thought 
to be India. His second voyage was in 1493, when with a 
splendid fleet of seventeen ships and thirteen hundred men, he 
sailed to plant a Spanish settlement in Haiti. The colony was 
unsuccessful; little gold was found, while starvation and sick¬ 
ness cost many lives. The third voyage was made five years 
later, along the coast of South America. Columbus discovered 
the mouth of the Orinoco River, and concluded that so large a 
stream must flow out of a vast continent. On his fourth and 
last voyage in 1502, he passed along the coast of Honduras. 
While Columbus was making his later voyages, Vasco da Gama 
had reached the real Indies by way of the Cape of Good Hope 
(1498). This Portuguese success overshadowed the costly ex- 





























14 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


peditions of Columbus, which brought no immediate returns. 
The admiral had bitter enemies among the Spanish grandees, 
and on his third voyage they placed him under arrest and sent 
him home in irons. Although the king and queen promptly 
ordered his release, they did not restore his former privileges. 
For example, Columbus was not again permitted to act as 
governor of the lands that he discovered, as guaranteed under 
his original compact. 

When Queen Isabella died, Columbus lost his only protector. 
His enemies became more powerful, and the last days of his 
life were passed in sickness and poverty. His sons were jeered 
at in the streets as “ the sons of the Admiral of the Land of 
Mosquitoes.” Columbus died at Valladolid in 1506, probably 
without knowing that he had discovered a New World. Neg¬ 
lected and unhonored at his death, it remained for future ages 
to give him his just fame. The great achievement of Columbus 
was due not so much to his true notion of the shape of the earth, 
as to the heroic spirit which alone made possible his first im¬ 
mortal voyage. Other men had reasoned that the earth is a 
sphere; Columbus was the first to put his theory to the test of 
action. 

The Northmen Visit America. Columbus was by no means 
the first European to visit the shores of America. Far to the 
north of Europe, on the Scandinavian peninsula, lived a people 
whose roving sailors probably reached America as early as 
1000 a.d. The Northmen were sturdy, fair-haired warriors, 
whose chief aim in life was conquest and adventure. Roaming 
the sea in their long boats, they visited and colonized Iceland 
and distant Greenland. In one of these voyages from Norway 
to Greenland, the Norse leader, Leif Ericson, missed his way. 
According to Norse tradition, he landed upon a strange coast 
west and south of Greenland, probably either Nova Scotia or 
some part of New England. The Northmen built huts and spent 
the winter in this region, which they named Vinland or Wine- 
land because the wild grapes were so abundant. Several visits 
to this new coast were made, but the difficulty of the voyage and 
the hostility of the Indians at last put an end to the expeditions. 


THE DISCOVERY OF A NEW WORLD 


15 


Since the Northmen were cut off by sea from the rest of Europe, 
the story of their voyages was not generally known; and even 
if known, the importance of the discovery could not have 
been appreciated by the ignorant Europeans of the eleventh 
century. If Columbus made a visit to Iceland, he may have 
talked with sailors who were familiar with the tales of the Norse 
sea rovers. 

Division of the Newly Discovered Lands. With the dis¬ 
coveries of Columbus and Vasco da Gama, Spain and Portugal 
became active rivals for the islands and wealth of the Indies. 
To prevent disputes between the two nations, Pope Alexan¬ 
der VI issued a decree dividing the new discoveries. The Pope 
drew an imaginary line north and south through the middle of 
the Atlantic. He announced that all lands west of this line 
should belong to Spain, while all east of it should belong to 
Portugal. The two countries afterwards agreed upon a new 
line, three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde 
Islands. This gave all of the New World to Spain, except‘the 
eastern portion of Brazil. 

Voyages of the Cabots. An active maritime nation like 
England was not likely to accept this division of the New 
World between her rivals, Spain and Portugal. Ignoring the 
Pope’s decree, King Henry VII of England authorized an 
Italian navigator, John Cabot, to explore and take possession of 
“ all newly found ports, countries, and seas, of the East, the 
West, and of the North.” Cabot sailed from Bristol in 1497, 
with one small ship and eighteen men. After a three months’ 
voyage, during which he probably explored the St. Lawrence 
River, Cabot returned with the report that he had reached 
“ the territory of the Grand Khan.” Like Columbus, Cabot 
thought that he had found the Indies. John Cabot made a 
second voyage one year later, perhaps accompanied by his son 
Sebastian. This voyage is a matter of doubt and dispute, 
but the expedition may have explored the North American 
coast from Labrador as far south as Chesapeake Bay. One 
thing is certain: the account book of the frugal King Henry 
contains an entry, “To him who found the New Isle, £10.” 


16 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


Surely not an excessive reward, for upon the Cabot voyages 
England afterwards based her claim to the whole of North 
America. 

The Naming of America. Another explorer who made at 
least three voyages to South America was Americus Vespucius, 

an Italian merchant in the 
employ first of Spain and 
later of Portugal. Vespucius 
wrote interesting letters 
about his travels, and boldly 
claimed that he had discov¬ 
ered a new world. “ I have 
found/’ he wrote, “a con¬ 
tinent more thickly in¬ 
habited by people and ani¬ 
mals than is Europe, Asia, 
or Africa. It might properly 
be called a new world” In 
the year 1507, a geographer 
gave the name America 
to the southern continent 
which, he said, Americus 
had discovered. Gradually the name America was also applied to 
the northern continent, which at last men learned was not India. 

Balboa Discovers the Pacific Ocean, 1513. Another famous 
explorer, Balboa, discovered the Pacific Ocean, which he called 
the South Sea. Balboa was a bankrupt Spanish planter who, 
to escape his creditors, joined an expedition to the Isthmus of 
Panama. While the Spaniards were wrangling with the natives 
over some fifty pounds of gold, one of the Indians lost patience 
and rebuked them for their greed, adding: “I will shewe you a 
region flowing with golde where you may satisfie your ravening 
appetites. . . . When you are passing over these mountaines 
(poynting with his finger towards the south mountaines) you shall 
see another sea where they sayle with ships as big as yours. ” 

In search of this land of gold, Balboa started across the 
Isthmus of Darien (Panama). A difficult march of eighteen 



Americus Vespucius 






17 


Famous World Voyages 






















































































18 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


miles through the dense tropical forest brought him to a moun¬ 
tain peak from which he could see a vast expanse of water. 
Descending to the coast, Balboa waded out into the rising tide 
and claimed possession for Spain of the “ South Sea ” and all 
the shores that it washed. Another honor besides his discovery 
of the Pacific belongs to Balboa, for it was he who first sug¬ 
gested that a canal be dug across the Isthmus of Panama to 
connect the two oceans. 

Magellan Sails Around the World. Columbus had searched 
for a new route to the East, Vespucius and the Cabots had 
touched on a new continent, and Balboa had found a new ocean. 
But the vast extent of the newly discovered region was not 
known until the world voyage of Ferdinand Magellan, a Portu¬ 
guese navigator in the employ of Spain. Magellan was a man 
“ small in stature, who did not appear in himself to be much ” ; 
but he made one of the greatest voyages in the history of 
navigation. It was in September, 1519, that Magellan sailed 
for the west with five wornout ships and a treacherous crew of 
some three hundred men. Passing along the coast of South 
America, he made his way through the straits that bear his 
name, and suddenly came out into a vast expanse of calm 
sea. So marked was the contrast to the stormy Atlantic through 
which he had just passed that he named it the Pacific, that is, 
the Peaceful Ocean. Day after day, week after week, Magellan 
held on his course to the Spice Islands of the East. Sickness and 
starvation reduced his crew, but at last the expedition reached 
the Philippines. Here the heroic commander was killed in battle 
with the natives, and few of his followers ever reached home. 
Only one ship out of five, the Victoria , finally crossed the Indian 
Ocean, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and at last, three 
years out from Spain, sailed with eighteen survivors into the 
port of San Lucar. 

Results of Magellan’s Voyage. Magellan’s voyage had im¬ 
portant results, for his ship had sailed around the entire world. 
It was now settled that the lands discovered by Columbus 
and other navigators were not islands off the coast of Asia, 
but were part of an immense continent, a New World in a 


THE DISCOVERY OF A NEW WORLD 


19 


western hemisphere. The voyage also proved that the ocean 
between America and Asia was by far the largest body of water 
on the globe; and therefore this globe was much larger than 
Toscanelli and Columbus believed. Since Magellan had found 
that there was no passage through the continent south of the 
equator, all further search for this route must be made to the 
north. The next age of explorers, Spanish, French, English, and 
Dutch, gave‘their countrymen clearer ideas about the size of 
the new continent by tracing its coast line and exploring the 
adjacent islands. But they found no northwest passage, no 
fountain of youth, and no cities of gold. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. II. 

Becker, C. L., Beginnings of the American People, pp. 25-30. 
Bourne, E. G., Spain in America (American Nation Series), chs. Ill— 
V, VII, IX. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I, chs. I—II. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. Columbus. Archer, A. B., Stories of Exploration and Dis¬ 
covery, chs. VI-VII ; Ba-rstow, C. L., Explorers and Settlers (Century 
Readings), pp. 15-34 ; Fiske, John, Discovery of America, I, chs. V- 
VI ; Hall, Jennie, Our Ancestors in Europe, pp. 360-368 ; Hart, 
A. B., Editor, American Patriots and Statesmen, I, pp. 36-40 ; Halsey, 
Frank W., Editor, Great Epochs in American History, I, pp. 23-27 ; 
Johnson, W. H., The World’s Discoverers, chs. III-VII. 

2. Magellan. Archer, A. B., Stories of Exploration and Discovery, 
ch. IX ; Fiske, John, Discovery of America, II, ch. VII ; Hall, 
Jennie, Our Ancestors in Europe, pp. 368-375 ; Halsey, Frank W., 
Editor, Great Epochs in American History, I, pp. 82-91 ; Johnson, 
W. H., The World’s Discoverers, chs. XII-XVII. 


CHAPTER III 

SPANISH AND ENGLISH EXPLORATIONS 

Spain’s Progress in the New World. From the voyage of 
Columbus until late in the sixteenth century, the history of 
America is the story of Spanish exploration and conquest. 
During this period, Spain extended her settlements from the 
West Indies and Florida around the east and west coasts of 
South America, and north to the Gulf of California. At first 
the new continent was regarded as little more than an obstacle 
in the path of trade with the Indies. But with the discovery of 
the rich mines of Mexico and Peru, America took on a value of 
its own. It was the lust for gold that led on the Spanish adven¬ 
turers, Ponce de Leon, Cortez, Coronado, and De Soto; it was 
the immense treasure from the New World that became the 
foundation stone of the great Spanish empire of the sixteenth 
century. This same golden stream at length undermined Spanish 
character and industry, and led England to enter the lists 
against Spain in the contest for world empire. 

The West Indies and Florida. The first permanent Spanish 
colony in the New World was on the island of Hispaniola or 
Haiti, where Columbus founded the town of Isabella on the 
north coast. From Haiti as a center, the Spaniards extended 
their dominion over Porte Rico, Jamaica, and Cuba. They next 
set out from the West Indies to explore the mainland of North 
America. The first voyage to the eastern coast of the mainland 
was made by Ponce de Leon, an aged warrior who accompanied 
Columbus on his second voyage, and who remained to seek his 
fortune in the New World. In Porto Rico, Ponce de Leon 
was told of an island to the north where gold abounded, and 
where there was a wonderful fountain whose waters restored 
youth to the aged. Ponce de Leon sailed through the Bahamas 

20 


SPANISH AND ENGLISH EXPLORATIONS 


21 



In search of this island, and on Easter Sunday, 1513, anchored 
off the present site of St. Augustine. Florida, or the Land of 
Flowers, he named the low-lying shore with its mass of green 
foliage; then sailing southward along the coast, he rounded the 
peninsula and went up the* west side. 

The Conquest of Mexico, 1519-1521. The year 1519, fa¬ 
mous in the history of exploration because of Magellan’s 
voyage, also saw the conquest of Mexico. This expedition 
was sent out by the governor of Cuba, and consisted of five 
hundred men under the command of Hernando de Cortez, 
the boldest of Spanish explorers. West of the Gulf of Mexico 
lay the Aztec empire, a military despotism of warlike tribes 
under the rule of a chief named Montezuma. The country was 
rich in gold and silver, and the people were skilled in a crude sort 
of art and architecture. They worked in copper and gold, and 
built splendid stone temples where human sacrifices played an 
important part in their worship. One of the Mexican traditions 
told of a fair god who would come from the east to conquer 














22 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


the gods of darkness. Cortez took advantage of this super¬ 
stition, and after scuttling his ships to destroy all hope of re¬ 
treat, marched upon the capital city of Montezuma’s empire. 
By a mixture of daring and audacity he entered the City of 
Mexico, made the Aztec ruler a prisoner, and added his empire 
to the possessions of Spain. Mexico proved to be the richest 
country found by the Spaniards with the single exception of 
Peru, whose silver mines were seized by Pizarro about ten 
years later. 

Coronado’s Exploration of the Southwest, 1540-1542. 

Mexico in turn succeeded the West Indies as the starting point 
of new exploring expeditions. From Mexico, the Spanish 
leader Coronado marched across the deserts of Arizona until 
he finally reached New Mexico. Here he found that the “ Seven 
Cities ” of which he had heard such wonderful reports were 
merely Pueblo villages of the Zuni Indians, with their curious, 
many-roomed houses of mud and stones. There was no gold, 
s>nd so Coronado continued northward. He discovered the 
Grand Canon of the Colorado, and pushed on to a point near 
the center of Kansas. Discouraged at last, Coronado began the 
march back to Mexico. He had found neither gold nor wealthy 
kingdoms, but by exploring a vast extent of country, his expedi¬ 
tion gave the Spaniards some knowledge of the Southwest. 

Discovery of the Mississippi, 1541. While Coronado was 
wandering over what is now the state of Kansas, another 
Spaniard was exploring the country a few hundred miles toward 
the southeast. Hernando de Soto, a distinguished soldier and 
governor of Cuba, was commissioned by the king to conquer 
and settle the whole region now included in the southern part 
of the United States. Landing at Tampa Bay with a force of 
six hundred men, De Soto marched through a part of what is 
now Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi to western 
Tennessee. Here the expedition came to “a great river, alwaies 
muddie, down which there came continually manie trees and 
timbers.” It was the Mississippi, the Father of Waters. Cross¬ 
ing the river near the present site of Memphis, De Soto con¬ 
tinued an uncertain wandering toward the west. Next year the 


SPANISH AND ENGLISH EXPLORATIONS 


23 


heroic leader died, and his body, weighted with sand, was buried 
in the river that he had discovered. His followers managed to 
build seven rude boats in which they floated down the river to 
the sea, then along the Gulf Coast to Mexico. Thus ended, 
more than four years after the start from Tampa Bay, the 
greatest exploring expedition in the history of North America. 

St. Augustine, Our Oldest City. The Spanish government 
sent Menendez, an able but merciless leader, to colonize Florida. 
He found a colony of French Protestants or Huguenots located 
near the mouth of the St. John’s River. Enraged because the 
French had made a settlement in what Spain considered her 
lawful territory, Menendez captured and put to the sword nearly 
all of the French colonists. He then built a fort, and the settle¬ 
ment around it became the oldest city in the United States, 
St. Augustine (1565). 

Spain’s Empire in the New World. By the middle of the 
sixteenth century, Spanish pathfinders had explored the Atlantic 
coast from Nova Scotia to Cape Horn, and the Pacific coast 
from the Straits of Magellan north to Oregon. They had 
conquered the empire of the Aztecs in Mexico and that of the 
Incas in Peru, and the wealth of their mines became the 
foundation of Spain’s power in Europe. The southwestern 
part of what is now the United States had been visited by 
Coronado and De Soto; while other Spanish adventurers had 
explored the interior of South America. Spain’s empire in the 
New World was organized into two kingdoms : (1) New Spain, 
comprising the West Indies and the mainland north of the 
Isthmus of Panama; and (2) Peru, which included the isthmus 
and all territory to the south, except Brazil. Spain claimed but 
did not develop the northern region afterwards settled by 
Englishmen. The gold of the regions to the south was the lure 
which drew the Spanish explorers away from the north. 

Religion and Education — the Spanish Missions. The work 
of converting the natives to Christianity followed close upon 
the conquest of their country. The old temples and idols were 
destroyed, and every town was required to have its church and 
hospital, besides a school where the Indian children were 


24 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 



instructed in the Spanish language and in the Roman Catholic 
religion. In the outlying districts, missions were established 
where the Indians were taught to read, and trained to peaceful 

and industrious 


lives. Colonists 
soon came to 
group themselves 
about the mis¬ 
sions, which 
gradually devel¬ 
oped into settle¬ 
ments. In this 
way the missions 
served both to 
convert the na¬ 
tives, and to 
form the out¬ 
posts of an ad¬ 
vancing coloni¬ 
zation. The mis¬ 
sions spread from 
California and 
Texas to Para¬ 
guay and Chile; 
and many places 
in the southwest¬ 
ern part of our 
country are to¬ 
day named from 
them. 

Many institu¬ 
tions of higher 
learning were es¬ 
tablished in Spanish America at a very early date. The first 
college was founded in the City of Mexico in 1535, and others 
soon followed. Both in numbers and in the standard of work 


Mission San Luis Rey, near San Diego, California 

These Missions were established wherever the Indians 
were to be Christianized. The Indians themselves built 
the churches under the direction of the Mission Fathers. 
Though differing in design from each other, the churches 
almost uniformly inclosed courtyards ornamented with 
fountains and decorated with trees and shrubbery along 
the cloisters. 


done, the Mexican colleges of the sixteenth century probably 







SPANISH AND ENGLISH EXPLORATIONS 


25 


surpassed those of English America until the nineteenth century. 
The printing press was introduced in Mexico in 1536; imposing 
public buildings were constructed, such as colleges and hospitals; 
while throughout New Spain there were larger and wealthier 
cities than anywhere in the English colonies. Thus the Spaniards 
did a great work in giving to a large part of the New World the 
benefit of their own culture and civilization. Although Spain’s 
colonies finally threw off her rule and became independent, 
they have kept her language and her religion as a permanent 
heritage. 

How Spain Governed Her Empire. Neither Spain nor her 
colonies knew the meaning of self-government. New Spain and 
Peru were ruled by viceroys who were the personal repre¬ 
sentatives of the Spanish monarch. Their power was nearly 
absolute, although there was an appointive council which 
helped to decide certain questions. Laws for Spanish America 
were made by the king of Spain through the Council of the 
Indies. This body was appointed by the king, and had full 
legislative and judicial powers over the colonies. 

By the year 1574, one hundred and sixty thousand Spaniards 
were living in the New World. They had founded two hundred 
towns and cities, while eight thousand Indian villages were under 
their rule. Most of the Indians had been converted to a nominal 
Christianity; but after their baptism they were shown no mercy 
by the gold-loving Spaniards. Compelled to work in the mines 
for six; or eight months of each year, the Indians found it impos¬ 
sible to pay the tribute exacted by their conquerors. Disease 
and overwork threatened to exterminate the natives; and in 
1502 Spain began to import the stronger blacks of Africa to 
take their places. Spain kept a monopoly of the trade with her 
colonies, for it was taken for granted that they were planted 
for the benefit of the mother country. Harsh and absolute 
as was Spain’s colonial policy, it did not differ greatly from 
that of other European nations except that the Spanish system 
was more strictly enforced. Spain’s colonies suffered not so 
much because the mother country meant to oppress them, 
as from the unwise laws which sacrificed colonial interests in 


26 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


order to protect Spain’s manufactures and trade. At times, too, 
the Spanish colonists were the victims of unscrupulous officials 
sent over to rule them. 

The Beginning of Spain’s Decline. Spain reached the height 
of her power in the sixteenth century. The immense treasure 
from Mexico and Peru made it possible for Charles V and 
Philip II to carry on long wars, and gave Spain great prestige at 
the courts of Europe. But the wealth which appeared to be the 
source of Spain’s greatness was in reality the cause of her decay. 
The treasure from the colonies drew the Spaniards away from 
sober industrial pursuits, and encouraged the spirit of specula¬ 
tion and adventure. Manufactures and agriculture were 
neglected, and Spain became more and more dependent upon 
other countries for the necessaries of life. By the year 1560, only 
about one twentieth of the commodities which Spain exported 
to her colonies were produced in the mother country. 

The Rise of England as a World Power. The treasure which 
enfeebled Spain was promoting England’s industries and 
commerce. English manufacturers were producing a large part 
of the clothing, furniture, and other supplies used by the 
Spaniards. With the growth of her industries and of a powerful 
middle class of artisans and merchants, England’s rising power 
began to threaten the supremacy of Spain. King Henry VIII 
and later, Queen Elizabeth, built up the English navy, making 
the vessels larger and stronger, and arming them with heavier 
guns. Enriched by the treasure won from Spain, England 
developed a powerful fleet manned by the best sailors in Europe. 

England had done nothing up to this time to follow up the 
discoveries of the Cabots, in fact she had allowed their voyages 
to become almost forgotten. At last the island kingdom began 
to show an interest in the affairs of the New World. The first 
clash between Spain and England came when the Spanish king 
refused to allow any outsiders to trade with the West Indies. 
Queen Elizabeth won the enmity of Spain by permitting her 
famous sea captains to harass the West Indies, where they 
plundered the Spanish settlements and captured the treasure 
ships bound for Spain. 


SPANISH AND ENGLISH EXPLORATIONS 


27 


The Early English “ Sea Dogs” John Hawkins was the 
first English mariner to come into conflict with the Spaniards 
by interfering with their monopoly of trade in the West Indies. 
The planters and gold-seekers of New Spain needed cheap labor ; 
negroes were plentiful in Africa, and Hawkins did not propose 
to forego the profits on a cargo of slaves merely because Spain 
claimed a monopoly of the trade with her colonies. After two 
profitable ventures to Haiti in 
his good bark, the Jesus, Hawkins 
met with disaster on the third 
voyage. His little fleet of nine 
ships was driven by storm into 
the harbor of Vera Cruz, where 
the Spanish commander first 
promised protection, then made 
a treacherous attack. Only two 
of the English ships escaped, one 
of which was commanded by 
Francis Drake, a Devonshire lad 
of twenty years. 

Drake devoted his life from 
this time on to privateering, and 
his name became a terror to the 
Spaniards. He made many voyages across the Atlantic, plunder¬ 
ing the Spanish settlements and galleons. When the Spaniards 
redoubled their vigilance in the West Indies, Drake determined 
to raid the unguarded settlements on the Pacific coast. With 
five ships he sailed along the eastern coast of South America 
and passed through the Straits of Magellan. Following the 
coast northward, he plundered the ports of Chile and Peru, 
and captured many Spanish vessels. Drake lost all of his ships 
except the Pelican, which he renamed the Golden Hind because 
of the immense booty of gold and pearls with which it was 
laden. He knew that he could not return home the way he had 
come, for the Spaniards were waiting for him along the South 
American coast and at the Straits of Magellan. So he sailed 
northward in search of a passage to the Atlantic, and coasted 





28 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


along California as far as Oregon. Disappointed at not 
finding a passage through the continent, Drake turned westward 
across the Pacific Ocean, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and 
in September, 1580, his weather-beaten and weed-clogged ship 
sailed into Plymouth Harbor. Soon afterwards Queen Elizabeth 
came to dinner on board the Golden Hind, and showed her 
pleasure over Drake’s exploit by knighting him in the presence 
of his men. 

Defeat of the Spanish Armada, 1588. Drake’s operations 
added to the glory of England and won him the favor of Queen 
Elizabeth, but they made the Spaniards more and more hostile. 
Not only had England become the dreaded enemy of Spain on 
the sea, but she was aiding the brave little nation of the Nether ¬ 
lands in its heroic struggle against Spanish tyranny. Moreover, 
England was the principal Protestant country of Europe, while 
Philip II was the foremost ruler of a Catholic kingdom. At a 
time when the Catholic world was enraged at Elizabeth be¬ 
cause of her execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, Philip determined 
to invade and conquer England. In 1588, there appeared in the 
English Channel the “ Invincible Armada,” an immense fleet 
of warships carrying an army of thirty thousand men. The 
English ships which met the Spanish fleet were smaller but much 
swifter; they were armed with heavier guns and manned by the 
best sailors in the world. Howard, Drake, Hawkins, Frobisher, 
Grenville, and other naval heroes were present and joined in 
the battle. Many of the Spanish vessels were sunk, others were 
destroyed by storm, and scarcely more than half of the fleet 
escaped back to Spain. It was a tremendous victory for the 
power destined to become the “ Mistress of the Seas. ” The 
naval power of Spain received a deadly blow, important in 
American history because from this time on, England could 
found colonies and conduct explorations without fear of Spain. 

The First English Settlements. Nearly twenty years before 
the Great Armada was destroyed, Queen Elizabeth had shown 
her interest in colonization by granting to Sir Humphrey Gil¬ 
bert a patent for trade and settlement in any lands not already 
held by a Christian prince. Gilbert reached the harbor of 


SPANISH AND ENGLISH EXPLORATIONS 


29 


St. John’s, Newfoundland, and took possession of the island in the 
name of his queen. The colony did not prosper, and the brave 
Gilbert lost his life in a terrific storm on the return voyage. The 
work begun by Gilbert was carried on by his half-brother, Sir 
Walter Raleigh, an accomplished courtier who had won his way 
to the heart of Queen Elizabeth. Raleigh sent to the West 
Indies an exploring party 
which captured several 
Spanish ships, then sailed 
northward to the shore of 
what is now North Carolina. 

The expedition brought 
back such favorable reports 
of the region that Elizabeth, 
in honor of herself as a vir¬ 
gin queen, called the coun¬ 
try Virginia. 

Raleigh’s “Lost Colony.” 

The next year Raleigh sent 
a number of settlers to found 
a colony on Roanoke Island. 

Disheartened after a year 
of hardships, they took ad¬ 
vantage of Sir Francis 
Drake’s visit to the colony 
to return with him to Eng¬ 
land. Undaunted by this 
failure, Raleigh sent out another expedition of three ships and 
one hundred and fifty colonists, among whom were a score of 
women and children. They intended to settle in the Chesapeake 
Bay district, but on reaching Roanoke Island the pilot refused 
to continue the voyage, so a landing was made. Virginia Dare 
was born here a few days later, the first English child to be 
born on the soil of the United States. Virginia’s grandfather, 
the leader of the party, was obliged to return to England for 
supplies, and because of the threatened Spanish invasion could 
not revisit the colony until four years later. He found the 


From a de Medici print at the Boston 
Museum of Fine Arts after a painting by 
Zuccaro. 



Sir Walter Raleigh at the Age of Thirty 




30 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


island deserted and the fort in ruins; the only clue to the 
mystery was the word “ Croatoan” carved on a tree. This was 
the name of a friendly tribe of Indians on an island near by, so 
it was thought that the colonists might have taken refuge with 
them. No trace was ever found of little Virginia Dare or the 
lost colony. 

Raleigh kept up his interest in America even after his im¬ 
prisonment in the Tower of London on a false charge of treason. 
He was the true parent of English colonization in America, and 
spent over $200,000 of his own fortune on colonizing expeditions. 
Later, finding the burden too heavy for one individual, he sold 
his trading rights in Virginia to a company of merchants. Just 
before his imprisonment, Raleigh wrote of this country: 
“ I shall yet live to see it an English nation.” 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, chs. II—III. 

Becker, C. L., Beginnings of the American People, pp. 30-36. 
Bourne, E. G., Spain in America, chs. X-XV. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I, chs. III-V. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, I, ch. IV. 
Tyler, L. G., England in America (American Nation Series), chs. I—II. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Drake, S. A., The Making of the Great West, pp. 1-45. 

Hall, Jennie, Our Ancestors in Europe, pp. 379-388. 

Johnson, W. H., Pioneer Spaniards in North America, pp. 193-253. 
Johnson, W. H., The World’s Discoverers, chs. XXIII-XXVI. 
Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, ch. II. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Conquest of Mexico. Archer, A. B., Stories of Explora¬ 
tion and Discovery, ch. X ; Fiske, John, Discovery of America, II, 
eh. VIII ; Prescott, William H., Conquest of Mexico. 

2. De Soto. Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American History, 
ch. VII ; Great Epochs of American History, I, pp. 147-155 ; Hig- 


SPANISH AND ENGLISH EXPLORATIONS 


31 


ginson, T. W., Book of American Explorers, ch. VI ; Parkman, 
Francis, Struggle for a Continent, pp. 7-10. 

3. Sir Francis Drake. Archer, A. B., Stories of Exploration and 
Discovery, chs. XIII-XIV; Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American 
History, ch. IX ; Great Epochs of American History, I, pp. 156-167 ; 
Johnson, W. H., The World's Discoverers, chs. XXIII-XXVI. 



Stone Marking the Site of Old Fort 
Raleigh, the First Settlement of the 
English Race in America 





CHAPTER IV 


FRENCH AND DUTCH EXPLORATIONS 


The Early French Fishermen. While the Spanish adventur¬ 
ers were exploring the West Indies and the southern part of 
North America, French fishermen had found a profitable in¬ 
dustry off the Newfoundland coast. The people of Europe 
at that time had more than one hundred fast days in the year, 
and so there was an enormous demand for fish. When John 
Cabot reported that the waters he had explored were swarming 
with cod and salmon, the hardy fishermen of western Europe 
set sail for the banks of Newfoundland. Fishermen from the 
ports of St. Malo and Dieppe were among the first to reach 
this region, prpbably about the year 1504. They built huts 
along the coast) of Newfoundland, made immense hauls of cod 
off the Grand Banks, and searched the northern waters for 
seals and whales. These early voyages were of slight geograph¬ 
ical importance, but they drew the attention of France to 
Canada, and paved the way for her future explorations. 

France Enters on the Work of Exploration, 1524. The king of 
France finally sent out a Florentine navigator, Verrazano, to 
discover new lands and to search for a northwest passage to 
Asia. Verrazano reached the coast of the Carolinas, then sailed 
northward, exploring Chesapeake Bay, New York harbor, 
and the New England coast. Ten years later, Jacques Cartier, 
a master pilot of St. Malo, sailed from France to continue 
the search for the northwest passage. Cartier went up the 
St. Lawrence River as far as the present site of Quebec, and 
found this region “ as fair as was ever seen.” He sailed on up the 
St. Lawrence until he reached Lachine Rapids, the head of navi¬ 
gation from the sea; the near-by island mountain he named Mont 
Royal, or Montreal. Cartier failed to find a northwest passage, 

32 



FRENCH AND DUTCH EXPLORATIONS 


33 


and his settlement at Quebec lasted little more than a year; 
but France afterwards based her claim to the valley of the 
St. Lawrence upon his voyage. 

Samuel de Champlain, the Father of New France. It was 
reserved for one greater than Cartier to establish French power 
in the New World. This was the mission of Samuel de Cham¬ 
plain, the intrepid explorer who well deserves his title, “ the 
Father of New France.” Champlain made his first trip up the 
St. Lawrence in 1603, follow¬ 
ing the route taken by Cartier 
nearly seventy years before. 

Later he visited the Isle of St. 

Croix, and helped to establish 
at Port Royal the first perma¬ 
nent French settlement in 
North America. Acadia was 
the name given to this iso¬ 
lated peninsula between the 
Bay of Fundy and the At¬ 
lantic ; and with the occupa¬ 
tion of Acadia, the land im¬ 
mortalized by Longfellow, the 
history of New France begins. 

This was in the opening years 
of the seventeenth century, 
before the English had come 
to Jamestown, and before 
there were any settlements in North America except those 
made by Spain. 

The Founding of Quebec. On his first St. Lawrence voyage, 
Champlain saw with a soldier’s eye that the towering rock of 
Quebec was an ideal location for a fortress to guard the door of 
a vast continent. Commissioned as governor of New France, 
he sailed in 1608 to establish on this lofty cliff the colony destined 
to become the stronghold of French power in America. It was a 
splendid site for a colony; it commanded the Indian traffic of 
an immense drainage basin, and was well located for sending out 



Samuel de Champlain 

From a painting by Th. Hamel, 
after the Moncornet portrait. 






34 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


exploring parties into the interior. From Quebec, Champlain 
led several expeditions up the Saguenay and Ottawa rivers. He 
also explored the region around Lake Champlain, and reached 
the shores of Lake Huron while vainly seeking a western water¬ 
way through the continent. For many years the few settlers at 
Quebec endured untold hardships of cold, hunger, and scurvy. 
The fortress was captured by the English in 1629, when Cham¬ 
plain had only sixteen soldiers for its defense; but it was restored 
to France three years later. Quebec remained the citadel of 
New France for a century and a half, until the brave General 
Wolfe led a British army to the final victory on the Plains of 
Abraham. 

Characteristics of French Colonization. Great colonizer as 

he was, Champlain failed in his efforts to make New France an 
agricultural country. The company that controlled the colony 
developed the most obvious source of wealth, the fur trade, but 
neglected the cultivation of a reluctant soil. Fishermen, trap¬ 
pers, soldiers, and roaming adventurers were not the men to lay 
the sure foundations of a permanent empire. Conquest, explora¬ 
tion, missionary zeal, and above all, the fur trade, were the 
motives of French colonization in America. These aims explain 
the failure of France in her conflict with the sturdy Englishmen 
who came with their families to find homes in the western 
wilderness. Then too, the company which had a monopoly 
of French trade in the New World forbade the Huguenots, or 
French Protestants, to enter Canada. Thus France, like Spain, 
shut out from her New World possessions the very class of men 
who would gladly have sought refuge with their families from 
the intolerance and persecution of the Old World. 

Champlain and the Iroquois. In spite of his tact, Champlain 
made one of the most serious mistakes of early colonization. 
To please the Algonquin Indians of the St. Lawrence region, he 
consented to join one of their frequent war parties against the 
Iroquois, a confederacy of Five Nations living in New York and 
northeastern Pennsylvania. Near the later site of Fort Ticon- 
deroga, Champlain and his Indian allies easily routed the 
Iroquois, who were unacquainted with the white man’s weapons. 


FRENCH AND DUTCH EXPLORATIONS 


35 


In the end it proved a costly victory, for the Iroquois never 
forgave the French. In revenge for their defeat, Iroquois war¬ 
riors made repeated attacks on the Hurons, driving them from 
their homes to the southern shores of Lake Superior; and they 
annihilated the Algonquin tribes of the St. Lawrence Valley. 
Their war parties raided the French settlements, interrupted 
the fur trade, and constantly menaced Montreal and even 



Champlain’s Attack on the Iroquois Fort 

After the original in Champlain’s Nouvelle France. 


Quebec itself. Most important of all, the Iroquois tribes formed 
a living barrier protecting the Dutch and English settlers, who 
supplied them with firearms and stirred them up to bloody forays 
against the common foe. Even the Jesuit missionaries, so 
successful with the Indians of the north, could not soften these 
fierce hearts. One of the last acts of Champlain’s life was to 
petition Cardinal Richelieu for men and arms in order that he 
might repel the merciless attacks of the Iroquois. 





36 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


The Discovery of Lake Michigan. Himself the boldest of 
explorers, Champlain was anxious to learn as much as pos¬ 
sible about the inhabitants and country of New France. He 
decided to train some of his young men in the language of 
the Canadian Indians, and have them learn Indian life at first 
hand by living among the different tribes. One Jean Nicolet, 
who had lived sixteen years with the Indians, was sent by 
Champlain to investigate the report of a large body of water 
toward the west. Nicolet penetrated to Lake Michigan and 
followed its western shore as far as Green Bay, but failed to 
reach the Mississippi River. 

The Jesuits in Canada. Jesuit priests, members of the 
ancient and powerful Order of Jesus, came to the aid of 
soldier-explorers like Champlain. The aim of the French Jesuits 
was to convert the whftle native population to Christianity, 

a heroic task which these 
black-robed priests took up 
with the zeal of the Cru¬ 
sader. The Jesuits led the 
van of French colonization 
in Canada; but when suc¬ 
cess seemed almost won, 
their missions and Indian 
converts were swept aside 
by the Iroquois avalanche. 

Discovery of the Missis¬ 
sippi River, 1673. The 
most famous of these early 
priests and explorers was 
Father Marquette, who lived 
in a Jesuit mission on the 
Straits of Mackinac. Mar¬ 
quette determined to search 
for the Mississippi River, of which he had heard a vague ac¬ 
count from his Indian converts. In company with Louis Joliet, 
Marquette passed from Lake Michigan into the Fox River, 
then by a portage to the Wisconsin. The explorers paddled 



The Statue of Marquette at Marquette, 
Michigan 





FRENCH AND DUTCH EXPLORATIONS 


37 


their canoes down this river to the Mississippi, following its 
course to the mouth of the Arkansas. Fearing capture by the 
Spaniards if they went on to the Gulf region, they retraced 
their course. Marquette had discovered the important fact 
that the Mississippi did not empty into the' South Sea, as 
had been supposed, and hence did not form a highway across 
the continent. 

La Salle Claims Louisiana for France, 1682. At Champlain’s 
death in 1635, France could claim from his explorations and 
those of his followers the country as far west as Wisconsin. It 
remained for the greatest of French pathfinders, La Salle, to 
add the Mississippi Valley to New France. Inspired by Mar¬ 
quette’s voyage down the Mississippi, La Salle decided to visit 
the wilderness through which the “ Father of Waters ” ran its 
course. He had a vision of a chain of forts and trading stations 
along all the inland waterways from Quebec to the mouth of the 
Mississippi, forming a mighty bulwark for the empire of New 
France. La Salle discovered the Ohio River in 1670; and 
twelve years later, after many mishaps, the intrepid explorer 
found his way to the mouth of the Mississippi. He had reached 
that river by way of Lake Michigan, the Chicago portage, and 
the Illinois River. La Salle took formal possession of all the 
vast basin drained by the Mississippi, naming the country 
Louisiana in honor of Louis XIV, king of France. 

On returning to Quebec, La Salle learned that he had been 
deprived of his command, so he went to France to lay his case 
before the king. Louis XIV listened with delight to the story 
of his explorations. By way of reward, the king authorized him 
to plant colonies in Louisiana, and made him governor of the 
entire region between Lake Michigan and the Gulf of Mexico. 
La Salle then set sail for Louisiana, intending to enter the 
Mississippi by way of the Gulf of Mexico. His pilots missed 
their way, and one of the ships was captured by the Spaniards, 
while the others took refuge in Matagorda Bay, far to the west 
of their destination. In desperate plight, La Salle finally set out 
on horses obtained from the natives, hoping to reach Canada 
overland and secure reinforcements. But the end of his explora- 


38 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 



-Cartier 

.Hudson 

—o—La Salle 

-— Verrazano 

1 Champlain 
+ + + + Marquette and Joliet 


French and Dutch Explorations 


The Indian settlements at Tadousac and Hochelaga (Montreal) which Car- 
tier found on his first voyage had disappeared before Champlain’s expedition, 
1603. The palace and fort built by Cartier at Charlesbourg were located at 
Cap Rouge, nine miles above Stadacona, which became Quebec, 1608. 

The rapids of the St. Lawrence above Montreal were named Lachine 
(La Chine, the French for “China”) because the explorers thought the north¬ 
west passage had been found. 


tions was at hand, for on reaching the bank of Trinity River, the 
great pathfinder was shot from ambush by one of his own 
mutinous followers. 

The French Empire in North America. At the beginning of 

the eighteenth century, a greater New France was held together 
by a chain of forts and trading stations extending along the Great 
Lakes and down the Mississippi River. On the Great Lakes the 



















FRENCH AND DUTCH EXPLORATIONS 


39 


most important post was Detroit, controlling Lake Erie and the 
tributaries to the Ohio River. New Orleans was founded in 
1718 at the mouth of the Mississippi, and soon became an 
important center of trade. France held secure possession of the 
St. Lawrence Valley, forming with the Great Lakes a natural 
highway through the heart of the continent; and she claimed 
dominion over the entire Mississippi Basin. The French pos¬ 
sessions in North America, to which the general name of New 
France is given, comprised three geographical divisions : 

(1) Acadia, including New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and a 
part of Maine, with its principal colony at Port Royal. 

(2) New France proper, the river valley of the St. Lawrence 
and the country surrounding the Great Lakes. Its central 
settlement was Quebec. 

(3) Louisiana, the great basin of the Mississippi River, 
with its entrance guarded by the fort at New Orleans. 

The Dutch in Search of a Northwest Passage. At the 
beginning of the seventeenth century, Holland was a sturdy 
little nation which had won its independence from Spain, and 
was becoming one of the chief trading nations of Europe. Dutch 
ships and sailors were found on every sea, although their chief 
trading center was the East Indies. A large trading company, 
the Dutch East India Company, was attempting to find a new 
route to the East either by sailing around the north of Europe, 
or by means of a northwest passage through the American 
continent. With this object in view, the company engaged the 
services of an Englishman, Henry Hudson. 

In his famous ship, the Half Moon, Hudson visited the 
coast of Maine, sailed south as far as Virginia, then northward 
again, exploring Delaware Bay, and at last cast anchor inside of 
Sandy Hook (1609). After carefully exploring the Narrows, 
Hudson navigated his ship into the upper bay, then into the 
mouth of the river that bears his name. He sailed northward 
for eleven days, delighted with the wonderful scenery of the 
Hudson, and hoping that he had found a passage to the Pacific 
Ocean. But the Half Moon could not proceed above the site 
of modern Albany; and a boat party which went eight leagues 


40 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


farther up the river reported that no open sea lay beyond. Be¬ 
fore starting on his return voyage, Hudson invited a party of 
Indians on board the Half Moon, and “ gave them much wine 
and aqua-vitce, that they were all merrie. In the ende one of 
them was drunke. ” This celebration marked the beginning 
of friendly relations between the Iroquois and the Dutch in 
the very year that Champlain and the French incurred their 
lasting enmity. 

The Dutch Colony of New Netherland. When Hudson 
reported to his employers the abundance of fur-bearing animals 
in the region he had explored, they decided that it would be a 
good place for trading posts and settlements. So a trading 
company known as the Dutch West India Company was 
formed to take control of the territory on the Hudson River. 
The first settlers came to Manhattan Island in 1623, and a few 
years later Peter Minuit bought the entire island from the 
Indians for cloth and trinkets worth about twenty-four dollars. 
Fort Amsterdam was built on the southern extremity of the 
island, and became the home of the despotic governors who 
ruled New Netherland. Some of the settlers went to Fort 
Orange near the present city of Albany, while others spread 
southward to Delaware and Connecticut. New Netherland did 
not prosper as a colony. The Dutch West India Company 
was interested only in the fur trade, and would not spend 
the money necessary to develop its colony. Moreover, the 
Dutch had settled on land that had been granted to the Lon¬ 
don and Plymouth companies by James I; and within half a 
century, New Netherland was destined to pass under English 
rule. 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 72-76. 

Becker, C. L., Beginnings of the American People, pp. 36-40. 
Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I, ch. IV. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, I, ch. V. 
Thwaites, R. G., France in America (American Nation Series), chs. 
I-V. 


FRENCH AND DUTCH EXPLORATIONS 


41 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Baldwin, James, Discovery of the Old Northwest. 

Drake, S. A., The Making of the Great West, pp. 85-123. 

Hart, A. B., Editor, American Patriots and Statesmen, I, pp. 126-130. 
Johnson, W. H., French Pathfinders in North America, chs. IV, VIII- 
XIV, XXX-XXXII. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. Champlain. Archer, A. B., Stories of Exploration and Dis¬ 
covery, ch. XVIII ; Channing, E., and Lansing, M. F., Story of the 
Great Lakes, ch. II ; Higginson, T. W., Book of American Explorers, 
ch. XII ; Parkman, Francis, Struggle for a Continent, pp. 83-124 ; 
Sedfwick, H. D., Samuel de Champlain (Riverside Biographical 
Series). 

2. The Jesuits in America. Channing, E., and Lansing, M. F., 
Story of the Great Lakes, ch. Ill ; Parkman, Francis, Struggle for a 
Continent, pp. 130-135, 149-156. 

3. La Salle. Channing, E., and Lansing, M. F., Story of the Great 
Lakes, ch. VI ; Fiske, John, Discovery of America, II, pp. 532-537 ; 
Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American History, ch. XIX ; Great 
Epochs of American History, I, pp. 199-206 ; Parkman, Francis, 
Struggle for a Continent, pp. 186-222. 


CHAPTER V 


EARLY AMERICA —THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 

The Climate of North America. The early discoverers and 
explorers learned that the continent of North America was in 
general outline a huge triangle, with its base in the arctic region, 
and its apex in the tropics. This meant that the larger part of 
its area lay in higher latitudes, ruled by a somewhat severe 
climate. The first colonists naturally supposed that the climate 
of North America would be like that part of Europe lying in the 
same latitude. They could not know that the Gulf Stream 
carries the heat of the Gulf of Mexico away from North America 
to warm the shores of western Europe. Since the Massachusetts 
colonists were in the same latitude as southern France, they were 
surprised to find a winter climate much like that of Norway and 
Sweden. These cold winters cost the early settlers intense 
suffering and many lives. In the long run, this rather severe 
climate was an advantage; the people of New England proved 
no exception to the rule that colder climates are more likely 
to develop a hardy and vigorous race. 

Area and Waterways. The vast extent of the new continent 
was another matter of surprise. The early explorers expected to 
find a land of about the same size as Europe; wher 2 as North 
America with its 8,500,000 square miles of area was more than 
twice as large as the continent from which they came. This mis¬ 
taken notion led to the exploration of rivers like the James, the 
Hudson, and the St. Lawrence, in search of a northwest passage 
to Cathay. But although no waterway was found across the 
continent, there was a splendid network of rivers leading far 
into the interior. Trappers and fur traders paddled their birch- 
bark canoes up the courses of these rivers, leading the van of 
colonization and settlement. Trading posts were usually 

42 


EARLY AMERICA —THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 43 


established at the head of navigation, as at Hartford on the 
Connecticut, Albany on the Hudson, and Richmond on the 
James. From these centers, individual traders pushed still 
farther west, bartering with the Indians for furs. In this way 
the traders became the pioneers in the westward movement. 
They explored the unknown regions, discovered the best means 
of reaching the interior, and told their countrymen what lands 
were best suited to settlement. 

Forests and Animal Life. The first European settlers found 
an almost unbroken sheet of forest along the Atlantic coast, 
and extending westward to the Mississippi. The dense forest 
was both a hardship and a blessing. Clearing the land in order 
to plant crops meant the hardest kind of toil; at the same 
time, it meant a bountiful supply of fuel and building material. 
Masts for all the shipbuilding countries in Europe were soon 
being cut from the splendid forests of the new continent; while 
the New England settlers built ships both for their own use, 
and for sale in Europe and in the treeless West Indies. Then too, 
the struggle for existence was made easier by the abundance of 
forest game, such as deer, elk, wild geese, and turkeys. To the 
early settlers as to the Indians, the deer was a staple source 
of food and clothing; and the beaver, otter, sable, and other 
fur-bearing animals yielded rich returns to the hunter and 
trapper. Another animal found in large numbers was the 
buffalo, which roamed in immense herds over the region between 
the Alleghenies and the Mississippi. The waters of the North 
Atlantic teemed with codfish, mackerel, and herring; hence 
fishing soon became one of New England’s chief industries. 

The Appalachian Barrier and Its Effects. When the first 
English settlers can^e to America, they found the Spaniards 
holding the islands and seas of the south, while the French 
claimed the St. Lawrence region; so that the English could 
occupy only the narrow strip of lowland between the Atlantic 
coast and the Appalachian Mountains. It was really a matter 
of good fortune that they were long confined to this narrow 
strip of territory. With a mountain barrier on the west, and 
with hostile powers at the north and south, the English colonies 


44 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 



became of necessity more compactly settled. Their people 
tilled the soil, built schools and churches, developed repre¬ 
sentative governments, and established permanent homes. 
All this was in sharp contrast with New France, where a few 
settlers were scattered over a vast area, too large to be suc¬ 
cessfully defended. 

The Routes across the Barrier. More than a century passed 
after the first settlement at Jamestown before the English 


Courtesy of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington. 

Navajo Blanket Weaving 


colonists began to push westward through the passes of the 
Appalachian barrier. At the north, the valleys of the Hudson 
and the Mohawk formed a natural highway through this 
mountain wall; but this route was closed to the early settlers 
by the Iroquois Indians. A second route was through southern 
Pennsylvania to the Monongahela, and along its course to the 
Ohio River; while a third route was by way of the Appalachian 
Valley to the southwest, and out through the Cumberland 



EARLY AMERICA— THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 45 

Gap or the valley of the Tennessee into the open country 
beyond. 

This southern route was much used at first, but when better 
roads were built, the route through Pennsylvania became 
the great highway. Soon the city of Pittsburgh, at the junction 
of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers, became the gateway 
of the West. On reaching the Ohio, the settlers could make the 
rest of their journey by water, following this river or its branches 
to their new homes. The beginning of the American Revolution 
found a host of pioneers crossing the Appalachian Mountains 
into the Mississippi Valley. These frontiersmen found before 
them the vast interior plains of the continent, stretching west¬ 
ward for thousands of miles. There was no other barrier to 
westward expansion except the lofty Rocky Mountains, and 
farther toward the Pacific, the Sierra Nevada and Coast Ranges. 

The Natives of North America. When Columbus discovered 
the Bahama Islands, he also discovered a race of men unknown 
to the world before his time. Later explorers found the Indians, 
as Columbus named the natives, inhabiting the continent and 
islands of both North and South America. The Indians were 
usually tall in stature; they had high cheek bones, small, deep- 
set eyes, and long black hair; their skin was brown or copper 
colored, so that they are sometimes incorrectly called “ Red 
Men.” They did not lead a nomadic life, but occupied fairly 
definite areas; such migrations as occurred were usually due to 
the pressure of stronger tribes, or to the desire to find better 
hunting grounds. When Columbus first landed, about five 
hundred thousand Indians were living on the North American 
continent, one half of whom dwelt east of the Mississippi River. 

Origin of the Indian Race. Many attempts have been made 
to explain how a race separate and distinct from any other in 
the world came to be found in America. Because extensive 
mounds and earthworks were found in the Mississippi and 
Ohio river valleys, it was once thought that an earlier people 
called the “ Mound Builders ” used to inhabit the continent. 
These mounds were sometimes raised embankments, sometimes 
square or circular inclosures, and sometimes earthworks made 


46 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


to resemble an animal that was held in special veneration. We 
know to-day that the Mound Builders were not a distinct race 
of people, but were the ancestors of the Indians themselves. 
At some very early period, North America was probably peopled 
from Asia, with which our continent was once connected. So 
our Indians may be descended from men whose earlier home 
was in Asia. 

Semi-civilized Indian Peoples. In the days of Columbus, the 
Indians who had made most progress toward civilization were 



Hopi Indian Village or Community House 

Built on the cliff above the Grand Canon, Arizona. Note the blankets being 
woven on the long frames. 


the Incas in Peru, the Aztecs in Mexico, and the Pueblo Indians 
of New Mexico and Arizona. Both the Incas and the Aztecs 
built stone houses, using tools of stone; they mined gold and 
silver, and worked these metals over into beautiful ornaments. 
Great skill was also shown in the manufacture of pottery, and in 
the carving of wood, stone, and shells. The Incas carried on 
irrigation, and like the natives of Mexico, had a well-organized 
system of government. At the time of Pizarro’s conquest, their 
empire extended over Bolivia and Ecuador, as well as Peru. 

The Pueblo Indians lived in the southwestern part of the 




EARLY AMERICA —THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 47 

United States, in New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, and southern Cal¬ 
ifornia. The Spanish word pueblo means town, and this name 
was given to the natives because they lived in small towns or 
villages. Their houses were often several stories in height, and 
were built of adobe, or of stone laid in clay mortar. Some of the 
pueblos were located in the plains, while others were placed on 
lofty heights which could be reached only by steep and difficult 
trails. Of this latter class were the pueblos in the Colorado 
region, where the cliff dwellers built their homes on the steep 
sides of the canons. 

The Indians of Northeastern America There were three 
great families of Indians in the region between the Mississippi 
River and the Atlantic Ocean. First, the Algonquin family, 
which occupied most of the country north of Kentucky, in¬ 
cluding all of New England and a large part of Canada. Second, 
the Iroquois, who lived south and east of lakes Erie and Ontario, 
in the present states of New York, Pennsylvania, and northern 
Ohio. Third, the Southern or Muskogee Indians, between the 
Tennessee River and the Gulf of Mexico. 

Each of these large groups or families of Indians spoke a 
common language; each family included numerous tribes, and 
the tribes were in turn divided into separate clans. The basis of 
clan unity was kinship, or descent from the same female an¬ 
cestor. Each clan had its totem, usually some animal by whose 
name it was known, as Wolf, Bear, Fox, or Turtle. Some clans 
believed that they were descended from this totem, which thus 
became an object of worship. The clan had two kinds of leaders, 
a peace ruler or sachem elected by its members, and war chiefs 
who were chosen because of their individual prowess. There 
was also a council which included all the adult members of the 
clan, both men and women. In the same way, the tribe was 
governed by a tribal council, composed of all the sachems and 
chiefs within the clan; while some tribes had a head chief, 
usually one of the sachems who had shown special gifts of leader¬ 
ship. 

Food and Clothing. Where game was abundant, as in 
Canada and west of the Mississippi, the Indians depended 



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EARLY AMERICA —THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 49 

chiefly on hunting and fishing. Next to fighting, the Indian 
loved the chase, and he was the most expert of hunters. Wild 
ducks and geese were shot with the bow and arrow, or decoyed 
into a net. The Indian could imitate the gobble of the turkey, 
or the whistle of birds, and he came upon his prey so stealthily 
as not to be noticed. Venison was sometimes procured by a 
skillful maneuver called deer stalking. The Indian put on the 
head and antlers of a deer, and in this disguise was able to steal 
up close to his prey. Besides fish and game from the forests, 
the Indians lived on wild fruits, nuts, acorns, and edible roots. 
Throughout New England and the South, more attention was 
paid to agriculture. Maize or Indian corn was the chief crop, 
but there were also fields of beans, pumpkins, squashes, water¬ 
melons, and tomatoes. Domestic animals were lacking; there 
were no horses, cattle, hogs, sheep, chickens, or even dogs and 
cats, until after the arrival of the Europeans. 

The skins of wild animals furnished the Indian with such 
clothing as he needed. By way of ornament he wore wampum, 
or strings of beads made from shells ; and sometimes he adorned 
his head with the glossy feathers of the eagle, one feather for 
each enemy killed in combat. He often painted his face and body 
by means of colored earths, either black, red, green, or white, 
both the color of the paint and the character of the markings 
having a special meaning. 

Indian Houses. The houses of the natives varied with the 
location and the season. In the woodland, they built tent¬ 
shaped lodges of sapling. On the western plains, earth lodges 
were constructed for winter, while the summer residence was a 
tepee covered with buffalo skins, so light that it could be easily 
carried about in the quest for game. A better type of Indian 
dwelling was the long house of the Iroquois, intended to 
accommodate several families. These houses were built of a 
framework of upright poles set in the ground, and covered in 
with bark shingles. The interior was divided into compartments, 
six or eight feet square, placed on each side of the house and 
opening into a common passageway down the center. 

These long houses were inhabited by Indians who belonged to 


50 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 



the same clan. Each was presided over by a matron whose 
authority was absolute in household matters, for among all 
the Indian tribes there was a strict division of labor between 
the men and the women. The squaws cared for the lodge, 
prepared the food, made the clothing and household utensils; 
while the men devoted themselves to hunting and fishing, 

and to the manufacture 
of weapons. The Indian 
houses were usually grouped 
together in small villages, 
which were often entirely 
surrounded by a stockade 
of posts as a defense against 
sudden attack. 

Indian Warfare. Every 
Indian boy was trained to 
become a warrior, for there 
was almost constant fight¬ 
ing among the different 
tribes. The child’s toys 
were miniature weapons, 
and the Indian youth soon 
became skilled in the use of 
bow and arrow, and in the 
hurling of the short spear 
or javelin. The hatchet or 
tomahawk was another fa¬ 
vorite weapon, being es¬ 
pecially useful in the hand- 
to-hand fighting of forest 
warfare. Among all the tribes, the military virtues of bravery, 
strength, and skill were held in the highest esteem; to die in 
battle was glorious, while the warrior who showed fear was the 
object of universal contempt. Among many tribes, the warrior’s 
reputation rested upon the number of deeds of special prowess 
which stood to his credit. The acts which entitled him to dis¬ 
tinction were killing and scalping an enemy, being the first to 


A Pueblo Indian of the Santa Clara 
Reservation Entering a Kiva or Sanc¬ 
tuary Carved Out of the Solid Rock 

Although Christianized over 300 years, 
the Pueblos still perform their ancient 
rites in these underground chambers. 




EARLY AMERICA —THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 51 

touch an enemy in combat, rescuing a wounded companion, 
and stealing a horse from the enemy’s camp. 

It was a simple matter to inaugurate an Indian campaign. 
Usually some chief of proven valor would announce his intention 
of conducting a raid, and call for volunteers to accompany him. 
Among the better-organized tribes or confederacies, extensive 
campaigns were decided upon by the tribal or confederate 
council. Sometimes war would be declared with considerable 
formality, and notice sent to the enemy by means of wampum 
belts. Before leaving on the warpath, the warriors would engage 



Algonquin Stock, Cheyenne Tribe 

Chief Stump Horn and family, showing travois or primitive vehicle used by 
many tribes. 


in a dance to arouse enthusiasm; and upon returning from a 
successful raid, a grand scalp dance was held, the women 
singing the praise of the warriors as they flourished the scalps 
about. 

The Indians usually aimed to surprise their foe; they often 
made their attacks in the dead of night, for to take one’s enemy 
at a disadvantage was regarded as the most skillful kind of cam¬ 
paigning. Their warfare was cruel almost beyond belief; the 
warrior scalped his dead foe, and wore the scalp as a trophy and 
proof of his prowess; the more scalps he could show at his belt, 
the greater his skill as a warrior. Captives were tortured with 
every cruelty that human ingenuity could devise in the hope that 




52 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


they would display some sign of fear. In the end they were 
usually killed with the tomahawk or burned at the stake, 
although sometimes prisoners were enslaved, or adopted as 
members of the tribe. 

Indian Religion. As in the case of most primitive peoples, 
the Indian worshiped the world of nature about him. He 
thought that the earth, the sky, and the waters were peopled 
with mysterious spirits, or manitous. These spirits were 
both good and evil; they controlled his destiny, so he offered 
prayers and sacrifices to them. When a man became ill, some 
bad spirit was troubling him; hence the “ medicine man v was 
held in special veneration, because he alone knew what charms 
would drive out the unruly spirit. These Indian healers had 
some rude knowledge of medicinal herbs and other simple 
remedies; if the patient died in spite of herbs and charms, they 
explained that it was because the evil spirit was stronger than 
the spirit which aided the medicine man. 

There was always one manitou more powerful than the rest, 
who was the special benefactor and hero of each tribe. His 
exploits and adventures formed a circle of myths, handed down 
from generation to generation, like the legends of King Arthur 
in early British history. The Indians did not have any clear 
conception of the one Supreme Being, but they did believe in the 
existence of a future life. The warrior’s bow, his arrows, and his 
dog were carefully buried with him, for the Indian heaven was 
a happy hunting ground. Religious ceremonials were often 
elaborate affairs, which included dancing and the chanting of 
weird music, feasting and fasting, together with such tests of 
physical endurance as the sun dance. 

Indian Intellect and Character. Although a simple and 
unpractical race, the Indian was by no means lacking in intellect. 
He used a language of has own, filled with glowing phrases and 
figures of speech; and in simple, unstudied eloquence, he 
sometimes equalled the greatest orators of any race. The 
Indians of the plains used a series of gestures which formed an 
intelligible sign language. The more advanced tribes were 
able to express their ideas by means of pictures, sometimes 



Photograph by H. T. Cowling, National Park, Booklet, Department oj the Interior. 

Blackfeet Indian Camp on Two Medicine Lake 

Glacier National Park was once their hunting grounds. 






53 




54 


DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION 


painted on skins, sometimes carved on the rocks, or woven in 
wampum. The Indian was quick to learn the use of firearms, 
and became an expert marksman. He had a remarkable genius 
for military tactics and strategy; he was brave in battle, but he 
stalked his enemy like wild game, and never fought in the open 
if he could attack from ambush. A cruel and vindictive foe, the 
Indian was also a generous and hospitable friend. He had a 
rude sense of honor, and usually kept faith when fairly dealt 
with. As a scout, he was loyal to a trust in the face of hardship 
or death itself. Washington was guided through the wilderness 
to Fort Duquesne by a nameless Indian; while Braddock’s 
army was routed because he would not listen to the advice of 
his native scouts. 

The Indians and the White Settlers. The white men who first 
came in contact with the Indians were treated with the utmost 
reverence. But when the natives learned that they could expect 
only harsh treatment in return, they became the foes of the 
settlers. The lands occupied by the different tribes were owned 
as common property, and the chiefs readily gave up the tribal 
hunting grounds in exchange for a few trinkets. They thought 
that the colonists would occupy the land for a short time, after 
which it would be given back to them. When it was seen that 
the hunting grounds were being permanently held, the inevitable 
struggle began. In this conflict, the white men won because they 
were the stronger race, and because the different tribes were 
constantly fighting among themselves. But in many cases, 
friendly Indians saved the settlements from attack, and brought 
supplies of corn to the starving settlers. 

The natives obtained from the colonists many new things, 
such as horses and dogs, cloth, blankets, liquor, and firearms. 
Horses were especially valuable to tribes like the Sioux, which 
lived by hunting the buffalo; and the Indians became the most 
expert riders in the world. But contact with the white man’s 
civilization was fatal to the children of the forest; new diseases, 
such as tuberculosis, swept them away by thousands, while 
liquor proved an even more deadly scourge. From the Indians, 
the colonists first learned of maize, the potato, the use of 


EARLY AMERICA —THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 55 


tobacco, and the art of making sugar from the sap of the hard 
maple. It was the native red man who taught the newcomers 
the habits of birds and wild animals, the portage paths through 
the wilderness, and the best methods of hunting. Wampum, 
which the natives used as money, also served the first settlers 
as a medium of exchange; while the Indian’s buckskin clothing, 
his moccasins, snowshoes, and bark canoes have been used by 
hunters, explorers, and frontiersmen down to the present day. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bogart, E. L., Economic History of the United States, pp. 2-16. 
Brigham, A. P., Geographic Influences in American History, ch. I. 
Farrand, L., Basis of American History (American Nation Series). 
Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, II, ch. XVIII. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Eastman, F., Indian Boyhood. 

Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American History, ch. III. 

Hart, A. B., Source Readers in American History, I, pp. 91-133. 
Johnson, W. H., French Pathfinders in North America, pp. 3-41. 
Judd, M. C., Wigwam Stories. 

Starr, F., American Indians. 



The New Mexico War Memorial Building, at Santa Fe 

Built on the site of the historic palace of the Governors (1606), the walls being 
a part of a prehistoric pueblo. 






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56 






CHAPTER VI 


THE OLD DOMINION 

Conditions Favorable to English Colonization. The closing 
years of the reign of Queen Elizabeth were years of increasing 
luxury in the mansions of the rich, and of increasing misery in the 
homes of England's poor. During the sixteenth century, the 
gold and silver from the New World had increased the circulat¬ 
ing medium in western Europe threefold. The result was a 
sharp rise in prices, together with an increasing demand for such 
luxuries as chimneys and glass windows, rugs and carpets, linen 
sheets and silken doublets. Rents were higher than ever before, 
landowners were prosperous, and a surplus of capital awaited 
investment in any new enterprise which promised large returns. 
From Mexico and Peru a stream of gold was pouring into the 
coffers of Spain; might not Virginia prove a like source of wealth 
for England ? The British East India Company was formed in 
1600 to develop the far eastern trade; and many of its members 
soon became interested in the project for a similar company to 
colonize Virginia. 

While the middle and upper classes were growing richer, the 
poor were growing poorer, another condition which favored 
colonization. English laborers were in wretched plight, for 
prices had risen out of all proportion to the increase in wages. 
In those days, justices of the peace fixed the rate of wages to be 
paid in each community; if a laborer refused to work at the 
established rate, he could be arrested as a vagabond and sent to 
jail. The increased price of wool in the sixteenth century led to 
a change from agriculture to sheep raising, especially in the 
midland counties of England. Thousands of agricultural laborers 
were thrown out of work; and many of them found their way to 
the cities and towns, where they lived in idleness and want. 
Then too, the closing of the monasteries in the reign of King 

57 


58 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


Henry VIII had taken away the livelihood of tenants and 
laborers on the church lands, while also depriving the poor and 
friendless of a place of refuge. The end of the wars with Spain 
increased the number of unemployed men. Apparently only the 
plague remained to relieve the land of its surplus inhabitants. 
Under these conditions, the “ merrie England ” of Shakespeare’s 
day was not a merry place for the English laborer. Small wonder 
that thousands grasped eagerly at the prospect of finding homes 
in that Virginia described by Ben Jonson as “ a land of en¬ 
chantment, where gold and silver is more plentifull than copper 
is with us.” 

Thus in the opening years of the seventeenth century, three 
conditions in England were favorable to colonization. There 
was a surplus of capital seeking investment, a surplus of laborers 
seeking employment, and a keen desire to plant colonies which 
should furnish raw materials, such as lumber, iron, and copper, 
in exchange for the products of England’s growing manufactures. 

The Virginia Grant, 1606. The failure of Raleigh’s expedi¬ 
tions proved that colonization could not be readily carried on by 
an individual, because of the large expense involved. On the 
other hand, the success of the East India Company suggested 
the plan of a similar company of men to undertake the coloniza¬ 
tion of Virginia. Accordingly, King James issued a patent or 
charter which formed two companies for the colonization of 
North America between the 34th and 45th degrees north lati¬ 
tude. The London Company was authorized to plant a settle¬ 
ment called the First Colony in some “ fit and convenient place ” 
between the 34th and 41st parallels, or between Cape Fear and 
the mouth of the Hudson River. The Plymouth Company was 
granted the right to locate a “ Second Colony ” somewhere 
between the 38th and 45th parallels, or between the Potomac 
River and Halifax. Thus the grants to the two companies over¬ 
lapped by three degrees. In other words, the land between 
the Potomac and Hudson rivers (from the 38th to the 41st 
parallels) was open to settlement by either company, but 
neither was to plant within one hundred miles of any settlement 
begun by the other. 


THE OLD DOMINION 


59 



The Spanish ambassador protested against this attempt to 
plant colonies on territory which formed part of the Spanish 
Indies ; but King James replied that he was not aware that Spain 
had any claim to Virginia. At the north, the grant was likewise 
in defiance of the French title to Nova Scotia, where a settlement 
had already been made at Port Royal. 

The First Virginia Charter. The plan of government for the 
new colonies was a very elaborate one. Supreme authority over 
each colony was vested in a Council for Virginia, appointed by 
the king from leading men residing in England. A second coun¬ 
cil of thirteen members was to reside in the colony and manage 
its local affairs, subject to the direction of the council in England, 
which in turn was subject to the king. 

One important clause of this first Virginia charter declared 
that the colonists should have all the rights and liberties of 
English subjects at home. This was in marked contrast to the 
position of the Spanish and French colonists in the New World, 
who, were regarded as outside the laws and privileges of home 
dwellers. The English colonist, on the contrary, took with him 
to the New World all the rights of Englishmen. He carried with 
him the English common law, with its time-honored safeguards 














60 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


of individual liberty. When difficulties afterwards arose between 
the colonies and the mother country, the colonists appealed to 
the principles of the common law, and claimed that the king and 
Parliament were seeking to deprive them of privileges which 
were their birthright as Englishmen. 

The Founding of Jamestown, 1607. To the London Company 
fell the honor of planting the first permanent English settlement 
on American soil. Three small ships bearing one hundred and 
five colonists passed the Virginia capes on May 6, 1607, and 
entered Chesapeake Bay. Ascending the broad river which they 
named the James in honor of their king, the colonists selected 
their “ seating-place ” at a point about thirty miles up the 
river. It was not a favorable site; for Jamestown, as the settle¬ 
ment was called, was on a low peninsula, with malarial swamps 
all about. A fort was soon constructed, also a church and store¬ 
house ; while in the rear a little street was laid out, along which 
huts were built. 

For years the colony had a hard struggle to maintain itself. 
The Indians were unfriendly from the first, for they no longer 
regarded the white man as a supernatural being. Exploring 
for gold was more attractive than planting corn; but the gold 
turned out to be worthless iron pyrites, and within a few months, 
famine and disease carried away nearly one half of the settlers. 
The London Company was unreasonable in its demands for 
immediate returns from the colonists, many of whom were 
gentlemen adventurers unaccustomed to hard work and drawn 
to Virginia by the lure of gold. Then too, the charter provided 
for a communistic system; everything the settlers produced 
was placed in a common stock, and all were fed and clothed 
from the company’s storehouse. The water supply was bad, and 
fever and ague from the swamps cost many lives. Of three 
hundred colonists sent over during the first three years, only 
eighty remained alive at the end of that time. The colony 
seemed on the verge of ruin. 

Captain John Smith. Jamestown was saved from this fate 
by the energy and ability of Captain John Smith, a bold, 
resourceful man whose gifts of leadership finally made him 


THE OLD DOMINION 


61 



President of the Council. Before coming to America, Smith had 
roamed over many countries of Europe as a soldier of fortune, 
but here in Virginia he was an example of industry to all. He 
won the friendship of the neighboring Indian tribes, explored 
Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries, and most important of all, 
put every one to work at planting corn. “ He that will not work 
shall not eat, ’’ was the rule en¬ 
forced by this strong leader; 
and his firmness and energy 
saved the colony from star¬ 
vation. When the London 
Company complained of the 
lack of returns from its 
struggling colony, Smith re¬ 
plied that they had com¬ 
menced the work of produc¬ 
ing tar, glass, soap, and clap¬ 
boards, but that alh this 
progressed slowly in a new 
country. He struck the root 
of the whole matter when he 
wrote : “ When you send 

again, I entreat you, send 
but thirty carpenters, hus¬ 
bandmen, gardeners, fisher¬ 
men, blacksmiths, masons, 
and diggers up of trees’ roots, 
well provided, rather than one thousand of such as we have.” 

The Starving Time. In the summer of 1609, Smith was 
injured by an explosion of gunpowder, and returned to Eng¬ 
land. The starving time followed, a period of misery without 
parallel in the history of English colonization. When only 
sixty colonists remained out of the five hundred who had come 
to Virginia, it was decided to abandon Jamestown. On their way 
to the sea, the starving settlers met the newly appointed 
governor, Lord Delaware, bringing men and supplies. So they 
turned back to the scene of their suffering, and the colony was 


Captain John Smith 

Copied from the original engraving in 
John Smith’s History of New England, 
Virginia, and the Summer Isles, published 
in 1624. 






62 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


saved. Lord Delaware brought with him a new charter that 
changed the boundaries of Virginia. The colony was to include 
the territory two hundred miles north and two hundred miles 
south of Old Point Comfort, and was to extend up into the 
continent “ from sea to sea, west and northwest. ” This vague 
grant was the basis for Virginia’s later claim to the country 
northwest of the Ohio River. 

Economic and Social Conditions. Lord Delaware was soon 
succeeded as governor by Sir Thomas Dale, under whose stern 
rule Virginia began to prosper. Governor Dale gave a private 
garden of three acres to each settler, putting an end to the 
plan under which all were fed from a common storehouse. There 
was now an incentive to work, and famine never again threatened 
the colony. The colonists gave up hope of finding gold and 
silver in the forests of Virginia; but about the year 1616, they 
found a real source of wealth in the cultivation of tobacco. 
King James opposed the use of the weed, and wrote against it 
a Counterblast to Tobacco; but it was hard to prevent the cultiva¬ 
tion of a plant which brought from three to five shillings a 
pound in the English market. It soon became the staple crop of 
the colony; at Jamestown the market place, and even the 
narrow margin of the streets, was set with tobacco. The new 
crop meant wealth for the planters and prosperity for Virginia. 

Few women had as yet come to Virginia, and one of the great 
events of the year 1619 was the arrival of ninety maidens, 
“ young, handsome, and well recommended,” sent over by the 
London Company to become wives of the bachelor planters. 
No suitor was allowed to claim his bride until he had paid the 
company one hundred and twenty pounds of tobacco for her 
passage. The establishment of English homes in the colony 
laid the sure foundation of a future state. 

Representative Government in Virginia. The year 1619 also 
marks the beginning of representative government in Virginia. 
At this time the London Company elected as its treasurer Sir 
Edwin Sandys, a man who believed in individual liberty and 
self-government. Through his influence, the governor of Virginia 
was instructed to hold an election for a legislature or House of 


THE OLD DOMINION 


63 


Burgesses, to be composed of two representatives from each 
borough. The first House of Burgesses met in the little church 
at Jamestown on July 30, 1619. It consisted of the governor and 
his six councilors, who sat in the front seats with their hats on, 
and twenty burgesses who sat in the rear. During a session that 
lasted for six days, laws were passed “ against idleness, gaming, 
drunkenness, and excesse in apparell; ” ordering every house¬ 
holder to plant corn, mulberry trees, flax, hemp, and grapevines; 
and commanding every one to attend divine service on the 
Sabbath day. 

This first representative assembly had several important 
results: 

(1) From this time on in the history of Virginia, the power 
of the governor was always somewhat restricted. 

(2) This idea of the right of the people to make their own 
laws soon prevailed throughout the English colonies in America, 
and later became the basis of our present state and national 
governments. 

(3) From its small beginnings, the House of Burgesses devel¬ 
oped great power and influence. It served in the eighteenth 
century as a training school for such famous leaders as Patrick 
Henry, James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, and George Wash¬ 
ington. 

Servants and Slaves. At first the increasing demand for 
cheap labor on the tobacco plantations was met by bringing 
over “ indentured ” white servants. Many of these had given a 
bond or indenture, binding themselves to work a certain number 
of years for planters who had advanced their passage money to 
Virginia. A less desirable class of indentured servants consisted 
of criminals and vagabonds, sentenced for various offenses to 
hard labor in the colony. These white servants formed the 
greater part of the laboring population of Virginia until the 
close of the seventeenth century. 

' In the eighteenth century, the white servants were rapidly dis¬ 
placed by another class of laborers. Probably the first negroes 
to arrive in Virginia were some twenty in number, brought over 
by a Dutch man-of-war which entered the James River in 1619. 


64 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


The planters gladly purchased the negroes, who were at first 
held in temporary servitude like the white servants. Gradually 
the traffic in negroes increased, and by 1661 their condition be¬ 
came that of permanent slavery. The colonists of the seven¬ 
teenth century saw no harm in enslaving the negro, and doubt¬ 
less the Indians of Virginia would also have been made slaves 
if they had not proved so intractable. 

Virginia Becomes a Royal Province, 1624. A firm believer 
in the “ Divine Right of Kings,” James I viewed with distrust 
the growth of popular government in Virginia. He forbade the 
re election of the liberal Sandy s as treasurer of the London 
Company, telling its members “ to choose the devil if you will, 
but not Sir Edwin Sandys.” A terrible Indian massacre in 
1622 cost the lives of three, hundred and fifty of the colonists. 
Using this as a pretext, King James secured from the Chief 
Justice a decision that the Company’s charter was forfeited 
for mismanagement; and in this way the London Company 
came to an end. 

From 1624 until the American Revolution, Virginia remained 
a royal province, with a governor appointed by the king. 
Death interfered to prevent King James from carrying out his 
plan to abolish the House of Burgesses, and his son, King 
Charles I, allowed this representative body to continue. Thus 
Virginia furnished the pattern of government sooner or later 
provided for most of the English colonies. There was a governor 
and an executive council appointed by the king, and a colonial 
assembly elected by the people. 

Virginia’s Loyalty to the King. Charles I soon entered upon 
the long conflict with Parliament which ended in his death on 
the scaffold in 1649. England then became a Commonwealth 
in name, although Oliver Cromwell was in fact dictator under 
the title of “ Lord Protector.” The Virginia colonists remained 
loyal to the Stuart cause in these troubled times, and even 
invited the son of Charles I to take refuge in the colony. Thou¬ 
sands of Cavaliers, or supporters of the Royalist cause, came 
over to Virginia. This immigration increased the aristocratic 
element in the colony, and made Virginia more devoted than 


THE OLD DOMINION 


65 



ever to the cause of the king. The colonists at first refused to 
recognize the Commonwealth government, but a fleet sent over 
by Parliament compelled them to do so. In return, Virginia was 
allowed to retain her representative assembly, and the colonists 
were confirmed in the rights and liberties of free-born persons 
in England. Affairs at home kept Cromwell busy, and he paid 
little attention to the distant colony. 

Upon the death of Cromwell and the restoration of the 
monarchy in the person of King Charles II, Virginia hastened to 
recognize his authority. Sir William Berkeley again became 
governor, and grew more bigoted than ever in his zeal for the 
king. A new seal for Virginia bearing the old coat of arms of the 
London Company was adopted; its motto proudly set forth 
that Virginia was to rank along with King Charles’ other four 
dominions, namely, England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, 
as a fifth dominion. The people of Virginia were very proud of 
this distinction, and always referred to their colony as “ The Old 
Dominion.” 



















66 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


Berkeley’s Rule and Bacon’s Rebellion. For sixteen years 
following the Restoration in 1660, Governor Berkeley ruled 
Virginia with a high hand. He kept the same House of Burgesses 
in office for many years without re election, and gave his assent 
to the large taxes which it placed upon the people. Meantime, 
the colonists were suffering from a steady fall in the price of 
tobacco, as well as from heavy taxes and bad government. 
Virginia was on the verge of revolt in 1675; and Berkeley’s 
refusal to put down an Indian uprising, or to permit the colonists 
to do so, finally led to Bacon’s Rebellion. 

The governor’s private interest in the fur trade was probably 
responsible for his refusal to punish the Indians, who had 
murdered two settlers on the frontier plantations. Resolving 
to protect themselves, the men of Charles City County chose a 
popular young planter named Nathaniel Bacon to lead them 
against the savages. Berkeley refused to grant Bacon a military 
commission, and proclaimed his followers a band of rebels; but 
Bacon marched into the wilderness with only seventy men, and 
inflicted a severe defeat upon the Indians. On his return to 
Jamestown, a conflict between Bacon and the governor ended 
in the flight of Berkeley and the burning of Jamestown. But in 
the hour of victory, Bacon died from fever. Berkeley then 
defeated his followers, and hanged thirteen of them as a warning 
to all who defied his authority. This cruelty displeased King 
Charles, who ordered Berkeley back to England. 

The rebellion rid the colony of its despotic governor, and 
enabled the Virginians to place their grievances before the 
king. A new assembly representing the will of the people was 
chosen, and it was no longer possible for a few men to use the 
colony for their own profit. But for many years Virginia was 
ruled by greedy governors, and the colony was heavily taxed 
for the royal treasury. 

Restrictions on Colonial Trade. There were forty thousand 
settlers in Virginia by 1670, including six thousand white 
servants and two thousand negro slaves. Tobacco was the staple 
crop, yielding about twelve million pounds annually. The low 
price of tobacco was partly due to over-production, and partly 


THE OLD DOMINION 


67 


to the fact that it could only be exported to English ports where 
the price was fixed by English merchants. This situation was 
due to the economic policy known as the Mercantile System, 
which assumed that colonies were planted to increase the trade 
and manufactures of the mother country. Parliament in 1651 
passed a navigation law aimed at the Dutch, who for forty years 
had been gaining control of the carrying trade of the world. 
Thereafter no products were to be brought to the colonies, or 
carried from the colonies to Europe, except in ships of which the 
owner and a majority of the crew were Englishmen or colonials. 
This policy of restriction was carried further by later acts. 
The chief raw materials exported from the colonies, such as 
sugar, tobacco, cotton wool, and dyewoods, must first be 
carried to England ; while all European exports to the colonies 
must be sent to England and there unloaded, before they could 
be shipped to America. 

The object of these laws was to give English manufacturers 
a monopoly of the colonial market both for the purchase of raw 
materials and for the sale of their own manufactured products. 
Staunch loyalist as he was, even Governor Berkeley denounced 
the Navigation Acts as “ mighty and destructive; for it is not 
lawfull for us to carry a pipe stave, or a barrel of corn to any 
place in Europe out of the king’s dominions. If this were for His 
Majesty’s service or the good of his subjects, we should not 
repine, whatever our sufferings are for it; but on my soul, it 
is the contrary for both.” 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 42-52. 

Becker, C. L., Beginnings of the American People, pp. 54-80. 
Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I, chs. VII-VIII. 
Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. II. 
Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, I, ch. X. 
Tyler, L. G., England in America, chs. III-VI. 


68 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Drake, S. A., The Making of Virginia and the Middle Colonies, pp. 1- 
65. 

Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American History, ch. XI. 

Hart, A. B., Source Readers in American History, I, pp. 165-199. 
Hart, A. B., Editor, American Statesmen and Patriots, I, pp. 62-67. 
Higginson, T. W., Book of American Explorers, ch. XI. 

Long, A. W., American Patriotic Prose, pp. 19-25. 

Thwaites, R. G., The Colonies (Epochs of American History), pp. 66- 
81. 



From an old painting. 


Bacon’s Quarrel with Governor 
Berkeley 




CHAPTER VII 


THE OTHER SOUTHERN COLONIES 

Lord Baltimore and His Grant. For many years, Catholics 
as well as Puritans were persecuted in England because they 
would not attend the Established Church. Nevertheless, 
Catholic noblemen often found favor with the Stuart kings, 
one of whom, Charles I, had married a Catholic princess. So 
when George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore, planned to 
establish an American colony as a place of refuge for his fellow 
Catholics, he found the king ready to help him. The London 
Company forfeited its charter in 1624, making it possible 
for the king to subdivide Virginia’s territory. Accordingly, 
in 1632 King Charles granted to his friend, Lord Baltimore, 
about twelve thousand square miles of land lying on both 
sides of Chesapeake Bay. The territory included in the grant 
covered the present states of Maryland and Delaware, as well 
as parts of Pennsylvania and West Virginia. Baltimore died 
before he could carry out his plans, but his eldest son Cecil, 
the second Lord Baltimore, took up the work. 

A New Kind of Colony. The Maryland charter created a 
new kind of colony. By this charter the king granted his own 
right to govern to Lord Baltimore, who was to be known as 
the proprietor or owner of the colony. As a token of his al¬ 
legiance, Lord Baltimore was to send the king yearly two 
Indian arrow heads, together with one fifth of all the gold and 
silver that was mined. As proprietor of the colony, Lord Balti¬ 
more had almost absolute control. He could declare war, make 
peace, appoint officials, pardon criminals, and confer titles; 
and none of these acts had to be confirmed by the king. But 
Baltimore had to call the colonists to his aid in making the 
laws, and he could not tax them without their consent. 


70 COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 

The Founding of Maryland, 1633. Lord Baltimore himself 
never saw the shores of Maryland, yet he proved an energetic 
and successful proprietor. The first expedition of two hundred 
colonists sailed for Maryland under the command of Leonard 
Calvert, Lord Baltimore’s brother, who was to act as governor. 
The place chosen for the settlement was on a small river named 
the St. George, in honor of the patron saint of England; their 

first town was called St. 
Mary’s. 

The little settlement 
prospered from the begin¬ 
ning ; there was no starving 
time here, as in Virginia 
and at Plymouth. Before 
the first year was over, the 
people of Maryland were 
able to exchange a shipload 
of corn for a cargo of 
New England codfish. The 
settlers were thrifty and 
industrious; for Lord Bal¬ 
timore took pains to send 
artisans and laboring men 
to his colony, instead of 
adventurers and fine gen¬ 
tlemen like the early Vir¬ 
ginia settlers. Tobacco be¬ 
came the leading product, 
and the people lived on large plantations along the waterways, 
where English ships might come to load. Hence in Maryland, 
as in Virginia, there were no large towns. 

Representative Government. The charter gave the colonists 
the right to help make the laws. All the freemen at first met 
together for this purpose; but since the plantations were far 
apart, the custom grew up of allowing freemen who could not be 
present to send their proxies to those who could attend. Finally, 
instead of sending votes by proxy, a representative was chosen 



Cecil Calvert, the Second Lord Balti¬ 


more 

From an engraving in the New York 
Public Library. This portrait shows the 
dress of an English Cavalier. 





THE OTHER SOUTHERN COLONIES 


71 


to express the will of the people of each section. By 1650 
Maryland had a representative assembly, as well as a governor 
and his council, all subject to the general control of the pro¬ 
prietor of the colony. 

Religious Toleration. Protestants as well as Catholics came 
to the colony in large numbers, for Maryland welcomed all who 
professed faith in Jesus Christ. Lord Baltimore set a noble 
example to the other colonies by his famous “ Toleration Act 
of 1649 ” which declared: “No person or persons whatsoever 
within this Province professing to believe in Jesus Christ, 
shall from henceforth be in any way molested in respect to his 
or her religion.” The passing of the Toleration Act was partly 
due to worldly prudence, since the Puritans were in power in 
England; but it also reflects the liberal and tolerant spirit 
of Lord Baltimore. Rhode Island was the only other colony in 
America founded on the broad principle of religious freedom; 
to-day this principle is the pride of the entire United States. 

Maryland’s Boundary Quarrel with Virginia. The Virginia 
colonists were indignant over the grant to Lord Baltimore of 
territory that had belonged to them. Long years of dispute 
followed, especially over the ownership of Kent Island where 
William Claiborne, a Virginian, had established a trading post 
within the limits of Baltimore’s grant. Claiborne was finally 
driven off by the governor of Maryland, but this did not end 
the trouble. During the Civil War in England, the Baltimores 
took sides with King Charles I. Claiborne and other Virginia 
traders thought this a good time to attack the Catholic rulers 
of Maryland. Their forces seized the town of St. Mary’s, but 
the contest ended when Lord Baltimore appointed a Protes¬ 
tant as governor (1648). Six years later, Claiborne and his 
supporters again overthrew Lord Baltimore’s government, and 
repealed the Toleration Act. In the end, the new ruler of Eng¬ 
land, Oliver Cromwell, restored Lord Baltimore as proprietor, 
after which religious toleration again prevailed. 

When James II was driven from the throne of England in 
1688, the Protestants of Maryland again rose in revolt. The 
proprietorship was taken away from the Baltimores, and for 


72 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


some years the colony was under the direct control of the 
English rulers. Maryland was finally restored in 1715 to the 
Baltimores, who continued in power until the American Revolu¬ 
tion. Nearly a century passed after the first settlement of 
Maryland before its chief city was founded at the head of 
Chesapeake Bay, and named Baltimore in honor of the pro¬ 
prietor. 

Early Settlements in North Carolina. The large tract of 
land lying between Virginia on the north and the Spanish 
settlements on the south was unoccupied for a long time. The 
first settlers were adventure-loving Virginians who came to- 
explore the country to the southward. The House of Burgesses 
issued permits to any colonists who wished to trade with the 
Indians in this region, and a little group of Virginians settled 
near the waters of Albemarle Sound. Some men from New 
England tried to plant a colony at the mouth of the Cape 
Fear River, but they soon gave up in despair and left the place 
to be occupied by settlers from Barbados. These were the 
beginnings of what was to develop into the colony of North 
Carolina. 

The Proprietors of the Carolinas. Soon after he came to the 
throne, King Charles II gave to eight of his favorites the im¬ 
mense tract of land south of Virginia in which these settlements 
were made. These men were to be the proprietors of the colony, 
like Lord Baltimore in Maryland. So the Carolinas became a 
proprietary colony, differing from Maryland chiefly in having 
eight proprietors where Maryland had but one. The pro¬ 
prietors were to make laws with the consent of the people of 
the colony. They could sell lands, collect rents, appoint officials, 
and grant titles of nobility. The proprietors promptly set to 
work to make a settlement. The first colonists reached the Caro¬ 
lina coast in 1670. They settled on the Ashley River, after¬ 
wards moving to the site where the city of Charleston now 
stands. Many French Protestants or Huguenots came to 
Charleston about ten years later. They had been driven from 
their mother country by religious persecution, and proved 
thrifty and intelligent settlers. 



The Southern Colonies 

Near the headwaters of the principal rivers, the colonists established a 
chain of forts to protect the frontier. General Oglethorpe founded his colony 
despite Spanish claims to the coast as far north as Charleston. After erect¬ 
ing Fort Frederica at the southern extremity of his charter limit, he main¬ 
tained small posts at Forts William, St. Andrew, and St. George to combat 
Spanish claims. 


73 


































74 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


The proprietors planned to govern their colony by an elab¬ 
orate constitution unsuited to frontier conditions. It provided 
for a feudal system, under which a few men were to own the 
land and govern it without the cooperation of the people. The 
sturdy Carolina pioneers would not submit to such a plan, and 
in the end the proprietors granted them a share in the govern¬ 
ment, with an elective assembly as in the other colonies. 

The Carolinas Become Royal Colonies, 1729. The Carolina 
settlers had to contend against many difficulties. The Spaniards 
on the south were hostile, as were also the Indian tribes in their 
midst. Another danger was from the pirates who hovered along 
the seacoast; they plundered vessels, levied tribute, and made 
themselves at home in the Carolina ports. In all of these 
conflicts, the settlers had almost no support from the- pro¬ 
prietors, with whom they had a standing quarrel. Finally, 
the proprietors gave up the task of government, and sold 
their colony to the king. The territory was then divided into 
two colonies, North and South Carolina, each with its own 
governor appointed by the king, and an assembly chosen by 
the people. 

The People and Their Industries. North and South Carolina 
differed from one another in their industries. In South Carolina, 
rice and indigo were the chief products. The cultivation of rice 
called for large plantations and slave labor. The planters lived 
in Charleston, leaving their estates in charge of overseers;, 
and this city soon became the center of social life in the South. 
North Carolina relied more upon the export of tar and turpen¬ 
tine. Instead of owning large plantations, her settlers lived 
upon small farms. Slaves were never very numerous in this 
colony, while in South Carolina they soon outnumbered the 
white settlers. Large numbers of Quakers made their homes 
in North Carolina, besides many Scotch-Irish, who were driven 
to America by the unfriendly laws passed by the British Par¬ 
liament. Later, some Germans from Pennsylvania settled in 
the mountain valleys; and about 1745, large numbers of Scotch 
Highlanders came to the colony after their unsuccessful rebel¬ 
lion against the English king. 


THE OTHER SOUTHERN COLONIES 


75 


Oglethorpe's Plan to Relieve English Debtors. Georgia, the 
youngest of the English colonies in America, was planted one 
hundred and twenty-five years after the first settlement at 
Jamestown. Its founder was General James Edward Oglethorpe, 
a gallant soldier who had been elected to Parliament. As 
chairman of a committee to investigate English prisons, Ogle¬ 
thorpe found conditions very 
bad. Honest men were 
often arrested for a debt of 
a few dollars which they 
were unable to pay. They 
were held in foul jails until 
their health gave way, while 
their families were left to 
struggle as best they could. 

Deeply moved by what he 
saw, Oglethorpe suggested 
the plan of taking the debt¬ 
ors out of jail, and sending 
them to a colony in America 
where they might begin life 
over again. 

Georgia a Barrier Colony. 

Oglethorpe won the support 
of many clergymen as well 
as members of the nobility for his enterprise. Among the 
former were John and Charles Wesley, the founders of the 
Methodist religion. He prevailed also upon the merchants of 
London and upon Parliament to help pay the debts of those who 
were willing to emigrate to the New World. The English gov¬ 
ernment was favorable to the plan, for Oglethorpe proposed to 
plant his colony south of the Carolinas, to serve as a barrier 
against the Spanish power in Florida. The new colony was 
named in honor of King George II; it included all the land be¬ 
tween the Savannah and Altamaha rivers, and extending from 
their source westward to the Pacific Ocean. The charter 
created a proprietary government, but the owners were not to 



76 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


have such large powers as the proprietors of Maryland or the 
Carolinas. Slavery was prohibited, and it was decreed that 
foreigners should have equal rights with Englishmen. Ogle¬ 
thorpe was to be the governor, and he promptly placed himself 
at the head of the first band of settlers. 

The trustees could not send to Georgia the multitude of 
people who wished to take advantage of the promise of free 
passage and free lands. About thirty-five families were finally 
selected, and early in 1733 they settled at Savannah on lands 
secured by treaty with the Creek Indians. Augusta was estab¬ 
lished two hundred miles up the Savannah River as a frontier 
trading station, and Fort Frederica was built at the mouth 
of the Altamaha as an outpost against the Spaniards. The 
colony did not prosper at first, for the early poverty-stricken 
refugees were not the men to build up a successful colony. 
German Protestants and Scotch Highlanders afterwards came 
over in large numbers, furnishing a more desirable class of 
settlers. The silk industry was introduced but soon abandoned, 
for the production of rice and indigo proved more profitable. 
The trustees gave up their rights in 1752, and from this time 
on Georgia was a royal colony. Oglethorpe led several expedi¬ 
tions against St. Augustine; but although he failed to capture 
this post, he was able to defeat an attack by the Spaniards 
upon Fort Frederica. So until the Revolution, Georgia served 
its purpose as a barrier between the English colonies and the 
Spaniards in Florida. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, C. M., Colonial Self-Government (American Nation Series), 
chs. IX-X. 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 52-58, 81-83, 
109-110. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I, chs. IX, XII. 
Greene, E. B., Provincial America (American Nation Series), ch. XV. 
Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, I, chs. XI- 
XIII ; II, chs. V-VI. 

Tyler, L. G., England in America, chs. VII-VIII. 


THE OTHER SOUTHERN COLONIES 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Drake, S. A., The Making of Virginia and the Middle Colonies, 
66-89. 

Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American History, ch. XII. 
Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, chs. IV-V. 
Thwaites, R. G., The Colonies, pp. 81-111. 



William and Mary College, Williamsburg 

The merchants of London pledged the money to found this college. 
The charter and seal were granted by King William, February 8,1693, 
and the original building was designed by Sir Christopher Wren, the 
great English architect. 






CHAPTER VIII 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 

Establishing a National Protestant Church in England. 

Until late in the reign of King Henry VIII, England remained 
a Roman Catholic country; loyal to the Pope as supreme head 
of the church. But when the Pope refused to grant King 
Henry a divorce, that monarch broke off relations with Rome, 
and declared himself the supreme head of the Church of Eng¬ 
land. This act marked the beginning of Protestantism in 
England, but at first there was little change from the religious 
doctrines of the old church. Indeed, three Englishmen out 
of four were still Catholic at heart when Queen Elizabeth, the 
daughter of Henry VIII, came to the throne (1558). But the 
new Church of England made steady progress during Eliza¬ 
beth’s reign. The Catholic king of Spain sent a mighty fleet 
against England in 1588, and the Pope declared him the rightful 
ruler of that country. This united Englishmen in a common 
cause against the invader; it became more and more difficult 
for Catholics to continue faithful to their religion and still 
remain loyal subjects of Queen Elizabeth. 

Origin and Ideals of the Puritans. Some members of the 
new Church of England wished to do more than merely deny 
the authority of the Pope. These reformers, or Puritans as 
they came to be called, wished to purify the Church of England 
by doing away with some of its ceremonies. They objected 
to making the sign of the cross in baptism, they were opposed 
to the use of the ring in marriage, they disliked the wearing 
of the surplice by clergymen. Then, too, the Puritans wanted 
more preaching in the church service, and less reading from 
the Book of Common Prayer. We must not imagine that 
the Puritan movement was merely a quibble about religious 

78 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 


79 


forms. In an age when corruption and immorality were common, 
the Puritans insisted upon purer living, upon a higher standard 
of morality. In government, too, the influence of the new 
movement was felt; for the Puritans stood for the rights of 
the people, as opposed to the absurd Stuart doctrine of the 
* ‘ Divine Right ’ f of kings. 

The reformers at first 
did not plan on a church 
of their own, but only to 
purify the Established 
Church. But the bitter 
persecution by Elizabeth 
and her successor, James 
I, drove thousands of 
Puritans out of the 
church, forcing them to 
worship by themselves. 

In time many Puritans 
became Independents or 
Separatists; they wished 
to separate entirely from 
the Church of England, 
and form churches of 
their own. There ought 
to be no connection be¬ 
tween the churches and 
the government, said the 
Separatists. These men 
had caught a vision of 
the future, for our Amer¬ 
ican government was 
afterwards founded on this very principle of a complete sepa¬ 
ration of church and state. 

The Separatists Seek Refuge in Holland. To deny that the 
English king is the supreme head of the church was treason; 
so the reformers were fined, jailed, and persecuted without 
mercy. King James said: “ I will make the Puritans conform, 



The Puritan 

The original statue by Augustus St. Gaudens 
is in Springfield, Mass. 









80 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


or I will harry them out of this land, or worse.” The king was 
as good as his word; he could not make the Puritans accept his 
religion, but he forced many of them to seek refuge in foreign 
lands. This was true of the little band of Separatists who lived 
at Scrooby, a country village in the north of England. About 
1608 this congregation fled to Holland, then the only country 
in Europe that opened its doors to all Christians of whatever 
creed. The Scrooby emigrants settled at Leyden, about twenty 
miles from Amsterdam. They lived there for nearly twelve years, 
working industriously in the woolen manufactures for which 
Leyden was famous. 

Toward the end of this period, the exiles began to think of 
a second migration. They had been well treated in Holland, 
but they saw their children marrying into Dutch families, 
and fast losing their English speech and ways. Then, too, it 
was hard for them to earn a living at manufacturing, for they 
were bred to a simple country life. Moreover, the times were 
stormy in the Netherlands; the twelve years’ truce with Spain 
was nearing a close, and Holland was making ready for another 
deadly struggle with her bitter foe. There was but one country 
where the exiles might worship God in their own churches, and 
still bring up their children as Englishmen. That place was 
America. 

The Pilgrims Come to America. The mild climate and 
fertile soil of Virginia were known to the Leyden settlers, and 
they hoped to locate near the Virginia colony. So they asked 
the London Company for permission to settle somewhere on 
the Delaware River. The London Company promised them 
land, but their efforts to secure a charter from James I were in 
vain. The best they could get from that narrow-minded king 
was a vague promise that he would not molest them “ so long 
as they lived peaceably.” English merchants agreed to lend 
them the money needed for the voyage. In return, everything 
produced by the colonists for a period of seven years was to be 
placed in a common stock, and afterwards divided according 
to the amount invested by each person. 

A small ship, the Speedwell , brought part of the Leyden 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 


81 


congregation to Southampton in July, 1620. Here there was a 
month of delay; but at last the Pilgrims, as we may now call 
them, set sail for America in two small ships. The Speedwell 
belied her name, for she soon sprung a leak, and the party 
turned back to Plymouth Harbor. Alone, the Mayflower finally 
started across the Atlantic, with one hundred and two men, 
women, and children on board. The voyage was a stormy one, 
lasting for nine dreary weeks. Driven northward out of their 



Plymouth Rock as It Appears To-day 


course, the Pilgrims at last saw before them the low sandy 
coast of Cape Cod. It was far from the Delaware region to 
which they were bound ) but after a month spent in ex¬ 
ploring the coast, a party led by Captain Miles Standish chose 
Plymouth as the site for their colony (December 21, 1620). 
This exploring party probably landed on or near the large 
bowlder since called Plymouth Rock. On December 26, a 
favorable wind enabled the Mayflower to sail across the bay and 
cast anchor in Plymouth Harbor. There was no landing of the 






















82 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


Mayflower company as a whole; and most of the colonists lived 
on board the ship during the winter, while cabins were being 
built on shore. 

The Mayflower Compact. About a month before their 
arrival at Plymouth, the little company met in the cabin of 
the Mayflower, and drew up an agreement for their government. 
This was necessary because they were about to settle far north 
of the land granted them by the London Company, a fact which 
led a few unruly spirits to question the authority of the Pilgrim 
elders. The “ Mayflower Compact ” declared first, that those 
who signed it were loyal subjects of King James of England; 
second, that for the general good of the colony, they would 
make such just and equal laws as might prove necessary, to 
which every one promised due obedience. As the king of Eng¬ 
land repeatedly refused to grant a charter, Plymouth Colony 
was governed for seventy years under this compact. Each year 
the men of the colony met together in what was called a “ town 
meeting ” to discuss needed laws, to tax themselves, and to 
elect their governor. Nothing could be more democratic than 
this plan of local self-government. It was the beginning of the 
famous town-meeting system that soon spread throughout New 
England. 

Life in Plymouth Colony. In the early days of the Pilgrim 
settlement, there was almost constant hunger. Fish and game, 
were abundant; but being unused to fishing and hunting as well 
as to other sports, the Pilgrims starved in the midst of plenty. 
They planted corn, but the harvest was not large enough. 
Since there could be no private ownership of land for seven 
years, there was no reward for the industrious colonist; every 
one was fed and clothed from the common stock, without 
regard to his capacity or industry. 

Hunger and sickness claimed one half of their number during 
that first terrible winter. Yet when the Mayflower sailed for 
England the following spring, not one of the little band went 
with her. It was soon found necessary to abandon the plan of 
owning the land in common. A parcel of land was granted to 
each family for its own use; as a result, every one set to work 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 


83 


planting corn. In spite of this new spirit of industry, the dry 
summer and hot sun made the corn wither and turn brown. In 
this time of despair, the devout spirit of the Puritan asserted 
itself. A day was set aside “ to seek the Lord by humble and 
fervent prayer.” The answer was a refreshing rain, and in the 
end there was a full harvest. “ For which mercy,” wrote the 
pious Governor Bradford, 

“ they also set apart a day 
of thanksgiving.” 

Friendly Relations with 
the Indians. Brave Cap¬ 
tain Miles Standish, whose 
fame has been sung by 
Longfellow, was the Pilgrim 
leader in arms. He was the 
head of every exploring 
party, a sure bulwark 
against Indian attacks. 

Fortunately for the col¬ 
onists, most of the Indians 
in this region had been 
swept away by a deadly 
scourge, probably the small¬ 
pox. Then, too, the settlers 
had the aid of a friendly 
Indian named Squanto. Once carried captive to England, 
Squanto knew the white man’s language and could act as in¬ 
terpreter. He showed the Pilgrims how to plant corn, taught 
them to hunt and to fish, helped them get furs and other 
supplies from the natives. In the spring after their arrival, the 
colonists were honored by a visit from Massasoit, the war chief 
of a tribe living southward from Plymouth. With Massasoit 
the Englishmen made a treaty of friendship and alliance. It 
was agreed that neither the red men nor the white should 
injure one another; and if any wrong was done, the offender 
should be punished. This treaty was faithfully kept by both 
parties for more than half a century. 



Edward Winslow 

?rom the only authentic portrait of a 


71/f mi-fl mhov* T^ilor-rim 





84 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


Government of Plymouth Colony. Other settlers came from 
Leyden and from England. At first they brought no supplies of 
any kind, so there were only more hungry mouths to be fed. But 
the new arrivals did bring willing hands ; they brought, too, the 
heroic Puritan spirit which neither starvation, nor disease, nor 
royal persecution could conquer. Slowly but surely these 
sturdy Pilgrims laid the solid foundation of a permanent 
colony, the second English colony in America. At the end of the 
first ten years, there were only three hundred colonists in Ply- 



Copyright by A. S. Burbank. 

Plymouth in 1622 


Leyden Street with the Common House at the left and Winslow’s at the end 
of the row. All are made of hewn logs, with roofs of thatch and windows of 
oiled paper. The fireplaces were made of stones laid in clay, and the chimneys 
stood outside the walls. The stockade with cannon “to flank along the streets” 
incloses Governor Bradford’s house. 


mouth; but after the founding of Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth 
gained many settlers from her neighbor. By the year 1643, 
Plymouth Colony comprised ten towns, with a total population 
of three thousand settlers. The town of Plymouth, the site 
of the first settlement, remained the center of the colony. 
The governor lived here, and here the colonial assembly met; 
for as population grew, representative government was in¬ 
troduced, as in Virginia. The king had refused to give them a 





THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 


85 


charter, but the Pilgrims finally received a grant of land from 
the “ Council for New England.” Plymouth had only a short 
history as a separate colony, for in 1691 it was joined with the 
larger and more prosperous colony of Massachusetts Bay, whose 
beginnings we are now to trace. 

The Divine Right of Kings. When Charles I came to the 
throne after the death of his father, King James, the people 
of England began to realize that the Stuart kings would all 
prove to be tyrants. It had been a favorite maxim of James I 
that kings ruled by Divine Right; that is, kings were chosen 
by God to rule over other men, and their subjects owed them 
a blind, unquestioning obedience. King Charles did not talk 
so much about this Divine Right theory, but he put it into 
practice. When Parliament dared to oppose his will, the king 
dismissed that body and ruled for eleven years without once 
consulting the wishes of his people. His chief adviser during 
this period was the Bishop of London, William Laud, who 
counseled the king to persecute all persons who would not 
accept the state religion. Fines, imprisonment, the pillory, 
torture, — these were the means on which Laud relied to 
maintain the Established Church, and to crush out freedom of 
thought. It was an evil day for Dissenters, whether Separatists 
or Puritans; and the result was a great exodus of Puritans out 
of England to the New World. 

The Massachusetts Bay Company. In 1628 a group of 
Puritans under the leadership of John Endicott obtained a 
patent from King Charles giving them certain lands in America. 
Their grant was only about sixty miles from north to south, 
lying between the Charles and Merrimac rivers; but it ex¬ 
tended westward to the Pacific Ocean, then thought to be not 
far from the Hudson River. Endicott, with some fifty or sixty 
settlers, reached the shore of Massachusetts Bay in September, 
1628, and founded the town of Salem. 

Meantime, other Puritans in England were making ready 
to join their comrades in Massachusetts. They were anxious 
to obtain a charter from the king, and the next year, 1629, 
Charles I chartered the “ Governor and Company of Massa- 


86 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


chusetts Bay in New England.” This charter was a very 
liberal one. The company could govern the colony almost 
as it pleased, except that no laws were to be passed contrary 
to the laws of England. The members were to meet each year 
for the purpose of electing a governor, a deputy-governor, and 
eighteen assistants, who had general charge of the company’s 
affairs. Four times a year, members of the company were to 
meet with these officers in a General Court to make laws for the 
colony. The meeting place of the company was not mentioned 
in the charter, but it was soon decided that it should be in Massa¬ 
chusetts, where the colony was to be established. In other words, 
the charter was to be taken to America, and the government of 
the colony placed in the hands of the colonists themselves. 

The Great Emigration. About 1630 began the “ Great Emi¬ 
gration ” of sturdy, liberty-loving Puritans from England to 
the shores of Massachusetts. Besides the tyranny of the 
king and the desire to worship in their own churches, other 
causes swelled the number of emigrants. England was thought 
to be overcrowded with people; so much so, wrote Win- 
throp, that “ children, . . . especially if they be poor, are 
counted the greatest burdens, which if things were right would 
be the chiefest earthly blessing. Across the broad Atlantic 
the Lord has provided a whole continent for the use of man; 
why should it longer lie waste without any improvement? ” 

The Puritan leader in this enterprise, now elected governor 
of the Massachusetts Bay Company, was John Winthrop, an 
ambitious, scholarly man, who also had good business ability. 
Winthrop sailed for Massachusetts in 1630, with eleven ships 
and nine hundred colonists. After some exploration of the 
coast, he chose Boston as the site for the Puritan colony. The 
first winter here, like that earlier one at Plymouth, was a time 
of intense cold and suffering. Before December, hunger and 
exposure had claimed two hundred of their number as victims. 
At length supplies and more settlers arrived from England, 
and the colony began to prosper. Nearly four thousand people 
were living on or near the shore of Massachusetts Bay by 
1634. Besides Boston, the capital of the colony, there were 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 


87 


some twenty towns or villages, including Charlestown, Dor¬ 
chester, Cambridge, Roxbury, Lynn, and Watertown. 

Government of Massachusetts Bay Colony. The colony was 
ruled at first by Governor Winthrop, aided by his deputy and 
the assistants. As the number of people and settlements in¬ 
creased, a change was necessary to meet new conditions. When 
a tax was levied for a fortification at Newtown, the inhabitants 
of Watertown refused to pay their share on the ground that 
they were not represented in 
the General Court. As a 
result of Watertown’s pro¬ 
test, it was decided that 
each settlement should send 
two representatives or dep¬ 
uties to meet with the 
governor and his assistants. 

The deputies and assistants 
at first met together, as a 
single body. But the depu¬ 
ties were more democratic 
than the assistants, with 
whom they often disagreed. 

Finally, in 1644 it was ar¬ 
ranged that deputies and 
assistants should meet sep¬ 
arately, as an upper and a 
lower house of the legisla¬ 
ture. This was the begin¬ 
ning of the two-house plan now followed in all of our state legis¬ 
latures, as well as in Congress. 

Local Town Government. In the meeting house the 
people came together both to worship God and to transact 
public business. Here, as at Plymouth, the freemen in town 
meeting decided what taxes should be levied and by whom 
paid; how those who broke the laws should be punished; 
together with many other matters both of public and private 
concern. The town meeting elected the local officers, the 



John Winthrop 

Portrait by Van Dyck in the State House, 
Boston. 




88 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


selectmen who had charge of the general business of the town; 
constables to keep order; cowherds to take the cattle to the 
common pasture; swineherds to drive the swine to their feed¬ 
ing-place ; a pound keeper to catch stray beasts and keep them 
safe until claimed by the owner, — a man for each simple duty. 
Three things should be remembered concerning the town 
government of Massachusetts: (1) It was democratic, carried 
on directly by the people themselves; (2) it regulated every 
matter of local concern; (3) it was the type of local government 
copied throughout New England, and afterwards carried into 
the West by men from New England. 

Religious Intolerance. Delegates to the General Court 
were elected by the freemen who belonged to the Puritan 
churches, lor in early Massachusetts only church members 
were permitted to vote or hold office. Smarting under the mem¬ 
ory of their recent persecution, the Puritans became persecutors 
in turn. Men were fined, whipped, or banished from the colony 
for speaking against the church or the government. These 
people had come to America not to establish a colony where • 
every one might worship as he pleased, but to found a Puritan 
state of which the Puritan church should be the cornerstone. 
By excluding members of the Church of England from their 
colony, the Massachusetts Puritans placed themselves in con¬ 
flict with King Charles and his advisers, who were striving to 
crush Puritanism at home. At last the king brought matters 
to a climax. His judges declared the Massachusetts charter 
forfeited, and ordered the government of the colony placed in 
the hands of the king himself. The decree was never carried 
out. The Civil War in England between Charles I and his 
Parliament saved the colony from the loss of its charter; and 
when the war ended, the House of Stuart no longer ruled 
England. 

The Struggle for Freedom of Thought. It was a simple 
matter to provide by law that only members of the Puritan 
church should have a voice in the government of the colony. 
It was also easy to punish those who protested against this 
union of church and state. What the Puritan leaders could not 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 89 

do was to prevent men from thinking and saying that this 
union of church and state was wrong and unjust. The cause 
of freedom of thought found two famous champions. A quick¬ 
witted Welshman, Roger Williams, alarmed the elders by de¬ 
claring that church and state ought to be separated, that no 
one should be compelled to attend 
religious services, and that it was wrong 
to require unbelievers to swear an oath 
of fidelity to the colony. 

Williams had spent much time among 
the Indians, teaching them the Word 
of God. He said that the soil of the 
New World belonged to them, and that 
the settlers could obtain a valid title 
to it only by purchase, instead of 
by a grant from the king. A serious 
dispute at once arose. The Puritan 
leaders feared that the king, who was 
already inclined to take away their 
charter, might hear of this bold denial 
of his authority. Williams was ordered 
to return to England in 1636; but 
instead of obeying, he fled to the 
woods and took refuge with his Indian friends. Another dis¬ 
senter, Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, was likewise teaching new re¬ 
ligious doctrines and boldly criticizing the magistrates. She, 
too, was banished. 

The Founding of Rhode Island, 1636. Roger Williams made 
his way to Narragansett Bay, at the head of which he founded 
Providence. Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers also fled 
south, and purchased from the Indians the island which bore 
the name of Aquedneck. Here two settlements were made, 

' Portsmouth and Newport; while the town of Warwick was 
founded soon afterwards. Roger Williams secured from Par¬ 
liament a patent uniting the four towns, Providence, Ports¬ 
mouth, Newport, and Warwick, under the title of “Providence 
Plantation in Narragansett Bay in New England.” Rhode 



Roger Williams 


Founder and President of 
The Providence Plantations, 
1654 - 1657 . 





90 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


Island grew rapidly, because it was the one colony in New 
England that tolerated every form of religious belief. In our 
colonial history, Rhode Island stands for freedom of thought, a 
fact commemorated by the statue in the city of Providence 
bearing this simple inscription : “ Roger Williams — Soul Lib¬ 
erty, 1636.” 

The Founding of Connecticut. By this time many people 
in Massachusetts had become dissatisfied with the undemocratic 
government which permitted none but church members to vote. 
Some of them decided to leave the colony and, hearing “ of 
the fame of the Conightecute River, they had a hankering 
mind after it.” Windsor and Wethersfield were settled by the 
first emigrants. Next the whole Newtown congregation, led 
by its pastor, Thomas Hooker, moved to the banks of the 
Connecticut and founded Hartford. Others followed until 
eight hundred people were living in the three settlements of 
Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield. 

These towns were at first part of Massachusetts, but one 
day Thomas Hooker delivered an eloquent sermon in which he 
said that the consent of the governed is necessary in every 
state. Accordingly, the inhabitants of the three towns met at 
Hartford, and drew up a document creating a government 
of their own. This constitution was called “ The Fundamental 
Orders of Connecticut ”; it is the first example in our history 
of a written constitution drawn up by the people for their 
own government (1639). 

The New Haven Colony. Another colony was forming on 
the north shore of Long Island Sound while the Connecticut 
towns were having their beginnings. A group of London Puritans 
reached Boston in 1637, while on their way to found a colony. 
The Boston settlers gave them a hearty welcome, but the new¬ 
comers wanted to have a colony of their own. They found a 
favorable site on Long Island Sound, and established the colony’ 
of New Haven. Its government was based on a strict read¬ 
ing of the Scriptures, and so New Haven is sometimes called 
“the Bible Commonwealth.” None but church members 
could vote, and the church officials were the magistrates of 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 


91 



the colony. Milford and Guilford were settled in 1639, and the 
town of Stamford was begun the next year. These towns were 
afterwards united under the name of the “ Colony of New 
Haven.” The king refused to grant a charter, and some twenty 
years later, the colony was joined to Connecticut. 

The New England Confederation. The first step toward a 
union of the English colonies came in 1643. At this time a 
threefold danger threatened them: the hostility of the Indians 
in Connecticut, the spread of the Dutch settlements along the 
Hudson, and the activities of the French fur traders on the 
north. At last four of the New England colonies, Plymouth, 
Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, and New Haven, decided to 
form a union for their mutual defense. The name of their 







































92 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


league or confederation was “ The United Colonies of New 
England.” Each colony was to control its own domestic affairs, 
as before; but a board of eight commissioners, two from each 
colony, was to have charge of matters that concerned them all, 
such as carrying on war. The New England Confederation is 
important in our history because it was the first attempt at 
union among the colonies. It showed them the value of acting 
together, and served as a precedent for later plans of colonial 
union. The Confederation lasted for forty years, and carried the 
colonies through King Philip’s War, the most dangerous Indian 
conflict of colonial times. 

Indian Wars in New England. The first serious conflict 
between the white settlers of New England and the Indian 
tribes came in 1634, when the Pequots of Connecticut went on 
the war path. This uprising ended in a defeat so crushing that 
the Indians were quiet for the next forty years. But at length 
a new generation of Indians, trained in the use of firearms, 
determined to stop the steady invasion of their hunting grounds. 
The native tribes of New England were in a sad plight. The 
white settlers were constantly pressing inland from the sea- 
coast, destroying the forests and killing the game; while the 
hostile IrPquois barred the gateway to the interior of the 
continent. 

At last King Philip, chief of the Wampanoag Indians, united 
the tribes of southeastern New England in a life and death 
struggle against the colonists (1675-1677). It was a war of 
murder and pillage, without quarter on either side. Thirteen 
towns were burned to ashes, growing crops were destroyed until 
famine threatened the settlers, and one tenth of New England’s 
fighting men were slain. In the end, the superior training of 
the white man made itself felt. King Philip was killed, his 
followers were hunted down without mercy, and the Indian 
power in New England was broken for all time. 

New Hampshire and Maine. The Plymouth Company, 
which had been granted the New England coast in 1607, failed 
to make a permanent settlement. This territory was after¬ 
wards granted to a new company, called the “ Council for New 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 


93 


England.” The principal men interested were Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges and Captain John Mason. The Council for New England 
did little by way of settlement, but gave most of its land to 
private individuals. In this way, Gorges and Mason were 
granted the territory lying between the Merrimac and Ken¬ 
nebec rivers. These two landholders divided their property 
in 1629. Mason took the territory between the Merrimac and 
Piscataqua rivers, which he named New Hampshire, and 
Gorges took the remainder, which he called Maine. Massa¬ 
chusetts claimed all of this territory under her charter, and 
when Gorges died she promptly annexed the Maine settlements. 
New Hampshire was peopled largely by emigrants from neigh¬ 
boring colonies; and upon the death of Mason, it was also 
annexed to Massachusetts. The district of Maine remained 
a part of Massachusetts throughout the colonial period, and 
even after the formation of the United States; but New Hamp¬ 
shire became a separate colony in 1679, and was independent 
of Massachusetts from that time on. 

Charters for Connecticut and Rhode Island. Connecticut 
had been almost as prompt as Virginia in acknowledging 
Charles II when he was brought back to rule England after 
Cromwell's death. On the other hand, New Haven had offended 
the king by sheltering two of the judges who had condemned 
his father to death. Charles II punished New Haven by uniting 
it with Connecticut under a charter granted to that colony in 
1662. About the same time, Roger Williams secured a charter 
for Rhode Island which provided that no one should be molested 
“ for any difference in opinion in matters of religion.” 

The Tyrannical Rule of Andros. When James II, last and 
worst of the Stuart kings, came to the throne, he determined to 
do away with the free governments which the people had 
created in New England. To do this he would have to get 
control of the colonial charters. The courts of England had 
already declared the Massachusetts charter forfeited, and the 
king planned to take away the charters of Connecticut and 
Rhode Island. As the first step, he sent over Sir Edmund Andros 
to act as governor of Massachusetts, Plymouth, New Hamp- 


94 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


shire, and Maine. Soon afterwards, New York and New Jersey 
were placed under his rule. The new governor ruled with a high 
hand, a tyrant in America just as King James was trying to be 
in England. The colonial legislatures, the local town meetings, 
even the courts were abolished, until the colonists saw them¬ 
selves without any control over their government. 

Andros next demanded the surrender of the charters of Rhode 
Island and Connecticut. But his arbitrary rule was cut short, 
for in 1689 the news came that James II had been driven from 
his throne. The people of Boston at once rose against Andros, 
who was imprisoned, then sent back to England. So the English 
Revolution, as it was called, proved that neither the king nor 
his governor could place himself above the law. Most of the 
colonies regained their old charters, but Massachusetts received 
a new one which made it a royal province. The governor was 
to be appointed by the king, with power to veto any measure 
not to his liking. Voters were no longer required to be church 
members, and all religious sects were tolerated. Plymouth 
and Maine were annexed to Massachusetts, which was governed 
under this charter until the Revolution. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 59-70. 

Beckek, C. L., Beginnings of the American People, pp. 80-107. 
Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I, chs. X-XV. 
Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, chs. II- 

III. 

Hart, A. B., American History told by Contemporaries, I, chs. XIV- 
XX ; II, ch. III. 

Tyler, L. G., England in America, chs. IX-XV, XIX. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Drake, S. A., The Making of New England, pp. 168-184. 
Long, A. W., American Patriotic Prose, pp. 25-30. 

Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, chs. IV-V. 
Th waites, R. G., The Colonies, pp. 178-194. 


THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES 


95 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 


1. The Puritans and Pilgrims. Barstow, C. L., Explorers and 
Settlers, pp. 127-144 ; Hart, A. B., Editor, American Patriots and 
Statesmen, I, pp. 67-69, 83-86 ; Moore, Nina, Pilgrims and Puritans, 
pp. 1-91. 

2. Life in the Plymouth Colony. Barstow, C. L., Explorers and 
Settlers, pp. 189-210 ; Drake, S. A., The Making of New England, 
pp. 67-103 ; Higginson, T. W., Book of American Explorers, ch. 
XIV ; Moore, Nina, Pilgrims and Puritans, pp. 20-91, 115-152. 

3. The Massachusetts Bay Colony. Higginson, T. W., Book of 
American Explorers, ch. XV ; Thwaites, R. G., The Colonies, pp. 
124-140. 

4. Rhode Island and Roger Williams. Drake, S. A., The Making 
of New England, pp. 194-203 ; Thwaites, R. G., The Colonies, 146- 
150. 



Pine Tree Shillings 


CHAPTER IX 


THE MIDDLE COLONIES 

The Dutch Colony of New Netherland. New Netherland, the 

territory claimed by Holland from the discoveries of Henry 
Hudson, embraced all the country between the Delaware and 
Connecticut rivers. France and England also laid claim to 
this region; but the southward advance of the French was 
checked by the Iroquois Indians, while the struggling New Eng¬ 
land colonists were at first in no position to drive out the Dutch 
fur traders. Holland gave a monopoly of the trade of New 
Netherland, as well as the control of its government, to the 
Dutch West India Company, a commercial company more 
interested in the fur trade than in building up a permanent 
colony. Peter Minuit, the second governor sent over by the 
company, bought the island of Manhattan from the Indians, 
and built Fort Amsterdam on the present site of New York 
City. This soon became an important trading post, as well 
as the home of the Dutch governors of New Netherland. 

From the first, the Dutch were on friendly terms with the 
powerful Iroquois Indians, who were the bitter enemies of the 
French because of their defeat at the hands of Champlain. 
This friendship had far-reaching results in American history; 
for when the English afterwards seized New Netherland, they 
also won the good will of the Iroquois. These warlike tribes 
then formed a living barrier between the English settlements 
toward the south and the French of the St. Lawrence region. 

The Patroon System. The profitable traffic in furs brought 
many traders to New Netherland, but few permanent settlers. 
In order to attract a farming class of people, the Dutch West 
India Company finally decided to establish a system of landed 
estates called patroonships. Any member of the company 

96 


THE MIDDLE COLONIES 


97 


who would bring fifty settlers into the colony was to be 
given a large tract of land along the Hudson River. Each 
patroon had complete control over his estate and the people 
living on it. They could 
not hunt or fish without 
his consent; they could 
not weave linen or cotton 
cloth; they must sell 
their crops to the pa¬ 
troon, and grind their 
grain at his mill. The 
patroon system was 
modeled on the plan of 
landholding that pre¬ 
vailed in Holland, but 
it did not prove popular 
in America. In Europe 
the feudal system was 
dying; it could not be 
transplanted to the soil 
of the New World. 

Difficulties of the 
Dutch Governors. Un¬ 
like their English neigh¬ 
bors, the people of New 
Netherland had no con¬ 
trol over their govern¬ 
ment. They elected no 
local officers, nor did 
they choose a legislature 
to help make the laws. 

Instead, all powers were 



New Netherland and New Sweden 


exercised by the governor appointed by the Dutch West India 
Company. This officer held himself responsible, not to the 
colonists, but to the directors of the company. The rights of 
man, said Peter Stuyvesant, were nothing to him; he was the 
servant of the West India Company. 












98 COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 

The story of the Dutch governors has been told by the 
matchless genius of Washington Irving in his burlesque history 
of the colony. We may laugh with Irving at the oddities of these 
rulers, but their task was no light one. During Governor 
Kieft’s administration, there was a terrible Indian war that 
lasted for five years, and almost destroyed the colony. Then 
there were the Swedes on the Delaware to be disposed of. 

Not to be outdone in the 
race for colonies, Sweden in 
1638 had established a set¬ 
tlement at Christina on the 
Delaware River. New Swe¬ 
den, as this colony was 
called, was located on terri¬ 
tory claimed by the Dutch. 
In 1655 a strong expedition 
under Governor Stuyvesant 
easily captured Fort Chris¬ 
tina, and the Swedish settle¬ 
ments were annexed to New 
Netherland. 

A more difficult problem 
was that of dealing with the 
English colonies to the east¬ 
ward. Settlers from Plymouth and Massachusetts Ray were 
peopling the fertile Connecticut Valley, which was claimed by 
the Dutch as part of New Netherland. Peter Stuyvesant might 
bluster, but he could not drive out these English as he had done 
in the case of the Swedes. So the dispute was referred to 
arbitrators, who decided that the boundary of New Netherland 
should be a line drawn ten miles east of the Hudson River. 

England Strikes at Holland’s Commercial Power. This 
division gave the Connecticut Valley to the English; and a few 
years later, it seemed probable that the rest of New Netherland 
would pass into their hands as well. About this time England 
passed a Navigation Act aimed at the Dutch shipowners, who 
then carried on most of the ocean commerce of the world. The 




THE MIDDLE COLONIES 


99 


Navigation Act declared that goods imported into England or 
her colonies must be carried in English ships, or else in the 
ships of the country producing the goods. This measure closed 
the trade of the English colonies to Dutch vessels, and promptly 
brought on war between England and her former friend and 
ally, Holland. 

Cromwell sent four armed vessels across the Atlantic, expect¬ 
ing to secure aid from the English colonies for an attack on New 
Netherland. Three members of the New England Confedera¬ 
tion, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, were eager for 
war, but the largest colony held back. Massachusetts had no 
quarrel with the Dutch, nor was she inclined to recognize the 
authority of Cromwell. At last Massachusetts gave way, but 
just as the New England troops were ready to take the field, 
news reached Boston of the peace between England and 
Holland, a peace that saved the Dutch colony for another ten 
years. 

Governor Stuyvesant and His Despotic Rule. Meanwhile, 
the people of New Netherland were becoming more dissatisfied 
with their governor than ever. Peter Stuyvesant was a man of 
quick temper, who believed in his own right to rule. He had 
lost one leg in war, and as he stumped about on his silver-banded 
wooden one, the people called him “ Old Silver-Leg.” Stuy¬ 
vesant persecuted those who questioned his acts; he threatened 
to hang on the highest tree in New Netherland any man who 
might appeal from his decisions to the authorities in Holland. 
The governor was equally intolerant in the matter of religion. 
He would permit no church in the colony except the Dutch 
Reformed Church; for the Lutherans he had fines, while the 
Quakers were whipped, tortured, and thrown into prison. But 
in New Netherland as in Massachusetts, all these punishments 
were of no avail; the Quakers, Independents, and Lutherans 
kept on worshiping God in the fight of their own faith. 

An empty treasury at last compelled Governor Stuyvesant 
to pay some attention to the wishes of the people. He consented 
to have a council of nine men to advise him in case of need. This 
council drew up a petition to the legislature of Holland, asking 


100 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 



New Amsterdam 

The City Hall and the Great Dock at the southeastern end of the town. 

for local self-government in the colony. The legislature incorpo¬ 
rated New Amsterdam as a town, but its burgomaster and other 
officers were appointed by the governor, so the people gained 
little by their remonstrance. . Another complaint of the colonists 
was that education was neglected. In answer to this complaint, 
the West India Company agreed that a school might be estab¬ 
lished in the city tavern if Stuyvesant saw no objection. The 
governor probably did object, for the children were never taught 
there, although the schoolmaster asked for the use of the tavern 
on the ground that his pupils needed a schoolroom which could 
be warmed in winter. 

The Conquest of New Netherland. In spite of England’s 
attempt to cripple Holland’s trade, that country was still a 
commercial rival to be feared. Hence, soon after Charles II 
became king, Parliament passed a second Navigation Act. This 
measure closed the trade of the English colonies to foreign ships. 
All goods intended for her colonies must first be shipped to 
England and landed there, in order that English merchants 
and shipowners might have their profit on the colonial trade. 











THE MIDDLE COLONIES 


101 


The king’s brother, James, was eager for war with Holland, and 
his wish was soon gratified. Even before the war began, King 
Charles granted to his brother the whole region between the 
Connecticut River and the Delaware; in other words, he pre¬ 
sented him with the Dutch colony of New Netherland. Colonel 
Richard Nicolls was the energetic commander sent from Eng¬ 
land to make good this grant. His little fleet of three warships 
crossed the Atlantic in 1664, and suddenly appeared before 
Fort Amsterdam. 

Governor Stuyvesant had been warned of his danger, but 
he was poorly equipped for defense. Fort Amsterdam had only 
a few stone cannon, with a scant supply of ammunition; more 
serious still, the people of the colony would not fight for a 
government in which they had no voice. The English com¬ 
mander sent a letter to Stuyvesant demanding the surrender 
of Fort Amsterdam, and promising liberal terms. In a rage, 
Governor Stuyvesant tore the letter to pieces, saying: “ I had 
rather be carried to my grave.” But the Dutch burghers and 
their wives crowded into the council room, and compelled the 
governor to piece together the fragments of the letter and ac¬ 
cept its terms. A white flag was run up over Fort Amsterdam; 
and without a shot fired on either side, the Dutch colony of 
New Netherland became the English colony of New York. 
The conquest of New Netherland removed the wedge which the 
Dutch had driven between the New England colonies and Vir¬ 
ginia. The English were now in control of the whole Atlantic 
coast from the Spanish settlements in Florida northward to 
the French outposts on the St. Croix River. 

New York under English Rule. Nicolls became the first 
governor of New York, exercising the authority vested in James, 
Duke of York, as proprietor of the province. Aided by repre¬ 
sentatives of the people, he drew up the Duke’s Laws, which 
provided for trial by jury, for freedom of worship, and for the 
election of town officers by the landowners. Later, the Duke 
of . York became King James II of England; and scarcely had 
he been crowned king before he took away the liberties that 
he had granted as duke. New York was annexed to the 


102 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


Dominion of New England, over which Sir Edmund Andros was 
appointed governor. The Church of England was made the 
Established Church of the province, and no schools were per¬ 
mitted except those licensed by this church. 

The people submitted to the tyranny of Andros until news 
came of the “ Glorious Revolution ” that drove King James II 
out of England, and placed William and Mary of Holland on 
the throne (1688). As soon as these tidings reached America, 
there was rebellion on all sides against the rule of Andros. The 
overthrow of King James gave the colonists more control over 
their government. The new rulers permitted them to elect a 
popular legislature, and from this time on, New York had a 
permanent representative assembly. 

The New Jersey Grant. On receiving his charter for the 
country between the Connecticut and Delaware rivers, the 
Duke of York presented two of his friends with a large portion 
of his new domain. The lucky proprietors were Sir George 
Carteret and Lord John Berkeley, a brother of the famous 
governor of Virginia. Their grant included the territory be¬ 
tween the Delaware and Hudson rivers, named New Jersey in 
honor of Sir George Carteret’s gallant defense of the Island of 
Jersey during the Civil War in England. To encourage settlers 
for their new province, the proprietors offered land on liberal 
terms, promising the colonists freedom of worship and a legis¬ 
lature of their own choosing. The proprietors also granted 
two hundred acres of land in each parish for the support of 
the minister chosen by the settlers. 

The Settlers and Their Government. Some colonists were 
living in New Jersey before the grant was made, for English 
and Dutch trading centers had been established at Bergen, 
Hoboken, and Weehawken. Philip Carteret, a cousin of the 
proprietor, came to New Jersey as governor in 1665. He estab¬ 
lished Elizabethtown, where the first legislature for the colony 
met a few years later. Middletown and Newark were settled by 
New Englanders, some of them coming from the colony of 
New Haven, which had just been joined to Connecticut. These 
New Englanders promptly organized a town government, and 


THE MIDDLE COLONIES 


103 


restricted the right to vote to members of the Congregationalist 
Church. 

Lord Berkeley afterwards sold his interest in the colony to a 
group of Quakers, one of whom was William Penn. The Quakers 
bought what was called West Jersey, for the colony was now 
divided. The Quakers founded the town of Burlington, granted 
religious toleration to all settlers, and gave them the right to 
govern themselves. A few years later, East Jersey was also 
purchased by William Penn and twenty-three others, chiefly 
Quakers and Scotch Presbyterians. Large numbers of both 
these sects now sought religious freedom in New Jersey. The 
proprietors surrendered their rights to the crown in 1702, when 
East and West Jersey were again united into a single colony. 
From this time on, New Jersey was a royal colony with a 
governor and council appointed by the king, and a representa¬ 
tive assembly chosen by the people. 

The Society of Friends or Quakers. One of the new religious 
sects in England was the Society of Friends, or Quakers. The 
founder of this society was George Fox, the son of a weaver in 
Leicestershire, England. His converts, nearly all people of the 
humbler class, were soon numbered by thousands. The Quakers 
believed in a divine “inner light,” or voice of God speaking 
within their own hearts. Their worship was usually conducted 
in silence; nevertheless, any one was free to speak, for they 
believed that all their members were sent by God to preach. 

In religion and in everyday life, the Quakers were more 
democratic than the Puritans themselves. They regarded all 
men as equal in the sight of God, and believed that they should 
be equal in the sight of men as well. The Quaker dress was 
simple and somber; their speech was quaint, for they addressed 
all people, kings and common folks, simply as “ Friend,” or 
as “ thee ” and “ thou.” “ Love your enemies ” was the 
command of Christ, a command that the Quakers accepted 
literally. They held all warfare wrong, even in self-defense; 
they would not fight themselves, nor would they contribute 
anything to the support of soldiers. “ Swear not at all ” was 
another command that the Quakers understood in a literal 


104 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


sense. They refused to take an oath when testifying in court; 
worse offense still, they would not take the oath of allegiance to 
the king. The Quakers, as we have seen, helped to settle New 
Jersey; and they had a still larger share in building up the 
colony of Pennsylvania. 

William Penn, the Great Quaker Leader. The founding of 
Pennsylvania was the work of William Penn, one of the greatest 
men of colonial times. His father, Admiral William Penn, was a 

distinguished naval officer 
and a close friend of King 
Charles 11. While a student 
at the University of Oxford, 
young Penn was deeply 
moved by the preaching of 
a Quaker minister named 
Thomas Loe. The college 
authorities thought it best 
to send him home, where¬ 
upon his father gave him a 
thrashing and turned him 
out of doors. At last re¬ 
lenting, the Admiral sent his 
son to Paris, hoping that in 
the gayeties of the French 
capital he would forget 
his Quaker teachings. Ap¬ 
parently the Admiral’s plan succeeded; but at a later time 
young Penn was sent to Ireland to look after his father’s proper¬ 
ties. It happened that Thomas Loe, the Quaker preacher, was 
also in Ireland ; and one day Penn heard him preach. The text 
was, “ There is a faith which overcometh the world, and there is 
a faith which is overcome by the world.” From that moment 
until his death, William Penn was a Quaker. 

Returning to London, Penn wore his hat in his father’s 
presence, called him “thee” and “thou,” and was again 
turned out of doors. Before his death, the Admiral became 
reconciled to his son, to whom he left a considerable fortune. 





THE MIDDLE COLONIES 


105 


Penn was then free to write and preach in defense of his belief; 
and the authorities could not silence him, even behind prison 
walls. Notwithstanding his Quaker principles, Penn, like his 
father, was a warm friend both of Charles II and of the Duke 
of York. The story is told that one day when William Penn 
met King Charles, the king removed his hat. “Why dost thou 
remove thy hat, Friend Charles? ” said the young man. “ Be¬ 
cause,” said the king, “ wherever I am, it is customary for 
only one to remain covered.” 

Penn Plans to Establish a Quaker Colony. The Quakers 
were bitterly persecuted in England. Their doctrines not only 
ran contrary to the Established Church, but they were a menace 
to monarchy itself. If all men were equal in the sight of God, 
why should there be any nobles or kings ? Because of this perse¬ 
cution, William Penn at last decided to found a Quaker colony 
in the New World. Admiral Penn had loaned King Charles a 
large sum of money, which had never been repaid. Partly on 
account of this debt, William Penn petitioned the king for a 
grant of land in America. His request was granted, and in 
1681 King Charles issued a charter that made Penn proprietor 
of forty thousand square miles in America. In spite of Penn’s 
protest, the king insisted on naming this territory Pennsylvania 
(Penn’s woods). Penn himself drew up the charter, which pro¬ 
vided for a government similar to that of Maryland. 

Just as the Cavaliers had sought refuge in Virginia and the 
Puritans in Massachusetts, so the Quakers now flocked to 
Pennsylvania. In order to encourage emigration, Penn wrote a 
pamphlet describing his colony. This pamphlet was widely 
circulated not only in England, Ireland, and Wales, but in 
Holland and Germany as well. At the same time, Penn wrote a 
letter to the people who had already settled in Pennsylvania, 
promising them that they should be governed by laws of their 
own making. 

The Founding of Pennsylvania, 1682. In 1681 Penn sent his 
cousin to rule as deputy-governor the people living in his new 
domain. In the following year he himself sailed for the Delaware 
in the ship Welcome with one hundred colonists, most of whom 


106 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


were Quakers. Proceeding up the river, Penn met the represent¬ 
atives of the people at Chester, and together they passed 
sixty-one statutes, known as the Great Law of Pennsylvania. 
These laws were broad and liberal. No taxes were to be levied 
for the support of any church, and no man was to be persecuted 
for his religion. Every taxpayer was to have the right to vote, 
but only those professing Jesus Christ could hold office. There 



The Penn House 

Built in 1684 south of Market Street, where the Provincial Council met. 
In 1882 the house was moved to its present site in Fairmount Park. 


was to be no labor on the Sabbath Day. The right of trial by 
jury was established, and no oath was to be required in giving 
testimony in court. Ten thousand Quakers had tasted the 
horrors of English prisons; in Pennsylvania, prisons were to be 
not merely jails, but places of reformation where useful trades 
should be taught. Only two crimes, murder and treason, were 
punished by death, although at this time there were a great 
many capital crimes in England. 





THE MIDDLE COLONIES 


107 


The City of Brotherly Love. Before the arrival of the pro¬ 
prietor, the settlers had set aside a wide area for a city be¬ 
tween the Schuylkill and Delaware rivers. Here Penn laid out 
the capital of his province, naming it Philadelphia, the City of 
Brotherly Love. A weekly post was established, a school was 
opened, and a printing press set up. Within a few years, Phila¬ 
delphia could boast a tannery and saw mill, besides a brick kiln, 
glass factory, and other industries. Philadelphia soon outstripped 
New York in population and wealth, and during the eighteenth 
century became the leading city of the colonies. 

Penn’s Treaty with the Indians. Penn treated all men as 
brothers, the red man as well as the white. He determined to 
deal with the Indians so justly that they would not disturb his 
colonists. There is a well-founded tradition that Penn made a 
treaty with the Indian chiefs at Shackamaxon, now Kensington, 
under an immense elm that long afterward bore the name of 
the “ Treaty Elm.” Certain it is that the Quaker leader com¬ 
pletely won the hearts of these simple children of the forest. 
Pledges of friendship were exchanged between Penn and the 
native chiefs; it was agreed that “ the Indians and English must 
live in love as long as the sun gave light.” The Indians pre¬ 
sented Penn with a wampum belt in which were woven the 
figures of an Indian and a white man clasping hands. Penn’s 
fair treatment of the natives, and the fact that the tribes of 
this region had just been subdued by the Iroquois and were 
not disposed to war, prevented Pennsylvania from having any 
serious Indian troubles for many years. 

The Growth of Pennsylvania. Penn made two visits to his 
colony, remaining on each occasion for about two years. Large 
numbers of settlers were arriving from Ireland and Germany, 
as well as from England and Wales. The colony grew so rapidly 
that Penn could write in 1684 : “I have led the greatest colony 
into America that ever any man did upon a private credit.” 
Pennsylvania was larger than New York by the time of the 
Revolution, and was outranked in population only by Massa¬ 
chusetts and Virginia. Until the Revolution, the colony re¬ 
mained in the hands of the Penn family as proprietors. 


108 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


The charter of Pennsylvania encroached upon the domain 
of Lord Baltimore, and a heated boundary quarrel disturbed 
both colonies for a number of years. This dispute was not 
settled until about ten years before the Revolution, when two 
English surveyors, Mason and Dixon, fixed a definite boundary 
line between Maryland and Pennsylvania. Every few miles 
they planted a stone on one side of which was cut the coat of 

arms of the Baltimores, on 
the other that of the Penn 
family. In the later history 
of our country, Mason and 
Dixon’s line became famous 
as the dividing fine between 
the slave and the free states. 

Delaware Becomes an 
English Colony. The coun¬ 
try around the Delaware 
River was claimed by the 
Dutch from the voyage of 
Henry Hudson, and was 
considered a part of New 
Netherland. In 1638, the 
Swedes planted a settlement 
near the present site of Wil¬ 
mington. New Sweden, as 
their colony was called, was 
finally seized by the Dutch, 
and afterwards surrendered to England. Soon after Penn re¬ 
ceived his charter, he persuaded the Duke of York to grant him 
the territory now known as the state of Delaware in order to 
give his own colony a direct outlet to the ocean. So Delaware 
became part of Pennsylvania, and was referred to as the “lower 
counties.” This union was very displeasing to the people of 
Delaware. Shortly after Penn’s second visit, they obtained 
their own deputy-governor and assembly, although until the 
Revolution they continued to have the same governor as Penn¬ 
sylvania. 



Courtesy of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Hannah Callowhill 

The wife of William Penn, who came to this 
country on Penn’s second voyage, 1669. 





THE MIDDLE COLONIES 


109 


Results of the Colonizing Movement. England’s great 
colonizing movement during the seventeenth century was not 
confined to the mainland of North America. The Bermuda 
Islands were occupied by one of the early expeditions bound 
for Virginia, while other English settlers reached the Leeward 
Islands a few years after the Pilgrim fathers settled Plymouth. 
The Bahama Islands were discovered by the Spaniards, who 
abandoned them for the richer countries of South America; 
and English Puritans afterwards came to the islands. In 1655 
England seized Jamaica, another Spanish possession, and oc¬ 
cupied Barbados, which became her richest and most populous 
American colony during the seventeenth century. Here in the 
West Indies, as on the mainland of North America, France was 
England’s chief rival. By the middle of the seventeenth 
century, French settlers had occupied thirteen islands of this 
group. The most important were Guadeloupe, Martinique, 
and a large part of Santo Domingo or Haiti, which France 



“ The Treaty not Sworn to and Never Broken ” 

The belt of wampum given to William Penn by the Leni Lenape Sachems at 
the Elm Tree Treaty, 1682, and presented by his great-grandson Granville John 
Penn to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1857. 

wrested from Spain. Even little Denmark entered the race 
for colonies, and planted settlements on three islands of the 
Leeward group, near Porto Rico. On the Pacific coast, Russia 
held Alaska as a result of the discoveries of Vitus Bering; in 
the North Atlantic, Denmark claimed the colony of Greenland. 

On the mainland of North America, the seizure of New 
Nether land and the founding of Georgia gave England an 
unbroken chain of colonies along the Atlantic coast from Maine 







110 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


to Florida. By the close of the seventeenth century, Holland and 
Sweden had been forced out of the race for colonies in North 
America; while on the south, Spain was no longer a rival to be 
feared. In the future, only the French power in Canada and 
west of the Appalachians could threaten England’s supremacy 
over the continent. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, C. M., Colonial Self-Government, chs. IV-VIII, XI-XII. 
Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 85-97. 

Becker, C. L., Beginnings of the American People, pp. 107-160. 
Channing, Edward, History of the United States, I, chs. XVI-XIX; 
II, chs. II, VI-VII. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, I, chs. XXII- 
XXVI ; II, ch. IV. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Dutch in New Netherland. Barstow, C. L., Explorers 
and Settlers, pp. 171-188 ; Drake, S. A., The Making of Virginia and 
the Middle Colonies, ch. IV ; Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American 
History , ch. XIV ; Higginson, T. W., Book of American Explorers , 
ch. XIII ; Thwaites, R. G., The Colonies, pp. 196-207. 

2. William Penn and Pennsylvania. Barstow, C. L., The Colonists 
and the Revolution (Century Readings), pp. 47-64 ; Drake, S. A., The 
Making of Virginia and the Middle Colonies, pp. 188-219 ; Gordy, 
W. F., Stories of Early American History, ch. XV ; Hodges, G., Wil¬ 
liam Penn (Riverside Biographical Series) ; Long, A. W., American 
Patriotic Prose, pp. 13-15 ; Thwaites, R. G., The Colonies, pp. 215- 
217. 


CHAPTER X 


THE STRUGGLE FOR A CONTINENT 

France and England as Rivals in North America. At the 

close of the seventeenth century, France claimed a vast domain 
in North America. New France, as her empire was called, 
included Acadia and the St. Lawrence region, together with 
the country surrounding the Great Lakes, and the entire 
Mississippi Basin. The English colonies occupied the narrow 
strip of coast between the Atlantic Ocean and the Appalachians, 
these mountains forming a natural barrier to westward expan¬ 
sion. Although British America was much smaller than New 
France, it was held more securely. The Englishman came 
with his family to establish a permanent home in the New 
World. The French flag was carried forward over vast stretches 
of territory by intrepid explorers like La Salle, but to little 
avail. Few colonists came to live in the wide domain opened 
up by the French pathfinders; and the few who came usually 
preferred the fur trade to the difficult work of farming. More¬ 
over, France was too busy with wars and politics in Europe to 
give serious attention to her New World empire. Both France 
and England persecuted dissenters from the established state 
religion. But while England winked at the emigration of 
Separatists, Puritans, and Quakers, France forbade the Hugue¬ 
nots to go to America, where they would have greatly aided 
her task of empire building. 

Lacking permanent settlers, New France had to rely on a 
chain of rude forts with small garrisons to hold back the steady 
westward pressure of the English colonists. If it came to war, 
there was a long line of communications to defend, extending 
from Quebec at the north along the St. Lawrence River and 
the Great Lakes, thence down the Mississippi to the fort at 

111 


112 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


New Orleans. This line must be defended by troops sent from 
Canada or France, for settlers were few throughout all this vast 
region. The French power was not rooted in the soil as in the 
case of the English along the coast, where the colonists fought 
with their backs toward their homes. Another advantage 
of the English was the friendship of the Iroquois Indians, who 
checked the southward advance of the French from the St. 
Lawrence region. 

Colonial Wars between France and England. England and 
France had long been rivals in Europe; and the close of the 
seventeenth century found each nation eager to extend its 
domain in the New World. The English wished more room 
in the center of the continent over which their growing colonies 
might expand; while the French wanted the Hudson River 
Valley in order to have an outlet from the St. Lawrence south¬ 
ward. This would cut the English possessions in two, and go 
far toward expelling them from the continent. The issue be¬ 
tween the two powers was decided in a long series of hard- 
fought wars. There were four of these colonial wars, covering a 
period of nearly a century (1689-1763), with thirty years of 
actual fighting. The first three were little more than border 
conflicts so far as America was concerned, but in Europe the 
fighting was on a much larger scale. The fourth colonial struggle, 
or the French and Indian War, is known in European history 
as the Seven Years’ War (1756-1763). This was a world-wide 
conflict in which the mastery both of North America and of 
Asia was decided. 

To understand the campaigns in this century-long struggle 
for North America, we must bear in mind that there were then 
no roads along which opposing armies might attack each other. 
There were many trails over which small bands of Indians or 
rangers might pass, but an army of any size had to follow one 
of two great waterways. One of these ran almost due north 
from Albany by way of the Hudson River, Lakes George and 
Champlain, to the St. Lawrence River and the heart of Canada. 
The second route also started from Albany, running west along 
the Mohawk River to Lake Ontario. Both routes lay through a 


THE STRUGGLE FOR A CONTINENT 


113 


rugged, forest-clad, and almost unpeopled wilderness. Each 
was interrupted by numerous rapids and shallows, around which 
the boats had to be carried. So, during all of these colonial wars, 
it was not so much a question of how to fight the enemy, as of 
how to get at him. 

The Contest for the Ohio Valley. At the close of the third 
colonial war in 1748, both France and Great Britain realized 
that the final conflict had only been delayed. The French still 
hoped to confine their rivals to the region east of the. Alleghenies; 
but the English colonies had become much stronger than New 
France in population and resources, the factors that were to 
decide the question of supremacy. In moving westward, there 
were two natural highways which the English colonists might 
take. One was through the Mohawk Valley, but the Iroquois 
or Five Nations held back their advance in this direction. 
The other was by way of the Potomac River into the Ohio 
Valley. English fur traders were already using this route, and 
it was here that the first clash came. The governor of Canada 
sent an expedition to take possession of the Ohio Valley, and 
to warn intruders that this region was claimed by France. 
On reaching Lake Erie, the explorers carried their canoes 
overland to Chautauqua Lake, and from this point passed 
down the Allegheny River to the Ohio. Wherever they saw 
English fur traders, they warned them to leave the country, 
The Frenchmen passed down the Ohio River until they came 
to the Great Miami, returning to Lake Erie by way of the Mau¬ 
mee River. 

In the same year that the French were exploring the Ohio 
Valley, some Virginians determined to plant a settlement there. 
The Ohio Company, as their organization was called, secured 
from the king the grant of 500,000 acres of land on the south 
side of the Ohio, between the Monongahela and the Kanawha 
rivers. Christopher Gist, a fur trader, was sent to explore the 
country and select lands for the company. The French were 
alarmed at this preparation for settlement in the territory 
claimed by them. Unless they could keep control of the Ohio 
River, their communication with Louisiana through the center 


114 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


of the continent would be destroyed, and their possessions cut 
in two. ,The governor of Canada, Marquis Duquesne, was 
instructed to build forts along the Allegheny and Ohio rivers, 
so as to connect the St. Lawrence settlements with the Missis¬ 
sippi. Governor Duquesne sent an expedition which landed at 
Presque Isle on the southern shore of Lake Erie, where the 
city of Erie now stands. Fort Le Boeuf was built on a northern 
tributary of the Allegheny, and Fort Venango farther toward 
the south. 

Washington’s First Public Mission. All of this Ohio Valley 
region was claimed by Virginia under her charter of 1609. The 
governor of Virginia determined to send a written protest to 
the French, warning them that they were trespassers, and 
demanding that they leave the Ohio Valley. The man chosen by 
Governor Dinwiddie to take this message was a young Virginia 
surveyor, George Washington. Although only twenty-one 
years of age when chosen for this mission, Washington had 
already gained a reputation for courage, fair-mindedness, and 
military capacity. Accompanied by Christopher Gist and six 
other white men, he made his way through the wilderness to 
Fort Le Boeuf, near the northern boundary of Pennsylvania. 
The French commander sent Dinwiddie’s letter on to Governor 
Duquesne, and Washington carried back a reply which asserted 
that the king of France owned all the country west of the 
Allegheny Mountains. 

The French and Indian War, 1756-1763. Governor Din¬ 
widdie decided to build a fort at the forks of the Ohio River 
in order to secure this natural gateway to the interior of the 
continent. For this mission he again chose Colonel George 
Washington, who was to command a force of Virginia volunteers. 
Before Washington could arrive, the French came down the 
Allegheny River and built a strong fort at the forks of the Ohio, 
naming it Fort Duquesne. Washington reached Great Meadows, 
a spot on the western slope of the Alleghenies, before the 
French blocked his advance. He threw up a rude fortification 
called Fort Necessity, but was compelled to surrender to 
superior numbers on July 4, 1754. This engagement was really 



By this system of Indian “ carries ” or portages over the watershed between 
the Great Lakes and the Mississippi Valley, the French were able to keep open 
the military communications in the great expanse of Louisiana. 


115 














































116 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


the beginning of the French and Indian War, although war 
was not actually declared until two years later. 

Advantages and Weaknesses of Each Combatant. In this 
final struggle for the continent of North America, the French 
had some advantages over the British. Canada was defended 
by a considerable force of trained soldiers, including regiments 
famous throughout Europe for their valor. Moreover, the gover¬ 
nor of Canada had power to enlist in the defense of his country 
every man capable of bearing arms. In border warfare the 
French had trained themselves to fight alongside the Indians. 
To offset the fact that a large amount of territory had to be 
defended, the French possessed two of the strongest fortresses 
in North America. ' These were Louisburg, on Cape Breton 
Island, and the impregnable cliff of Quebec. The French 
settlements in America were united under a single governor, 
but this gain was offset by the fact that there was no such thing 
as self-government throughout New France. As a result, the 
French colonists relied on the mother country in all things, 
rather than upon their own resources. Even when a British 
army was battering the gates of Quebec, the Canadians looked 
for defense to the trained regiments from France, while their 
own militia fled in confusion at the first volley. 

In marked contrast with the centralized empire of New 
France, the thirteen English colonies had their separate gov¬ 
ernments, each jealous and distrustful of its neighbor. The 
New England colonists were suspicious of the New Yorkers, 
and the feeling was fully returned in kind. Pennsylvania 
thought it hardly worth while to fight for the Ohio Valley if 
the country were to belong to Virginia under her sea-to-sea 
charter; while the southern colonies, believing that they were 
in no danger of attack, at first refused to send any troops at all. 
Moreover, the British generals made no effort to disguise their 
contempt for the colonial troops and officers, a fact that did 
not promote harmony. Leading men among the colonists knew 
only too well the cause of their weakness. Reporting the 
seizure of Fort Duquesne in the Pennsylvania Gazette, Ben¬ 
jamin Franklin added an illustration of a rattlesnake cut into 


THE STRUGGLE FOR A CONTINENT 


117 


pieces, below which appeared his famous motto, “ Unite or 
Die.” 

The Albany Plan of Union, 1754. Realizing that war was 
at hand, the British government instructed the colonial 
governors to send commissioners to Albany with power to 
make a treaty with the Iroquois, and secure their aid if possible. 
Delegates were present from seven colonies; and they discussed 
not only Indian affairs, but also the possibility of uniting all 
the colonies in a league for common defense. The “ Albany 
Plan of Union ” was drawn up by one of Pennsylvania’s dele¬ 
gates, Benjamin Franklin. His plan provided for a president- 
general appointed by the king, and an annual council of delegates 
elected by the colonial assemblies. The Albany Plan did not 
meet with favor outside of the congress that adopted it. Re¬ 
membering Sir Edmund Andros, the colonists did not like the 
idea of a president-general appointed by the king; while the 
British government was not in favor of a council chosen by 
the colonies. Although the plan was dropped, its proposal 
showed that the colonists were beginning to realize the need of 
some kind of union. 

Braddock’s Defeat at Fort Duquesne. The beginning of the 
war saw the French in possession of the Ohio Valley, and 
occupying a strongly fortified position along the St. Lawrence 
River. Against these points the British began active military 
measures immediately after Washington’s defeat at Fort 
Necessity. General Braddock was sent to America as the 
British commander in chief. He met the colonial governors at 
Alexandria, and a threefold plan of campaign was agreed upon. 
(1) The entrance to the interior of the continent was to be 
secured by taking Fort Duquesne. (2) An expedition of New 
York volunteers and Iroquois Indians was to attack Crown 
Point and Niagara. (3) A colonial army, aided by a British 
naval force, was to attack the French posts in Acadia. 

General Braddock, a veteran of proven courage but a bigot 
to military rules, reserved to himself the task of taking Fort 
Duquesne. Braddock’s regulars were reinforced by Virginia 
militia under Colonel Washington, giving him a force of about 


118 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 



The Ohio Valley Country 

Washington’s Mission to Ft. Le Boeuf and Braddock’s Expedition. 


1400 men. Sturdy axmen hewed a road for his army through 
the unbroken forests from Virginia to Fort Cumberland, then 
across Pennsylvania toward the forks of the Ohio River. 
Braddock’s army was within eight miles of Fort Duquesne, 
when there was a sudden attack. Hidden in the dense woods, 











THE STRUGGLE FOR A CONTINENT 


119 


the French and Indians poured a deadly fire upon the brilliant 
mark afforded by the red-coated British troops. Braddock 
refused to listen to the advice of Washington and the colonial 
officers, who urged him to let the men break ranks, form a 
skirmish line, and fight in frontier fashion. Attacked on three 
sides, the British force was almost annihilated. In vain Brad- 
dock strove to rally his defeated forces. Five horses were shot 
under him; and as he lay dying, he exclaimed: “We shall 
know better how to do it next time.” Only the Virginia militia 
stood fast, and despite the loss of four fifths of their number, 
covered the retreat of the wreck of the army. 

Braddock’s defeat convinced the Indians that the French 
were to be the victors in the coming struggle, and it left the 
frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia open to their raids and 
massacres. To defend this back door of the colonies, Wash¬ 
ington raised a small force of Virginians, and built blockhouses 
near the principal mountain passes. His skill in defending 
the border during the following three years, and his valor at 
Fort Duquesne, gave him a reputation as the ablest colonial 
officer in America. 

Expulsion of the Acadians. For forty years the British had 
been in possession of Acadia, which they called Nova Scotia; but 
except for their stronghold at Halifax, they had little control 
over the province. The French inhabitants of the peninsula 
refused to recognize the British as their rulers, so that the 
situation was full of danger. If the British weakened their 
garrison at Halifax in order to attack Louisburg, the Acadians 
might rise in revolt, and drive them from the peninsula. To 
avert this danger, the British commander decided to seize the 
Acadians, place them on transports, and distribute them 
throughout the English colonies to the southward. In this 
way nearly seven thousand Acadians were exiled from the land 
of their birth for no fault except their refusal to take the oath 
of allegiance. In the confusion that marked the tragic ex¬ 
pulsion of the Acadians, their goods were lost and many families 
separated, incidents that gave Longfellow the suggestion for 
his beautiful poem Evangeline. 


120 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


William Pitt Becomes Prime Minister. In spite of all the 

fighting in America up to this time, Great Britain and France 
were still outwardly at peace. But in 1756 Great Britain joined 

with Prussia against Austria, 
France, and Russia in the 
terrible European struggle 
known as the Seven Years’ 
War. France won the first 
victories in America. A 
great French general, the 
Marquis de Montcalm, took 
Fort William Henry at 
the southern end of Lake 
George, and captured Os¬ 
wego. In this hour of 
gloom, Great Britain turned 
to the man who was to give 
her victories in place of de¬ 
feat. William Pitt was ap¬ 
pointed prime minister, a 
position which-he held for 
the next four years. Fear¬ 
less of criticism, Pitt had 
the valuable gift of judging 
men. He did not hesitate to turn out the bunglers who were 
responsible for Britain’s military disasters. Pitt wanted generals 
who could win battles, regardless of their years of service or 
station in life. The British had been content up to this time 
simply to hold back the French. Pitt changed this policy; his 
bold imagination conceived the plan of driving them from the 
continent. Hereafter, it was to be an offensive, rather than a 
defensive war. Under Pitt’s direction, fleets, troops, and sup¬ 
plies were dispatched to the New World; and soon all America 
was aglow with military enthusiasm. 

The Capture of Louisburg and of Fort Duquesne, 1758. The 
first result of the new policy was the capture of Louisburg 
by Generals Amherst and Wolfe, aided by a powerful fleet. 



Louis Joseph, Marquis de Montcalm, 
Commander in Chief of the French 
Army in America 


From an engraving by Sergent, 1790, 
in the Emmett Collection, New York 
Public Library. 





THE STRUGGLE FOR A CONTINENT 


121 


The fall of this fortress made it possible for the British fleet 
to block the entrance to the St. Lawrence River. An advance 
was also to be made through Lakes George and Champlain, 
but this failed because of the crushing defeat that Montcalm 
inflicted on the British at Ticonderoga. In the same year, a 
force of regulars and colonial troops captured Fort Duquesne, 
which was renamed Fort Pitt in honor of England’s great 
statesman. 

The Attack on Quebec. Pitt next planned a twofold cam¬ 
paign against Quebec, the stronghold of French power in 
America. General Amherst was to capture Fort Niagara, then 
advance northward along the Champlain route against Quebec. 
His army was to cooperate 
with that of General Wolfe, 
who was to move up the 
St. Lawrence from the sea. 

Amherst captured Niagara, 
and soon afterwards occu¬ 
pied Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point; but he was unable 
to advance beyond the en¬ 
trance of the Richelieu 
River. 

Thus the attack upon Que¬ 
bec fell solely upon Wolfe. 

Although only thirty-two 
years of age, he had been 
chosen by Pitt as the one man 
best fitted to command the 
expedition. Slight in frame 
and feeble in health, Wolfe’s 
spirit was heroic, his en¬ 
thusiasm as boundless as 
that of Pitt himself. The fleet bearing Wolfe’s army entered the 
St. Lawrence in June, 1759, and anchored off the island of 
Orleans, a few miles above Quebec. Situated at the top of a cliff 
two hundred feet above the water, the fortress was thought to be 



James Wolfe 


From an engraving by Richard A. 
Muller in the Emmett Collection, New 
York Public Library, after Gains¬ 
borough’s portrait. 




122 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 



impregnable. Wolfe destroyed that part of the town around 
the base of the cliff, but the summer wore away with nothing 
accomplished toward taking the citadel. After an unsuccessful 
attack near the Falls of Montmorency below Quebec, Wolfe 
changed his plan of action. He determined on an attack above 
the city where the'banks of the St. Lawrence are high and steep, 
but broken here and there by ravines. By climbing one of these 
ravines about a mile and a half above Quebec, Wolfe hoped to 

place his army on 
the Plains of Abra¬ 
ham. From there 
he could bombard 
the fortress, or force 
Montcalm into a 
decisive battle. 

The Battle on 
the Plains of Abra¬ 
ham, September 
13, 1759. On a 
moonless night in 
September, Wolfe 
with four thousand 
men rowed stealth¬ 
ily up the St. 
Lawrence, landing 
near the ravine 
called the Arise du 
Foulon. Here the 
daring attempt was 
to be made. At 
the top of the ravine 
was a French post of only two hundred soldiers, for Montcalm 
did not expect an attack at so difficult a point. Just before 
dawn the twenty-four volunteers who formed the vanguard of 
the British force scrambled up the almost impassable cliff, easily 
routing the French soldiers, who had not even placed a sentry 
there. The ravine once held, it was an easy matter for Wolfe’s 


Monument Erected in 1827 to the Memory of 
Wolfe and Montcalm on the Plains of Abraham 







THE STRUGGLE FOR A CONTINENT 


123 



The Middle Colonies During the French and Indian War. 

The dotted line marks the extent of French territory previous to the conclu¬ 
sion of the war. 


little army to gain a position on the plains above. Thinking 
that only a part of the enemy’s army was before him, Montcalm 
ordered an immediate attack. The battle was short, but fiercely 
contested. Montcalm’s regulars fought bravely, but the French 
line first wavered, then broke before the deadly fire of the 
British. Carried away in the rush of fugitives, Montcalm him¬ 
self was mortally wounded. When told that he had but a few 
hours to live, he replied, “ So much the better, I am happy 
that I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec.” Wolfe 
was twice wounded, but was still leading the charge when a 
third bullet cut him down in the hour of victory. His dying 


































124 COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 

words were: “ Now God be praised! I shall die in peace.” 
The great fortress of Quebec was surrendered a few days later ; 
and with the conquest of Montreal the next year, Great Britain 
held Canada with all its dependencies. 

Results of the War. France was exhausted and anxious for 
peace. By the Treaty of Paris, signed in 1763, she ceded to 
Great Britain not only Canada, but all of the disputed territory 
between the Appalachians and the Mississippi, except New 
Orleans and a small adjacent district. Spain, the luckless ally 
of France, was obliged to cede Florida to the British, but was 
allowed to recover Cuba and the Philippines, which had been 
seized by Great Britain during the war. On the day when the 
preliminaries of peace were signed, France made a secret 
agreement with Spain by which she gave her New Orleans, 
together with all the territory known as Louisiana stretching 
westward from the Mississippi River. Great Britain restored 
to France some of the sugar islands in the West Indies which 
she had captured, and granted French fishermen the right 
to fish in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and off the coast of New¬ 
foundland. In Africa, France ceded Senegal, while in India 
she lost another empire. 

The Treaty of Paris left Great Britain beyond all dispute 
the greatest of maritime and colonial powers. Portugal and 
Holland, her earlier rivals, had long since fallen hopelessly be¬ 
hind ; and by this treaty France and Spain were swept from her 
path. Great Britain was now mistress of the seas, and all the 
world was open to her merchants, explorers, and colonists. To 
the English colonists, the treaty meant that the whole interior 
of the continent was thrown open to the growing population 
which had been confined to the Atlantic side of the Appalachian 
barrier. It meant, too, the removal of the menace of French 
power toward the north, leaving the colonies less dependent 
upon Great Britain for defense against a common foe. It was 
settled that Anglo-Saxon ideals and institutions were to prevail 
throughout North America; and to the colonists this was the 
most important result of the war. The government of New 
France was a despotic and paternal government, with all of its 


THE STRUGGLE FOR A CONTINENT 


125 


powers proceeding from the king. There was no trial by jury, 
there were no town meetings, no representative assemblies to 
help make the laws. Had France won the war, her system of 
colonial government would have been extended oyer the 
greater part of the continent. It would have been impossible 
for the English colonists, in their narrow space along the Atlantic 
coast, to develop into the great nation of to-day whose ideals 
have always been those of liberty and self-government. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 111-132. 
Becker, C. L., Beginnings of the American People, pp. 134-160. 
Channing, Edward, History of the United States, II, chs. V-XIX. 
Greene, E. B., Provincial America, chs. VII- X. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, II, chs. XVIII- 
XX. 

Howard, G. E., Preliminaries of the Revolution (American Nation 
Series), ch. I. 

Thwaites, R. G., France in America (American Nation Series), chs. 
VI-XVII. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The English and French in North America. Morse, E. W., 
Causes and Effects in American History, ch. IV ; Sloane, W. M., 
French War and the Revolution, ch. III. 

2. Campaigns of the French and Indian War. Sloane, W. M., 
The French War and the Revolution, chs. IV-IX. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Baldwin, J., Conquest of the Old Northwest, pp. 1-149. 

Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American History, ch. XXII. 

Hart, A. B., Editor, American Patriots and Statesmen, I, pp. 224-226. 
Johnson, W. H., French Pathfinders in North America, chs. VIII-IX. 
Long, A. W., American Patriotic Prose, pp. 30-33. 

Parkman, Francis, Struggle for a Continent, pp. 301-459. 


CHAPTER XI 


LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 

Population and Immigration. In the latter part of the 
eighteenth century, about two million people were living in 
the thirteen British colonies scattered along the Atlantic 
seaboard. Virginia ranked first in population, with three 
hundred fifty thousand people; while next in order came 
Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. Of our large cities of to-day, 
Philadelphia and Boston each had a population of twenty-five 
thousand in 1760, while New York had only one half that num¬ 
ber. The New England colonists were nearly all of English 
stock, as were most of the settlers in Maryland, Virginia, 
and the Carolinas. In the Middle Colonies, there were many 
Dutch, Swedes, Germans, and Scotch-Irish. However, all of 
the colonies were so thoroughly English that settlers of a 
different nationality were regarded as foreigners. During the 
eighteenth century, more of these foreigners came to the 
colonies than ever before. Many of them fled from religious 
persecution at home; while others sought refuge in the New 
World from the wars and oppressive conditions in Europe, 
where the land was owned by a few people, and the laborers 
were little better than serfs. 

After the failure of the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, many 
Scotch Highlanders came to the colonies, large numbers of 
them settling in North Carolina. There were also many Scotch- 
Irish, or people whose ancestors originally lived in Scotland, 
but who afterwards moved to the northern part of Ireland. The 
Scotch-Irish settled in the mountain valleys of Pennsylvania, 
Virginia, and the Carolinas. They were sturdy backwoodsmen, 
living in log cabins and cultivating their small farms without 

126 


LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 


127 


the aid of slaves. There were French Protestants or Huguenots 
in all the colonies, especially in South Carolina. But the most 
numerous class of foreigners were the Germans from the Rhine 
Valley. The great German migration to the colonies began 
about 1717, and continued until the Revolution. There were 
two chief causes for this movement. The Rhine country had 
been so devastated by wars that its people were almost com¬ 
pelled to find new homes. Moreover, in their own country 
the German peasants could not hope to rise above the condition 
in which they were born; while in the New World they could 
obtain free land, and might become wealthy farmers. 

Establishment of Towns in New England. For a number of 
reasons, the first New England colonists settled in small com¬ 
munities known as towns, instead of scattering over larger 
areas. Most of the New Englanders were Puritans in religion, 
and their first settlements were made by church congregations, 
each headed by its minister. Hence they naturally wished to 
have their homes near together so that all might worship at 
the common church. The economic conditions also favored the 
development of towns. The New England coast is indented 
by many bays and harbors; the rivers are generally rapid and 
unfit for navigation ; the stony soil is not adapted to the cultiva¬ 
tion of large estates. Hence many of the people settled on small 
farms, raising little more produce than they themselves needed; 
while others engaged in commerce and fisheries, which likewise 
favored close settlement. Moreover, the Indian tribes were 
likely to be hostile, and it was easier to defend a compact 
community against their raids. Frequently each little town 
was surrounded by a stockade, and provided with a blockhouse 
in which the people could take refuge in case of sudden attack. 
The town included not only the group of dwellings within the 
stockade, but also the outlying fields cultivated by the colonists. 

Hence the word “ town ” as used in New England does not 
mean a small village, but a district with an area of from twenty 
to forty square miles. In the center of this district was the 
meeting house, the town hall, the village store, the inn, and the 
schoolhouse. The people lived close together, and were sociable 


128 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


and friendly. There were few slaves in New England, for both 
climate and industry were unfavorable to negro labor; and the 
absence of a slaveholding class helped to make life more demo¬ 
cratic. The government of the town was a pure democracy; 
that is, local laws and regulations were made by the people 
themselves, instead of by their representatives. The men met 
in town meeting for the discussion of matters of common 
concern, such as the defense of the community, the construction 
of roads, the support of the school, and the care of the poor. 
On these and many other matters, the town meeting made laws 
called bylaws; it also levied taxes and elected the town officers. 

Life in the Southern Colonies. Conditions in the southern 
colonies were quite different. The men who came to Virginia 
did not come as church congregations seeking a land where 
they might worship freely; the first settlers, especially, came 
in the hope of finding gold. The people lived on large plantations, 
so that many a southern gentleman had to ride at least a mile 
to reach his nearest neighbor. The soil at the South was fertile, 
the rivers were slow and navigable, and many plantations had 
their own wharves where English ships could exchange their 
cargoes of manufactured goods for American tobacco. The 
warm climate was favorable to African labor; and once intro¬ 
duced, the system of slavery spread rapidly. The natural 
result of slavery was to degrade manual labor, thus preventing 
the rise of a prosperous middle class; and a wide social distinc¬ 
tion separated the plantation owners from the landless settlers. 
Thus an aristocratic type of society developed in the South as 
naturally as a democratic type in New England. Since the 
population was scattered, the people could not come together 
in town meetings. So the planters adopted a system of county 
government similar to that in England. The southern colo¬ 
nies were divided into counties, each governed by a county 
court. This body was composed of justices appointed by the 
governor of the colony. Thus local government at the South 
was less democratic than in New England, where the people 
themselves met in town meeting to pass local laws, and choose 
their local officers. 



BEFORE THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR—1750 



AFTER THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR—1763 

COLONIAL NORTH AMERICA 



























































































» 






















































































V 












LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 


129 


The Middle Colonies. The Middle Colonies were situated 
between New England and the South, so they borrowed some 
features of their local government from each section. From New 
England they took the township; from the South, the county. 
The functions of local government were divided between these 
two areas; hence this is called the township-county type of 
local government. The system of local government in the 
Middle Colonies was adopted many years later by the men 
who moved west to settle the Mississippi Valley. As a result, 
this township-county plan now prevails throughout the group 
of states extending from New York to Nebraska, which to¬ 
gether include more than half the population of the country. 
It is thus our most representative type of local government. 

Colonial Government. Besides its system of local govern¬ 
ment, each colony had a central government, something like 
the state governments of to-day. Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
and Rhode Island were governed under charters granted by 
the king, which gave the colonists highly prized rights of self- 
government. The people elected the governor and his council, 
as well as the legislature; hence they had almost complete control 
over their government. In Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Dela¬ 
ware, the governor was appointed by the proprietor, although 
the colonists were permitted to elect a representative assembly. 
The other seven were royal colonies; that is, they were ruled 
by a governor appointed by the king, together with a legislature 
chosen by the colonists. The right to vote was everywhere 
limited to men who owned a certain amount of property; and 
religious tests were also common. In every colony, the people 
claimed the rights of Englishmen living in the mother country. 
On the whole, Great Britain’s system of colonial government 
was more free and liberal than that which any other nation then 
granted to its colonies. 

Agriculture and the Fisheries. Agriculture was the chief 
occupation of the colonists, although the New Englander on 
his small farm could raise only the simple necessities of life. 
The Middle Colonies were the chief producers of foodstuffs, 
while the southern planters raised staple crops of tobacco, rice, 


130 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


sugar, and indigo. The New England settlers found fishing 
one of their most profitable occupations. The cod, mackerel, 
and whale fishing on the Atlantic coast gave employment to 
thousands of hardy sailors. In 1750, the port of Gloucester 
alone had seventy vessels, while the colony of Massachusetts 
had six thousand persons employed in the fishing industry. 
The better grades of fish were shipped to southern Europe, the 
poorer grades to the West Indies. 

The Fur Trade. The fur trade with the Indians was another 
important industry. New York was said to be the one English 
colony that could compete successfully with the French fur 
traders. Thousands of beaver skins were also shipped from New 
England, while Georgia and Virginia exported immense quanti¬ 
ties of deer skins. The Indian loved the white man’s woolen 
blankets, trinkets, and firearms; above all else, he loved the 
white man’s rum, and was always ready to exchange any 
number of valuable furs for a small quantity of liquor. The 
fur trade pushed its way westward as the frontier receded, 
gradually crossing the Appalachian barrier; and it was the 
rivalry of the British and French fur traders in the Ohio Valley 
which helped to bring on the final conflict between France and 
Great Britain. At the South, the fur trade also led to rivalry 
with the French and Spanish colonists of the Gulf region. 

Commerce and Shipbuilding. The abundance of good 
harbors along the Atlantic coast, the resources offered by the 
fisheries, and the ready supply of lumber for shipbuilding, all 
combined to make the New Englanders a seagoing people. A 
large part of the coasting trade was carried on in New England 
vessels, which also competed with British ships for the carrying 
trade of the ocean. British laws aided New England’s ship¬ 
building industry, since all articles shipped to or from the 
colonies had to be carried in British or colonial-built ships. 
The chief products which the colonists bought from England 
were woolen goods, wrought iron, and nails. Tobacco was their 
leading export; while next in order came naval stores, peltries, 
rice, and fish. Three fourths of the exports from the colonies 
to England were shipped from Virginia, Maryland, and the 


LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 


131 


Carolinas. The northern colonies sent no great staples, but paid 
for British goods indirectly through their shipbuilding and 
carrying trade, and by means of their commerce with the West 
Indies and southern Europe. 

Manufacturing in the Colonies. There was little manu¬ 
facturing in the colonies, for the mother country wished them 
to produce raw materials for her own factories, instead of 
supplying themselves with manufactured articles. The iron 
mined in the colonies might be made into crude bars or pigs; but 
these bars must be sent to England to be made into useful 
articles, since Parliament had prohibited the erection in the 
colonies of any steel furnace or mill for rolling iron. Straw 
hats and bonnets might be made in the homes of the colonists, 
but the manufacture of cloth or felt hats was restricted. These 
acts against manufacturing were more strictly enforced than 
the Navigation Acts, so that only household industries were 
carried on in America. The wives and daughters of the colonists 
dressed flax and carded wool, which was spun into thread or 
yarn on the spinning wheel, and woven into cloth on the cumber¬ 
some hand loom. Mittens and socks were also knitted in the 
home. Blacksmithing, the dressing of leather, shoemaking, 
soap and candle making, were other important domestic 
industries. There were many flour and grist mills, and the 
manufacture of molasses into rum was carried on extensively 
in New England. 

Free Laborers and Indented Servants. On the small farms, 
especially in the North, the owner usually cultivated his own 
land with the help of his family. Sometimes free laborers were 
employed, usually at a high rate of wages; for throughout the 
colonies, labor was a scarce commodity. Land was so cheap 
and yielded such large returns that men wanted to become 
independent farmers, and were not willing to remain hired 
laborers. At times the settlers exchanged labor with one another, 
as when there was a house or barn to be raised, or when crops 
were being harvested — work that called for united effort. 

Much more numerous than the free laborers were the unfree 
laborers known as indented servants. Of these there were two 


132 


COLONIZATION' OF THE NEW WORLD 


classes: those who voluntarily became servants, and those 
who were forced into servitude. The first class was made up 
of free persons who emigrated to the colonies to improve their 
condition. In return for their transportation, they bound them¬ 
selves out to service for a limited period, usually five or seven 
years. The second class of indented servants were English 
men and women forced to emigrate by the government; or 
children kidnapped in the streets of London or Bristol, and 
placed on ships bound for America. A law of Parliament 
authorized justices of the peace to send rogues, vagabonds, and 
“ sturdy beggars ” to the colonies. Then too, thousands of 
convicted criminals were pardoned on condition that they 
go to America, where they were sold into servitude for from 
seven to fourteen years. 

Slavery and the Slave Trade. Slavery existed in all of the 
colonies, but in a very different degree. In New England it 
was fast disappearing, because the varied industries of that 
section made slavery unprofitable. In New York and New 
Jersey, about one tenth of the population was composed of 
slaves; while in the South the slaves numbered forty per cent 
of the total population. Many of the southern colonies at first 
opposed the introduction of slavery, but the need for labor was 
great, and slave labor seemed well suited to the climate and 
crops of the South. In the tobacco fields of Virginia and on the 
rice plantations of South Carolina, the work was done by slaves 
under the direction of overseers. Harsh laws governed the 
treatment of the negroes. They were the absolute property 
of their masters, and had no redress even against the most 
cruel and inhuman treatment. New slaves were usually secured 
from Africa. The slave-trade was very profitable, and many New 
England merchants were engaged in the traffic. Molasses was 
brought from the West Indies to New England, where it was 
manufactured into rum; this was taken to Africa and exchanged 
for slaves, who were sold in the West Indies or in the southern 
colonies. 

Homes of the Colonists. Most of the small houses in the 
country were built of logs, either left round or roughly squared 


LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 


133 


with a broad-ax. The cracks between the logs were chinked 
with wedges of wood, and daubed with clay. The roof was 
usually of shingles, or of thatch supported by poles. A log 
shutter was hung at the opening left for a window, and a bark 
door hung on leather straps completed the home. A platform 
about two feet high placed along the wall and supported at the 
outer edge by strong posts, formed a bedstead; while hemlock 
boughs served for the mattress. It was not a soft one, but there 
was a popular frontier saying that, “ A hard day’s work makes 
a soft bed.” Sometimes the houses in the frontier communities 
were surrounded by a stockade of logs set on end, with heavy 
gates. This formed a place of refuge for the colonists in case of 
Indian raids. When the town site of Milford, Connecticut, 
was inclosed in this way, the Indians taunted the settlers 
by crying out, “ White men all same like pigs.” 

After sawmills came into use, the best dwellings were built 
of milled lumber, and were often patterned after the country 
houses in England — square, with broad porches supported 
by many columns. Many of the later houses were built of 
stone and mortar, or of brick. The first windows were of oiled 
paper, glass being a rare luxury. The early Dutch houses 
in New York were built of brick, and were set close to the 
sidewalk with the gable end toward the street. In the South, 
the favorite dwelling was a frame building, with a large stone 
chimney at either end. When tobacco brought prosperity to 
the planters, better homes were built with wide porches and 
stately columns. There were separate buildings for the slaves 
and overseers, besides the stable, barn, smokehouse, and spin¬ 
ning house, where the slaves used to spin flax and wool under 
the direction of the mistress of the plantation. The best example 
that has been preserved of a comfortable southern mansion, 
such as was built in the eighteenth century, is the Mount Vernon 
home of George Washington. 

The Kitchen Fireside. The kitchen, which was also the 
living room, was the most cheerful and homelike room in the 
house. Its most attractive feature was the kitchen fireside. In 
all the early houses, immense chimneys were built, usually of 


134 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 



stone; and whole logs could be burned on the andirons within 
the spacious fireplace. Sometimes there were seats within the 
chimney on either side, where the entire family could sit and 
watch the sparks fly up the great chimney. The primitive 

method of roasting 
was to suspend the 
joint of meat in 
front of the fire by 
a cord tied to a peg 
in the ceiling; from 
time to time, the 
housewife or one of 
the children would 
twist the string so 
as to turn the roast 
around. Bread and 
pies were baked in 
a large brick oven, 
built in on one side 
of the fireplace. 
For many years, 
these picturesque 
fireplaces were the 
only means of heat¬ 
ing or cooking. The 
Germans of Penn¬ 
sylvania were the 
first to use stoves 
and airdrums; and 
in 1742 Benjamin 
Franklin invented his famous stove in which either wood or coal 
could be burned. 

The Serving of Meals. The kitchen utensils were usually 
pewter or earthenware, for tin was then a luxury. The dining 
table was a long narrow board, supported on trestles; and the 
diners sat on benches instead of chairs. Food was served in 
wooden trenchers or blocks of wood about ten inches square, 


Copyright and Courtesy of the Ladies' Home Journal. 

The Traveling Shoemaker 

Notice the cooking utensils hanging around the 
fireplace. Behind the little girl is the brick bake- 
oven. Above the hearth hangs the flintlock, bullet 
pouch, and powder horn. In the corner stands the 
spinning wheel, and in the next room the mother 
is working at the loom. 





LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 


135 



hollowed into the form of a bowl. There were not even enough 
of these simple dishes to go around; so that two children, or 
a man and his wife, usually ate out of one trencher. Even the 
famous Miles Standish used wooden trenchers at his table, as did 
all of the early governors. Bottles and drinking cups were also 
of wood. The colonists had plenty of napkins and much need 
for them, for forks were un¬ 
known until late in the seven¬ 
teenth century. Platters as 
well as spoons were of pewter, 
for china had not yet come 
into use. In a volume called 
A Pretty Little Pocketbook , 
printed late in the eight¬ 
eenth century, there is a 
list of rules for the behavior 
of children at the table. 

They were ordered never to 
seat themselves until after 
the blessing had been asked; 
they were never to ask for 
anything on the table; never 
to speak unless spoken to; 
always to break the bread, 
not to bite into a whole slice; 
never to take salt except with 
a clean knife; and never to 
throw bones under the table. 

How the Houses Were 
Lighted . These early homes 
were lighted by pine knots from the forest. One old Massachu¬ 
setts minister boasted that every one of the hundred sermons he 
had written was copied by this flickering light. Candles made 
from tallow next came into use. These were made in great kettles 
hung in the kitchen fireplace, filled with boiling water and melted 
tallow. Six or eight wicks of loosely spun hemp or tow were placed 
on a rod, and carefully dipped again and again in the melted 


An Iron Stove 

Now in the State Capitol, Richmond. 
Made in London, 1770, by Buzaglo, and 
used in the Virginia House of Burgesses. 




136 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


tallow until the candles reached the desired size. Later each 
family kept a tin or pewter mold for making candles. Wax 
candles were also used; some farmers kept hives of bees for 
the wax as well as for the honey, while others made candles 
from the berries of the bayberry bush, which still grows in 
large quantities along the Atlantic coast. Illumination was 
afterwards much improved by the use of whale oil, burned in 
pewter or glass lamps. 

For many years, the only method of striking a light was by 
means of a steel flint. As Charles Dickens afterwards said, “If 
you had good luck, you could get a light in this way in half 
an hour.” Every effort was made to keep the fire from going 
out; and if this happened, some member of the family, usually 
the small boy, was sent to bring live coals from the neighbor. 
The first practical friction matches were introduced in 1827. 

Clothing. On the frontier settlements, deer skins tanned as 
soft as cloth were much used for men’s clothing, while moccasins 
like those worn by the Indians supplied the place of shoes. As 
the country became more settled, the entire family was often 
clothed in homespun, the product of the household loom. The 
Massachusetts Puritans wore plain clothes, and forbade the 
purchase of garments trimmed with lace, or adorned with 
slashed sleeves, belts, or ruffles; while silk hoods and scarfs, 
beaver hats, and silver shoe-buckles also came under the ban. 
Even the women Quakers in Pennsylvania had to be warned 
against wearing hoop petticoats, scarlet shoes, and puffed or 
powdered hair. But these laws were in force only during the 
early colonial period; and by the middle of the eighteenth 
century, costumes were often quite elaborate. Even little girls 
in wealthier families wore long-armed gloves and masks of 
cloth or velvet to protect them from the rays of the sun. When 
George Washington sent to England for an outfit for his four- 
year-old stepdaughter, his order included coats of silk, masks, 
caps, bonnets, ruffles, necklaces, fans, leather pumps, silk 
shoes, and four pairs of kid gloves. 

Men’s clothing was often as rich and varied as that of the 
women. The wealthier colonists had their clothes made in 


LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 


137 


London according to the latest fashion, — tall hats of beaver- 
skin, ruffled shirts, coats and cloaks of fine broadcloth, knee 
breeches, silk stockings, and shoes with large silver buckles. 
An English traveler in 1740 said that the men of Boston dressed 
as gay every day as courtiers in England at a coronation. 

Amusement and Sports. The New England Puritans 
regarded pleasure as sinful, and frowned upon all forms of 
worldly amusement. To these earnest pioneers, work was the 
chief business of life, and whatever interrupted it was a waste 
of time. Dancing and card playing were of course prohibited, 
and even music was not looked upon with favor, except in the 
churches. But as the colonists became more prosperous, they 
took a different view of amusements. Afternoon teas became 
fashionable, until the tax on tea made these entertainments 
unpatriotic. Just before the Revolution, the women of New 
England organized the Daughters of Liberty, a patriotic society 
which met in spinning matches to spin native wool and to 
encourage the opposition to tea drinking. In the country the 
people held harvest festivals, apple parings, candle dippings, and 
corn huskings. Music was no longer confined to psalms in the 
churches, and singing schools were everywhere popular. 

The Dutch settlers were fond of amusement and sports, so 
that life in New York was from the first much gayer than in New 
England. Music was very popular, and many concerts were 
given; while outdoor sports included shooting and fishing, 
bowling, golf, tennis, cricket, and horse racing. There was a 
race track on Long Island as early as 1666, and from then until 
the Revolution, horse racing was a regular event of each year. 
The southern planters were also very fond of outdoor sports, 
especially horse racing and fox hunting. 

Religious Life. Most of the colonists held sincere religious 
beliefs, and many had sought refuge in America in order to have 
freedom of worship. In Puritan New England, every one was 
compelled by law to attend church. The Sabbath day began at 
six p.m. on Saturday, and lasted until sundown on Sunday; 
during this period, amusements of every kind were strictly 
forbidden. The people of the town were summoned to church 


138 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 



by the beating of a drum or the blowing of a horn, for church 
bells had not yet come into use. Sermons were long, and since 
the churches were not heated in winter, many of the congre¬ 
gation brought foot-warming stoves filled with charcoal. There 
was no music except the singing of hymns, and the prayers 
were almost as long as the sermons. The minister spoke from 

a high pulpit. In 
front of him the 
deacons sat in ele¬ 
vated pews, while 
other members of 
the congregation 
were seated in the 
body of the church, 
according to their 
station in life. Lit¬ 
tle girls sat beside 
their mothers, or on 
footstools at their 
feet, or sometimes 
on the gallery stairs. 
Boys did not sit 
with their families, 
but were placed in 
groups on the pulpit 
and gallery stairs, 
where atithing-man 
watched over them 
to keep order. In 
spite of his efforts, 
the “boys’ pue” in the gallery was often a noisy place. 

One small boy in Connecticut had to appear before the justice 
of the peace for the following misconduct: “A Rude and 
I del Behaver in the meeting hous. Such as Smiling and Larfing 
and Intiseing others to the Same Evil. Such as Larfing or 
Smiling or puling the hair of his nayber Benoni Simkins in 
the time of Publik Worship. Such as throwing Sister Penticost 


Copyright and Courtesy of the Ladies' Home Journal. 

A Winter Service in Church 

Each pew is entered through a small door fastened 
by a twisted wrought iron hook which can be seen 
at the right. 

On the pulpit stands an hourglass. 





LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 


139 


Perkins on the Ice, it being Saboth day, between the meet¬ 
ing hous and his plaes of abode. ,, The New York boys did 
not behave much better. On Long Island, godless youth “ran 
raesses ” on the Sabbath, and talked of “ vane things ”; and 
finally a cage was set up in City Hall Park in which boys 
were confined who did not properly observe the Sabbath. 

The Puritan or Congregational Church was the principal 
religious body throughout New England, except in Rhode 
Island where the Baptists were in the majority. In Pennsyl¬ 
vania, Delaware, and New Jersey, there were many Quakers, 
together with large numbers of Lutherans, Presbyterians, and 
Baptists. New York was the home of almost every sect, although 
in earlier days the Dutch Reformed Church was the established 
church of the colony. There were many Roman Catholics in 
Maryland, but later the Episcopal Church became the leading 
one in this colony, as it was from the outset in Virginia and 
the Carolinas. 

The Witchcraft Delusion. The colonists of the seventeenth 
century brought with them from Europe the belief in witch¬ 
craft. Superstitions die hard; and from earliest times, men 
believed in the existence of evil spirits that sometimes entered 
the bodies of people, usually friendless old women, and caused 
them to work harm to their neighbors. In England, Parliament 
actually passed a law which punished with death any one guilty 
of “ Witchcrafte and dealing with evill and wicked Spirits.” 
Cotton Mather, one of the leading ministers of Boston, wrote a 
long treatise on witchcraft; and his book helped to promote 
the strange delusion that seized upon the people of Salem in 
1692. 

The trouble began when the children of one Samuel Parris 
indulged in strange antics, saying that certain persons whom 
they or their father disliked had bewitched them. Soon there 
were accusations on all sides, and scores of people were ar¬ 
rested and brought before a special court for trial. Many con¬ 
fessed their guilt; they had actually talked to the devil, who 
took the form of a tall black man with a high-crowned hat. To 
others, a black dog had appeared and said, “ Serve me.” One 


140 


COLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD 


woman related that she was riding on a broom-stick with 
another witch, when suddenly the stick broke; but by holding 
fast to the witch in front of her, she reached her destination 
safely. So overwrought were the minds of the people that they 
actually believed these silly tales. When the craze came to an 
end, twenty persons had been convicted and put to death, 
fifty-five had been pardoned after confessing their guilt, and 
one hundred and fifty more were in jail awaiting trial. 

Schools and Newspapers. Nearly every town in New 
England had a public school for the education of its children, 
and the district school system was carried into the West by the 
New Englanders who emigrated into the Ohio Valley. The 
General Court of Massachusetts ordered in 1647 that a common 
school should be established in every township containing fifty 
families, and a grammar school in the larger towns. This was 
the beginning of the public school system which has ever since 
been the pride of the people of Massachusetts. The Middle 
Colonies also had public schools, although they were not so 
general as in New England. At the South, public schools were 
almost unknown because the plantations were too far apart for 
a district school system. The wealthier planters had private 
tutors for their children, and their sons were often sent to 
colleges in England or at the North. The first college in the 
United States was Harvard College, founded in 1636. Other 
colleges established before the Revolution were William and 
Mary College, Yale, Princeton, the University of Pennsylvania, 
Columbia, Brown, Rutgers, and Dartmouth. 

Public libraries did not exist, and the few books published 
were chiefly on religious subjects. The first book printed in the 
colonies was the Bay Psalm Book , published in Boston in 1640. 
Weekly newspapers were printed in the larger towns, the 
earliest being the Boston News Letter , which dates from 1704. 
By the latter part of the century, there were thirty-seven news¬ 
papers in circulation throughout the colonies. The contents 
of the entire thirty-seven would scarcely fill a dozen pages in 
one of our modern dailies, and their combined circulation did 
not exceed a few thousand copies. The early printing press was 


LIFE IN COLONIAL TIMES 


141 


a crude affair worked by hand, with a capacity of about one 
hundred small sheets per hour. There were no printing presses 
in Virginia until 1729, and Governor Berkeley thanked God for 
it, “ as printing presses,” he said, “bring heresies in the world, 
and libel the best government that the world ever saw.” 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, C. M., Colonial Self-Government , chs. XVIII-XIX. 
Bogart, E. L., Economic History of the United States, chs. Ill-VI. 
Bogart, E. L., and Thompson, C. M., Readings in the Economic His¬ 
tory of the United States, pp. 1-142. 

Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. 

VII. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, I, ch. XXI. 
McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, I, ch. I. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Commerce and Trade in the Colonies. Callender, G. S., 
Economic History of the United States, ch. II. 

2. Colonial Finance. Dewey, D. R., Financial History of the 
United States, ch. I. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Colonists and the Revolution, pp. 3-8, 70-87. 
Earle, Alice M., Home Life in Colonial Days. 

Faris, J. T., Real Stories from Our History, chs. I-VI. 

Gordy, W. F., Stories of Early American History, ch. XVII. 
Guerber, H. M., Story of the Thirteen Colonies. 

Hart, A. B., Source Readers in American History, I, pp. 201-233 ; 
II, 1-37. 

Hart, A. B., Editor, American Statesmen and Patriots, I, pp. 238-243. 


I 



142 


From the Original by Trumbull in the Yale Gallery ; New Haven . 

The Signing of the Declaration of Independence 

Facing President John Hancock’s table stand John Adams, Roger Sherman, Robert Livingston, 

Thomas Jefferson, and Benjamin Franklin. 







CHAPTER XII 


THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 

Conditions after the French and Indian War. The life and 
death struggle with France was ended. The genius of Pitt 
had wrested Canada from the French, but the war left Great 
Britain staggering under a debt of $700,000,000. The colonies 
had borne a large part in the contest, and were also deeply in 
debt. The conflict taught the colonists something of the art 
of war, something of the importance of united action. Brad- 
dock’s defeat showed them that the British regulars were not 
invincible, and the Treaty of Paris freed them from the menace 
of French power in America. Was Great Britain’s annexation 
of Canada a real gain to her empire? Not if the prophecy of 
the French statesman, Vergennes, proved true. “ I am per¬ 
suaded,” said he, “ that England will ere long regret having 
removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. 
They no longer stand in need of her protection; she will call 
on them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they 
have helped to bring on her; and they will answer by striking 
off all dependence. ” 

The New Colonial Policy. After the close of the French 
and Indian War, the British government resolved to adopt a 
new colonial policy. For more than a hundred years, the 
American colonists had been left largely to themselves, and 
were free to manage their affairs with little interference from 
the mother country. This policy was now to be changed. The 
British ministry had decided on a definite and systematic plan 
for the control of the colonies: 

(1) The laws concerning trade and navigation were to be 
strictly enforced. 

(2) A standing army of ten thousand men was to be stationed 
in the colonies for their defense and protection. 

143 


144 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


(3) The colonial governors and judges were to be paid out 
of the British treasury, instead of having their salaries voted 
by the colonial assemblies. This would make the royal officers 
independent of the assemblies. 

(4) To pay these salaries and to provide part of the cost 
of maintaining troops in America, Parliament was to levy 
a tax on the colonies, instead of asking the colonial assemblies 
to vote grants of money. 

Personal Government of King George III. This new colonial 
policy was due chiefly to the character of the monarch who 
ascended the British throne in 1760. King George III was of 
German descent, the third ruler of the Hanover line which 
succeeded to the British throne in 1714. His mother, Augusta 
of Saxe-Coburg, brought to England all the traditions of the 
petty German court to which she was accustomed. In the 
rearing of her son, she constantly exhorted him to “ be a king ” 
in fact, as well as in name. So King George came to the throne 
a narrow-minded, willful, obstinate man, determined to enforce 
his own will rather than that of the British people. 

By giving lavish bribes of money and offices, the new monarch 
secured control of Parliament, where his supporters were known 
as “ the King’s friends.” During the first twenty years of 
his long reign, King George was able to substitute his own 
arbitrary rule in place of the constitutional government which 
Englishmen claimed as their dearest birthright. It was the 
Englishmen living in the American colonies who took the lead 
in the struggle against this tyranny; and in doing so, they were 
really fighting for the liberties of Englishmen in the mother 
country as well as in the colonies. 

Many of England’s greatest men understood this, and fully 
sympathized with the colonists in their resistance to the new 
colonial policy. Such leaders as William Pitt, Lord Camden, 
Edmund Burke, Charles James Fox, and Colonel Isaac Barre, 
looked upon the cause of the colonists as their own. They realized 
that the colonists were struggling against the same kind of tyr¬ 
anny which had led to the expulsion of the last Stuart king in the 
“ Glorious Revolution ” of 1688. Unfortunately for their country, 


THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 145 

the protests of these patriotic Englishmen were not heeded by 
the unrepresentative Parliament controlled by King George. 

Relation of the Colonies to Parliament. The new colonial 
policy was doomed to failure partly because it was carried out 
by such tactless ministers as Grenville and Townshend, still 
more because the long period of virtual home rule had made the 
colonists independent in spirit and unwilling to surrender any 
privileges of self-government. The colonists acknowledged 
their allegiance to the king, but they denied the authority of 
Parliament to legislate concerning their domestic affairs. Early 
in the dispute, the colonists admitted that Parliament had power 
to pass general acts regulating trade and commerce throughout 
the entire empire; but they claimed that internal taxes 
could be levied only by their own assemblies. The British 
government, on the other hand, claimed that the legislative 
authority of Parliament over the colonies was supreme and 
complete. Parliament could tax them or legislate for them 
on any subject. 

The Dispute over Representation. The colonists denied 
the general authority of Parliament to legislate for them, and 
quoted the British constitution as their authority. English 
doctrine running back to Magna Charta (1215) held that taxes 
could be levied only with the consent of the people given 
through their representatives. Hence Parliament had no 
authority to levy taxes upon the colonists, for they were not 
represented in that body. In answer to this, the king and his 
ministers said that the colonists were really represented in 
Parliament, even though they did not vote for its members; 
for Parliament represented the entire empire, not merely the 
voters of Great Britain. Much of the bitter controversy that 
followed arose from the conflicting views of America and Great 
Britain as to what was really meant by representation. 

In the colonies there had long been a territorial basis for 
representation; thus in New England the towns, and elsewhere 
generally the counties, sent representatives to the colonial 
assemblies. Moreover, residence within the particular district 
was commonly required for both voters and representatives. 


146 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


Hence the maxim “ no taxation without representation ” meant 
to the colonist that no taxes should be levied except by a 
legislative body in which was seated a member from his district, 
chosen by the voters of that district. 

The British Point of View. In Great Britain a very different 
view of representation prevailed. In that country no attempt 
was made to base representation upon population. As a result, 
ancient boroughs like Tavistock or Old Sarum with less than a 
dozen inhabitants continued to send one or two members to Par¬ 
liament ; while such flourishing cities as Birmingham, Leeds, 
Manchester, and Liverpool had no representatives at all. Three 
hundred and seventy-one members, or more than one half of the 
House of Commons, were chosen by one hundred and seventy- 
seven persons. In spite of this condition, all Englishmen were 
held to be “ virtually ” represented in the House of Commons, 
since in theory each member of that body represents not a single 
borough only, but all parts of the empire. Hence the British 
government claimed that the colonists like other Englishmen 
were virtually represented in the House of Commons. If 
they did not directly participate in the election of its members, 
they were at least no worse off in that respect than the great 
body of Englishmen at home; for of the 8,000,000 people in 
England, only about 150,000 had the right to vote for members 
of Parliament. 

This theory was scoffed at by William Pitt, the great 
champion of the colonies in the House of Commons. Pitt 
declared that “ the idea of a virtual representation of America 
in this House is the most contemptible idea that ever entered 
into the head of a man.” 

The Mercantile Colonial System. Underlying the political 

causes of the Revolution was a fundamental economic cause, 
the colonial system. European powers, including Great Britain, 
looked upon their colonies as settlements made in distant 
parts of the world for the purpose of increasing the wealth of 
the colonizing country. Colonies were to furnish a market for 
the production of raw materials which the mother country 
wanted to buy, and for the consumption of manufactured 


THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 147 

products which the mother country wished to sell. In this way 
it was thought that a self-sustaining empire would be built up, 
an empire that would not be dependent on foreign countries 
for the commodities needed by its people. 

In accordance with this doctrine, Great Britain passed 
measures which aimed to utilize her colonies so as to benefit 
British merchants and manufacturers. For example, the 
Navigation Acts provided that goods carried to or from the 
colonies must be carried in British or colonial ships. The 
Acts of Trade forbade the shipping of the chief colonial products 
to any country except England, where they must pay heavy 
duties; while similar duties were imposed on goods shipped 
from one colony to another. The colonists objected especially 
to the Molasses Act of 1733, and to the Sugar Act of 1764, which 
were intended to suppress the trade between the colonies and 
the French West Indies. New England enjoyed a flourishing 
trade with these islands, receiving molasses and sugar in ex¬ 
change for her flour, lumber, and fish. Had the Molasses Act 
been strictly enforced, the prosperity of New England would 
have been at an end. But smuggling was carried on so generally 
that these acts were ineffective; the customs officers and 
even the royal governors often connived at the practice. 

Home Rule the Real Issue. In fairness to Great Britain, 
it should be noted that some of her trade laws helped the colonies. 
The Navigation Act made New England a shipbuilding commu¬ 
nity by giving colonial ships the same monopoly enjoyed by 
British-built vessels. Parliament also encouraged certain colonial 
industries by offering bounties on the production of hemp, lumber, 
tar, and turpentine. But in spite of some favorable measures, 
Great Britain’s economic system was resented by the robust 
people living three thousand miles away from the seat of power. 
At length the British ministry under Grenville’s leadership deter¬ 
mined to enforce the acts of navigation and trade. Orders were 
sent to the American customhouses and to the British war¬ 
ships along the coast to use every effort to prevent smuggling. 
The strict enforcement of these acts threatened the commercial 
prosperity of the colonies; and thus the real issue between them 


148 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


and Great Britain became one of home rule. Were the colonies 
to be allowed to map out their own destinies, or were they to be 
held as a storehouse and market for the people of Great Britain ? 
Economic freedom or dependence was therefore the supreme 
issue. As one writer says: “ American independence, like the 
great rivers of the country, had many sources; but the head 
spring which colored all the streams was the Navigation Act.’ 7 

Writs of Assistance. Once landed, smuggled goods could be 
easily concealed in private stores and dwellings. Hence the 
customs officials were instructed to use writs of assistance 
to aid them in discovering contraband goods. The writ of as¬ 
sistance was really a general search warrant; for it did not name 
the house to be searched, nor did it describe the goods to be 
seized. The writ authorized the revenue officers to search any 
suspected place; and since it was good for an indefinite period, 
any man's house might be broken into and ransacked at any 
time. These writs were very unpopular, for they violated the 
ancient principle of English liberty that “ every man’s house is 
his castle,” not to be entered without his consent. The merchants 
of Boston determined to oppose the writs in the courts, and 
James Otis, a young Boston lawyer, resigned a royal office to 
argue their case. Otis undertook to convince the court that 
such tyrannical writs ought never to be issued. He pointed 
out that in Great Britain a similar abuse of power “ had cost 
one king his head, another his throne.” The decision of the 
court was in favor of the writs, but the fiery eloquence of Otis 
encouraged the colonists in their resistance to arbitrary power. 
“ Then and there,” wrote John Adams many years later, “ the 
child Independence was born.” 

The Stamp Act, 1765. More dangerous still to the liberties 
of the colonists was the famous Stamp Act passed by Parliament 
in the spring of 1765. This act placed a tax upon all commercial 
and legal documents used in the colonies, such as deeds, mort¬ 
gages, and wills; while every newspaper, pamphlet, and almanac 
must also bear a government stamp. The stamps cost from one 
cent to fifty dollars, according to the importance of the docu¬ 
ment on which they were placed. This measure was proposed 


THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 149 


by Grenville as a part of the new colonial policy decided on by 
the British government. The colonies were to be taxed, not for 
the support of the home government, but to help pay the salaries 
of colonial officials and part of the expense of maintaining 
troops in America. When he first proposed the Stamp Act, 
Grenville gave the colonies a year in which to suggest some other 
means of raising revenue which might be “more convenient to 
them.” Although most of the colonies protested strongly against 
the proposed tax, they did not suggest any practical substitute. 



From the Painting by Chappel. 

The Debate on the Stamp Act 

The Speaker of the House of Burgesses, meeting in Richmond, May, 1765, 
interrupting Patrick Henry in his famous speech against the Stamp Act. 


What America Thought of the Stamp Act. The news that 
Parliament had actually passed the Stamp Act was received in 
America with indignation and alarm. Soon a storm of protest 
burst forth. The Virginia legislature was then in session; 
among its members was a young lawyer named Patrick Henry, 
soon to become famous as a brilliant orator. Henry now moved 
the adoption of a series of resolutions which he had written upon 
the blank leaf of an old law book. The resolutions declared that 
the colonists had all the rights of British subjects, including 








150 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


the right to be free from taxes except those voted by their own 
representatives. No legislative body except their own assembly 
could lawfully impose taxes on the people of Virginia; and any 
one who asserted the contrary should be deemed an enemy of 
the colony. Virginians need not obey the Stamp Act or any other 
tax law not passed by their own assembly. 

Many of the older members opposed these resolutions, 
but the fiery eloquence of the young orator carried the day. 
The climax of Henry’s speech came with the thrilling words 
which made him famous for all time: “ Tarquin and Caesar had 
each his Brutus; Charles the First, his Cromwell; and George 
the Third” — (“Treason!” shouted the Speaker, and cries 
of “Treason! treason!” rang through the hall). After a 
moment’s defiant pause, the orator concluded: “ may profit 

by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it.” 
Henry’s resolutions were adopted by a close vote, and published 
throughout the colonies. As Governor Bernard of Massachusetts 
said, they proved “ an alarm bell to the disaffected.” 

The Stamp Act Congress. In order to unite the colonies 
in their resistance, the legislature of Massachusetts proposed 
that a general congress should be held. Accordingly, delegates 
from nine of the colonies met at New York in October, 1765. 
The Stamp Act Congress adopted a “ Declaration of the Rights 
and Grievances of the Colonists ” which proclaimed : 

(1) That the colonists have all the rights and privileges of 
natural-born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain. 

(2) That it is an undoubted right of Englishmen to be taxed 
only with their own consent, given through their representatives. 

(3) That the people of the colonies are not, and from their 
local circumstances cannot be, represented in Parliament. 

(4) That only their representatives, the colonial assemblies, 
can tax them. 

(5) That it is the duty of the colonies “ to endeavor, by a 
loyal and dutiful address to his Majesty, and humble applica¬ 
tion to both houses of parliament, to procure the repeal of 
the Stamp Act, and of the other late acts for the restriction of 
American commerce.” 


THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 151 

Popular Resistance. It was not alone by such peaceful and 
legal methods that opposition to the tax was shown. The first 
news of the Stamp Act had called into existence groups of secret 
societies, known as “ Sons of Liberty/’ whose members were 
pledged to resist the obnoxious law. This name was first applied 
to the colonists by Colonel Isaac Barre, one of their staunch 
friends in the British Parliament. In an eloquent speech, he had 
referred to the colonists as “ those sons of liberty.” The mothers 
and daughters formed similar clubs called “Daughters of Lib¬ 
erty.” They agreed to weave in their own homes the cloth 
formerly purchased from Great Britain. Leading merchants 
everywhere signed non-importation agreements, binding them¬ 
selves not to import British goods until the Stamp Act should 
be repealed. 

November 1, 1765, had been fixed as the day when the act 
was to go into effect. As the time drew near, serious riots 
occurred. Boxes of stamps as they arrived were seized and de¬ 
stroyed by mobs. Stamp distributors were burned in effigy, 
and compelled by threats to resign their office. In Boston, the 
fine residence of Chief Justice Hutchinson was sacked by a mob 
and his valuable library destroyed. The lieutenant governor of 
New York talked of firing on the people. He was warned that 
if he did so, he would be hanged on the nearest lamp-post. In 
the face of this opposition, it was impossible to enforce the law. 
It was everywhere ignored, but business went on as before. Some 
editors issued their papers with a death’s head and cross-bones 
where the stamp should have been placed. It was plain that the 
law could not be enforced except at the point of the bayonet. 

Repeal of the Stamp Act, 1766. The effect of this opposition 
began to be felt in Great Britain. Trade with the colonies fell 
off rapidly as a result of their policy of non-intercourse; while 
British factories were closing down, and thousands of men were 
thrown out of work. Public opinion in the commercial and 
manufacturing towns demanded the repeal of the law that was 
so hateful to the colonists; but the British landowners, who 
were paying a land tax of four shillings on the pound, insisted 
that it be enforced. A stormy debate took place in Parliament 


152 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


over the proposal to repeal. Pitt and Burke in the House of 
Commons, and Camden in the House of Lords, championed 
the cause of the colonists. In an eloquent speech urging the 
repeal of the act, Pitt exclaimed: “The gentleman tells us, 
America is obstinate; America is almost in open rebellion. I 
rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people so 
dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to 
be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of 
all the rest.” 

The Stamp Act was finally repealed in March, 1766. But along 
with the repeal, Parliament passed an act declaring its right 
to make laws binding upon the colonists “ in all cases whatso¬ 
ever.” Thus Parliament still claimed the right to tax the 
colonies, while admitting that the Stamp Act was inexpedient. 
The news of the repeal was received in America with universal 
rejoicing. Vessels in the harbors were decked with flags, bon¬ 
fires blazed in every town, loyal addresses of thanks were voted 
by the colonial assemblies. 

The Townshend Acts, 1767. If the colonists thought that the 
repeal of the Stamp Act meant that Great Britain had given 
up the principle in dispute, they were soon to find out their 
mistake. The very next year after the repeal, a new plan for 
taxing the colonies was laid before Parliament. Its author, 
Charles Townshend, said : “I know the mode by which a revenue 
may be drawn from America without offense.” The colonists 
had objected to the Stamp Act on the ground that it was an 
internal tax; but they admitted the right of Parliament to 
levy external taxes, or duties on imported goods. The British 
ministry determined to take the colonists at their word, and 
tax them by the old method of import duties. So Parliament 
passed the Townshend Acts, which placed duties on glass, lead, 
paper, paints, and tea, when these articles were brought into 
the colonies. The duties were to be collected at the seaports by 
a host of newly appointed revenue officers, armed with writs 
of assistance, and aided by British soldiers and ships. 

The Townshend Acts were as dangerous to liberty as the 
Stamp Act itself. Not only were the colonists to be taxed 


THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 153 

without their consent, but part of the revenue was to be used to 
pay the salaries of colonial governors and judges. Up to this 
time, these salaries had been voted by the colonial assemblies; 
now the royal officials were to be paid by the British government, 
and made independent of colonial control. The acts also took 
away the time-honored right of trial by jury. Persons accused 
of violating the revenue laws were to be tried in the admiralty 
courts, without a jury. 

Opposition to the Town- 
shend Acts. Once more a 
stream of petitions, remon¬ 
strances, and resolves was 
sent forth across the water 
to Great Britain. At the 
request of the Massachu¬ 
setts Assembly, Samuel 
Adams drew up a petition 
to the king, and a circular 
letter which was sent to the 
other colonial legislatures. 

The petition was received 
by George III with silent 
contempt, but the letter to 
the colonial assemblies en¬ 
raged the king and his minis¬ 
ters. The Massachusetts 
Assembly was ordered to rescind its letter, and the other as¬ 
semblies were instructed “to take no notice of it, which will be 
treating it with the contempt it deserves.” 

The order to rescind was spurned by the Massachusetts 
Assembly. “We are asked to rescind ! ” thundered Otis. “ Let 
Great Britain rescind her measures, or her colonies are lost 
to her forever! ” The governor of Massachusetts promptly 
dissolved the Assembly, but its vote against rescinding was 
hailed with delight throughout the country. Once more the 
continent was roused to resistance. The Sons of Liberty be¬ 
came active, non-importation agreements were everywhere 



Samuel Adams 

From the portrait by Copley in the 
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 




154 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


signed, and again the British merchants complained of the loss 
of their profitable American trade. Parliament determined 
once more to pacify the unruly colonists. All the import duties 
were repealed except the tax of threepence a pound on tea. This 
was retained as a matter of principle. “ There must be one tax,” 
said King George, “ to keep up the right.” But it was this 
very principle, not the amount of the tax, to which the colonists 
objected. 

Conflict between Citizens and Soldiers in Boston. For 

some years two regiments of British regulars had been stationed 
in Boston to aid the customs officials in enforcing the revenue 
laws. On March 5, 1770, a serious conflict took place between 
some of these troops and the citizens. Stirred by the taunts of 
a crowd which surrounded and threatened them, a company of 
eight soldiers under Captain Preston at last fired, killing five 
men and wounding six others. Great excitement followed; the 
next day an immense town meeting under the lead of Samuel 
Adams demanded the immediate removal of the troops from 
Boston. Governor Hutchinson finally yielded, and the two 
regiments were sent to Castle Williams, three miles down the 
harbor. 

Violent outbreaks also took place in several other colonies. 
The men of Rhode Island seized and burned the Gaspee, a 
British man-of-war engaged in suppressing smuggling. In 
New York City there was a riot and fight between the troops 
and citizens over the destruction of the liberty pole by the 
soldiers. These conflicts served to widen the rapidly growing 
breach between the mother country and her colonies. 

Committees of Correspondence. One of the ardent leaders 
of the patriot cause in Massachusetts was Samuel Adams, 
whose resistance to the arbitrary measures of Great Britain won 
for him the title, “ Father of the American Revolution.” 
Realizing the value of organized opposition, Adams formed a 
shrewd plan for securing cooperation among the patriots in 
different towns. He persuaded the town meeting of Boston to 
appoint a committee of correspondence for the purpose of 
acquainting other Massachusetts towns with events in Boston. 


THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 155 


The plan soon spread to other towns, then to other colonies, 
until by 1773 there were committees of correspondence in six 
of the colonies. There was as yet no general congress for united 
action; these committees in part served this purpose, and thus 
paved the way for some kind of union. 

Sentiment of the People in England. Many people in Eng¬ 
land sympathized with the colonists, and were opposed to the 
attempts of the British government to coerce them. But since 
these Englishmen were so unfairly represented in Parliament, 
they had little influence upon its policy. In a letter written 
from London to the Speaker of the Massachusetts Assembly, 
Benjamin Franklin said: “ With regard to the sentiments of 
people in general here concerning America, I must say that we 
have among them many friends and well-wishers. The Dis¬ 
senters are all for us, and many of the merchants and manu¬ 
facturers. There seems to be, even among the country gentle¬ 
men, a growing sense of our importance, a disapprobation of the 
harsh measures with which we have been treated, and a wish 
that some means might be found of perfect reconciliation.” 

The Offer of Cheap Tea. Parliament had voted to keep 
the duty on tea; and at last King George and his ministers hit 
upon what they thought a clever scheme to induce the colonists 
to pay the tax. The East India Company, which imported the 
tea from China, was obliged to pay a duty of one shilling a pound 
at English ports. The British government decided to remit the 
entire amount of this duty on all tea exported to the colonies. 
Hereafter the only tax on tea sent to America would be that of 
threepence a pound, collected at American ports. This made 
tea cheaper in the colonies than it was in England. The king 
felt certain that the colonists would readily pay the tax in 
order to have cheap tea. He was determined, by insisting upon 
the tax, “ to try the issue with America.” 

In the autumn of 1773, the East India Company sent ships 
laden with tea to the ports of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, 
and Charleston. The British government soon discovered that 
the colonists would not give up the principle at issue for the 
sake of cheap tea. Again the country was roused to resistance, 


156 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


even more violent than in case of the Stamp Act. Immense 



public meetings were held at New York and Philadelphia. 
The agents to whom the tea was consigned were forced to 
give up their commissions, and the ships were sent back. 

At Charleston the 


cargo was landed, 
but the agents re¬ 
signed and no one 
would buy the tea. 
The Boston agents 
refused to resign, 
or to order the tea 
sent back; and so 
it was at Boston 
that the issue was 
fought out. 

The Boston Tea 
Party. A monster 
mass meeting at the 
Old South Meeting 
House voted that 
the tea should be 
sent back to Eng¬ 
land in the ship 
which brought it 
over. The customs 


officers refused to 
permit this, and for 
a time it seemed 
that the tea would 
surely be landed. 
On December 16, 
1773, a throng of 
seven thousand people assembled at the Old South Meeting 
House to consider what should be done. “Who knows,” asked 
John Rowe, “ how tea will mingle with salt water? ” Loud 
applause followed the suggestion. An hour after nightfall, 


Faneuil Hall, Boston 

Built 1742; interior destroyed by fire January 13, 
1761; restored by proceeds from a public lottery. 

Scene of the “ Sons of Liberty ” meeting held 
March 18, 1767, after the repeal of the Stamp Act. 
First meeting in protest against the tax on tea was 
held here November 5, 1773. Faneuil Hall is called 
“The Cradle of American Liberty.” 






THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 157 


when the church was dimly lighted with candles, a messenger 
returned with the governor’s final refusal to permit the tea to 
be sent back. Samuel Adams at once arose and said: “ This 
meeting can do nothing more to save the country.” Scarcely 
had he uttered these words when a warwhoop was heard in the 
streets. About fifty men disguised as Mohawk Indians were on 
their way to Griffin’s Wharf. Boarding the ships, they quickly 
emptied the three hundred and forty chests of tea into the water. 
Next morning the salted tea lay in long rows on the beach, 
and Paul Revere was riding to Philadelphia with the news of 
Boston’s defiance of British power. 

The Five Intolerable Acts, 1774. The Boston Tea Party 
looked like sedition to the home government. “ The question 
now brought to issue,” said one member of Parliament, “ is 
whether the colonies are or are not the colonies of Great Britain.” 
Another member declared that the town of Boston ought to be 
completely destroyed. Determined to coerce and punish the 
colonists, Parliament promptly passed the five measures known 
in our history as the “ Intolerable Acts.” 

(1) The Port Bill closed the port of Boston until the town 
should pay for the tea. The blockade was to be enforced by Brit¬ 
ish warships, and the people starved into submission. But the 
other colonies hastened to the aid of oppressed Massachusetts. 
From Virginia, South Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut, 
large supplies of corn, wheat, flour, and rice were sent overland 
to Boston. 

(2) The Regulating Act remodeled the charter of Massachu¬ 
setts, and destroyed the free institutions which had flourished 
there for a century and a half. Town meetings, those “ nests 
of sedition,” could no longer be held except with the governor’s 
consent; the colonial assembly lost its most important rights, 
while the royal governor became all-powerful. 

(3) The Administration of Justice Act provided that an 
officer or soldier accused of murder in putting down riots or 
while enforcing the revenue laws, might be taken to another 
colony or to Great Britain for trial. Ordinarily a person so 
accused would have a jury trial in Massachusetts. 


158 


1 

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


(4) The Quartering Act was intended to secure accommoda¬ 
tions for the troops sent to America. If the colonies did not 
provide barracks on demand, the governor might order “ un¬ 
inhabited houses, barns, or other buildings ” to be used, upon 
making a reasonable compensation to the owners. 

(5) Finally, the Quebec Act extended the boundary of that 
province southward to the Ohio River, thus, as the colonists 
thought, setting aside the territorial claims of Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, New York, and Virginia. This vast region was to 
be governed by a viceroy with despotic powers; within it there 
should be no popular meetings, no freedom of the press. “ This,” 
declared Lord Thurlow, “ is the only sort of constitution fit 
for a colony.” “ Was it,” asked the colonists, “ the condition 
to which all were soon to be reduced? ” 

To enforce these coercive measures, General Gage with 
four regiments of soldiers was sent to Boston. On the first day 
of June, 1774, he was to close the port; he was to arrest the 
leading patriots, John Hancock and Samuel Adams, and send 
them to England for trial; and he was authorized to order the 
soldiers to fire on the people, if necessary to carry out his orders. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. VIII. 

Becker, C. L., Beginnings of the American People, chs. V-VI. 
Channing, Edward, History of the United States, II, ch. I ; III, 
chs. I-VI. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, II, chs. XXI- 
XXV. 

Howard, G. E., Preliminaries of the Revolution, chs. Ill-XV. 
Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory: Writs of Assistance, pp. 105-109, The Stamp Act, pp. 122- 
131, Resolutions of the Stamp Act Congress, pp. 136-139, Quarter¬ 
ing Act, pp. 131-136, Massachusetts Circular Letter, pp. 145-150. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Causes of the Revolution. Sloane, W. M., The French War 
and the Revolution , chs. XI-XIV. 


THE QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 159 

2. English Colonial Policy. Bogart, E. L., Economic History of 
the United States, Part II, chs. VII-IX. 

3. The Stamp Act. Sloane, W. M., The French War and the 
Revolution, ch. XI. 

4. Finances of the Revolution and Robert Morris. Dewey, D. 
R., Financial History of the United States, ch. II. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Stamp Act. Barstow, C. L., The Colonists and the Revolu¬ 
tion, pp. 221-224 ; Great Epochs in American History, III, pp. 66- 
79 ; Long, A. W., American Patriotic Prose, pp. 33-36. 

2. The Boston Tea Party. Great Epochs in American History, III, 
pp. 93-102. 

3. Robert Morris. Sparks, E. E., Men Who Made the Nation, ch. 

IV. 

4. Patrick Henry. Great Epochs in American History, III, pp. 
103-109. 

5. Samuel Adams. Sparks, E. E., Men Who Made the Nation, 

ch. II. 



Colonists Burning the Stamp Seller in Effigy 





CHAPTER XIII 

THE DAWNING OF INDEPENDENCE 


The First Continental Congress, 1774. The British govern¬ 
ment was soon to learn that it could not single out Boston tor 
punishment; the other colonies realized that the cause of 
Massachusetts was their own. From Virginia now came the 

suggestion for a general con¬ 
gress “ to deliberate on those 
measures which the united 
interests of America may 
from time to time require.” 
Massachusetts issued the 
call, and on September 5, 
1774, the First Continental 
Congress assembled at Car¬ 
penter’s Hall, Philadelphia. 
All of the colonies except 
Georgia were represented 
in this famous body; and 
its fifty-five delegates in¬ 
cluded many of the ablest 
men in America. Massa¬ 
chusetts sent John Adams, 
one of the earliest advocates 
of independence, and Sam¬ 
uel Adams, shrewdest of 
political leaders. Connecticut sent her sturdy shoemaker states¬ 
man, Roger Sherman. Pennsylvania was represented by John 
Dickinson, whose “ Farmer’s Letters ” had so well pleaded the 
American cause. From New York came John Jay, afterwards 
our first Chief Justice. South Carolina was represented by 

160 



From the Original in Independence Hall. 

Roger Sherman 

One of the committee which drew up 
the Declaration of Independence. 



THE DAWNING OF INDEPENDENCE 


161 


two members of the Stamp Act Congress, Christopher Gadsden 
and John Rutledge. Virginia sent three famous men, Richard 
Henry Lee, Patrick Henry, and George Washington. 

By unanimous vote, the Congress adopted a “ Declaration 
of Rights and Grievances /’ demanding the repeal of thirteen 
acts of Parliament claimed to be in violation of colonial rights. 
An agreement known as “ The Association ” was signed, 
pledging the colonists not to import or consume British goods 
until the obnoxious acts should be repealed. The exportation of 
goods to Great Britain was likewise forbidden after September, 
1775. A resolution was passed approving the opposition of 
Massachusetts to the Intolerable Acts. If force was used 
. in attempting to execute them, “all America ought to support 
the inhabitants of Massachusetts in their opposition.’ 7 Con¬ 
gress also drew up addresses to be sent to the people of Great 
Britain, to the king, and to the colonists. Before adjourning, 
it was decided that a second Continental Congress should meet 
the next year, unless Great Britain repealed her oppressive 
measures. 

N Debate in the House of Lords. When the addresses and 
resolves of the Continental Congress were laid before Parliament, 
William Pitt (now Lord Chatham) declared them “ unsurpassed 
by any state papers ever composed in any age or country.” In 
support of his motion that the British troops should be at once 
removed from Boston, Chatham said: “ The spirit which now 
resists your taxation in America is the same which established 
the essential maxim of your liberties, that no subject of England 
shall be taxed but by his own consent. Every motive of justice 
and policy, of dignity and of prudence, urges you to allay the 
ferment in America by a removal of your troops from Boston, 
by a repeal of your acts of Parliament, and by showing a 
friendly disposition toward your colonies.” 

Lord Camden, second only to Chatham in debate, likewise 
supported the cause of the colonists. “ This,” he declared, “ I 
will say, not only as a statesman, politician, and philosopher, 
but as a common lawyer: my lords, you have no right to tax 
America; the natural rights of man and the immutable laws of 


162 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


nature are all with that people. King, lords, and commons 
are fine-sounding names; but king, lords, and commons may 
become tyrants as well as others; it is as lawful to resist the 
tyranny of many as of one. Somebody once asked the great 
Selden in what book you might find the law for resisting tyr¬ 
anny. ‘ It has always been the custom of England/ an¬ 
swered Selden, 1 and the cus¬ 
tom of England is the law 
of the land. ’ ” 

In answer to this plea, 
Lord Suffolk replied that 
the government was resolved 
not to repeal a single one of . 
the coercive acts, but to use 
all possible means to bring 
the Americans to obedience. 
By a decisive vote, the House 
of Lords sustained the minis¬ 
try, and voted down Chat¬ 
ham’s, motion to withdraw 
the troops from Boston. 
Soon afterwards, Chatham, 
aided by Franklin, drew up 
a plan for reconciliation with 
America, but it was rejected 
by a vote of sixty-one to 
thirty-two. 

Conciliation Fails in Parliament. In the House of Commons, 
Edmund Burke spoke in favor of conciliation with the colonies. 

“ England,” said Burke, “ is like the archer that saw his own 
child in the hands of the adversary, against whom he was going 
to draw his bow.” But the efforts of such friends of liberty as 
Burke, Fox, Chatham, and Camden proved in vain. Members of 
Parliament voted an address to the throne, declaring Massachu¬ 
setts in a state of rebellion, and pledging their lives and property 
to its suppression. The liberals in Parliament were outvoted 
but not silenced. They saw that England in its war on America 



From the Portrait by Duplessis. 


Benjamin Franklin 

Philosopher, statesman, scientist, dip¬ 
lomat, and author. Colonial agent 
for Pennsylvania in England, 1757-1762, 
and 1764-1775. 




THE DAWNING OF INDEPENDENCE 


163 



was really at war with itself. “ The colonies,” said Dunning, 
“ are not in a state of rebellion, but are resisting the attempt to 
establish despotism in America, as a prelude to the same system 
in the mother country. Opposition to arbitrary measures is 
warranted by the constitution and established by precedent.” 

Lexington and Concord, April 19, 1775. Meantime, affairs 
in Massachusetts were moving swiftly toward a crisis. General 
Gage with a force of five 
thousand men held Bos¬ 
ton in sullen submission; 
but he dared not provoke 
a conflict by arresting 
Hancock and Adams, or 
by attempting to disarm 
the inhabitants. While 
the British were throwing 
up fortifications around 
Boston, the colonists 
were not idle. In the 
near-by towns, compa¬ 
nies of minutemen were 
drilling on each village 
green ; stores of muskets 
and powder and ball 
were collected and hid¬ 
den away for the conflict 
that seemed at hand; 


and by the spring of 1775, 
eastern Massachusetts 
had become an armed 
camp. 

Now or never, Gage must strike. He determined on a secret 
expedition which should arrest the patriot leaders, Hancock 
and Adams, at Lexington, then destroy the military stores 
hidden at Concord. Toward midnight on April 18, 1775, eight 
hundred British soldiers crossed the Charles River in boats, 
and started on the road to Lexington. But the patriots were 


The Old North Church 

Parish organized 1650. Present church 
built 1723. Noted for the spirited reformers 
and patriots in its congregation. 




164 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



on the watch. Signal lanterns hung in the belfry of the Old 
North Church flashed out the warning to swift-riding mes¬ 
sengers. Far ahead of the British troops rode Paul Revere, 
and his warning shouts awakened the farmers along the Lexing¬ 
ton highway. Signal fires were lighted on the hilltops; soon the 
whole countryside knew that the British soldiers were coming. 

Warned by Revere, 
Adams and Han¬ 
cock made their es¬ 
cape from Lexing¬ 
ton and started for 
Philadelphia, where 
the Second Conti¬ 
nental Congress was 
soon to meet. At 
daybreak of April 
19, the British 
reached Lexington, 
where they were 
confronted by about 
sixty minutemen. 
Their commander, 
Captain Parker,told 
his men : “ Don't 

fire unless you are 
fired on ; but if they 
want a war, let it 
begin here.” Ashot 
was fired, by which 
side is not certain; 
then came a volley from the British soldiers which killed eight 
men and wounded many others. Unable to oppose a force that 
outnumbered them ten to one, the minutemen fell back in 
confusion. 

The British Retreat to Boston. From Lexington the British 
forces marched on to Concord, only six miles away, where they 
destroyed a few cannon and other military supplies. Toward 


The monument at Concord to the Minutemen 
beyond the “ rude bridge that arched the flood ” 

The monument in the foreground marks the spot 
where the first British soldiers fell. 




THE DAWNING OF INDEPENDENCE 165 

noon they began their retreat to Lexington. The countryside 
was aroused by this time. From the shelter of trees, rocks, and 
fences, a deadly fire was poured on the British regulars, until 
the retreat became a rout. At Lexington they must have sur¬ 
rendered had not strong reinforcements under Lord Percy 
come to their rescue. With nearly two thousand men under 
his command, Percy had to fight every foot of his way back to 
Boston along a highway swarming with deadly marksmen. 
The fighting did not end until nightfall, when the wearied 
British soldiers found shelter in Charlestown under the guns 
of the king’s ships. 

As a result of this memorable nineteenth of April, all America 
realized that war had actually begun. From every hill and 
valley of New England, men left their farms to aid the patriots 
of Massachusetts. Within three days after Lexington, General 
Gage was no longer a besieger; he was himself surrounded in 
Boston by an untrained army of 16,000 men. 

The Battle of Bunker Hill. Nearly two months passed, and 
still the British dared not risk another engagement. Large 
reinforcements arrived from England in May, until General 
Gage had under his command 10,000 veteran soldiers. 
Even with this strong force, his position was seriously 
threatened. Should the patriots seize and fortify the hills 
north of Charlestown, their batteries would command Boston. 
So Gage determined to occupy Bunker Hill and Breed’s Hill, 
two of the heights of Charlestown. The Americans learned of 
his plan, and on the night of June 16, 1775, Colonel Prescott 
with one thousand men set out to fortify Bunker Hill. Prescott’s 
little army reached Bunker Hill, but instead of fortifying it, 
advanced to the near-by Breed’s Hill. Here under cover of 
the darkness, the minutemen hastily threw up a redoubt about 
six feet in height. 

General Gage determined that the works on Breed’s Hill 
should be captured at once. The British might have attacked 
the Americans from the rear, but Gage disdained this safer 
plan. The cowardly rebels should be driven out by a direct 
assault on their front. Three thousand regulars under General 


166 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



Howe were landed at Charlestown. In two divisions they 
climbed the slope toward the fortifications. Prescott’s men, 
reinforced by militia under Putnam and Stark, awaited the 
attack. On the British marched, until they were within fifty 
yards of the redoubt. Suddenly, from within the fortifications 
came the sharp order to fire, and a deadly volley mowed down 
whole ranks of the British. Howe’s men wavered, then broke 
and retreated down the hill. Rallied by their officers, the British 
re-formed their lines and once more came on. At thirty yards 
they again encountered a murderous fire. Once more they 
fled down the hill, leaving hundreds of their comrades dead 
on the slope. Nearly an hour passed before the third attack. 
This time they were received with only a scattering fire; the 
Americans had used up their ammunition, and had no bayonets 
with which to repel a charge. Still the patriots stubbornly 
resisted, using their muskets as clubs, until Prescott ordered 
his men to retreat. 

The British remained in possession of the hill which they 
had won at a terrible cost. They had lost 1054 men, or more 
than one third of their entire force. The American loss was 449 
men, most of whom were killed in the hand-to-hand fighting of 
the final attack. The capture of the hill made it possible for 






THE DAWNING OF INDEPENDENCE 


167 


the British army to remain nine months longer in Boston, but 
the moral effect of the battle was wholly favorable to the Ameri¬ 
cans. Their raw recruits had met and hurled back England's 
brave veterans, retreating only when their ammunition was 
exhausted. “I wish we could sell them another hill at the same 
price," exclaimed General Nathanael Greene. From now on, 
there could be no turning back. The Revolution was inevitable, 



From the Original by Trumbull in the Yale Gallery, New Haven. 

The Battle of Bunker Hill 


and Bunker Hill became a rallying cry for the patriots in every 
battle of the war. 

The Second Continental Congress. While these stirring 
events were taking place in Massachusetts, the Second Conti¬ 
nental Congress met at Philadelphia (May 10, 1775). All of the 
colonies were represented by delegates. The First Continental 
Congress had spent its time in discussion, in preparing petitions 
and remonstrances. Lexington and Concord made it plain 
that the time for action had come. So the Second Continental 
Congress took charge of affairs, and governed the country 
throughout the Revolution. This Congress raised armies and 
appointed generals, made treaties with foreign powers, issued 



168 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



paper money, gave advice concerning the formation of state 
governments, adopted the Declaration of Independence, 
and drew up and submitted to the states a plan of union. In 
short, the Second Continental Congress exercised the authority 
of a national government during the war, deriving its powers 
only from the common consent of the people. 

Washington Chosen Commander in Chief. Who should 
be chosen to command the untrained militia surrounding 
Boston, now adopted by Congress as the Continental Army? 
At the suggestion of John Adams, the choice fell upon George 
Washington of Virginia, who was 
even then sitting in Congress in his 
colonel’s uniform. Men recalled 
that when a youth of twenty-one 
years, Washington had made a re¬ 
markable journey through the Penn¬ 
sylvania wilderness c>n a dangerous 
mission; they remembered how he 
had saved from utter destruction 
the wreck of Braddock’s army. 
Washington was a stalwart man, 
over six feet in stature; his noble 
bearing and strong, handsome face 
proclaimed the moral qualities so 
greatly needed in this hour. Wise 
and courageous, sound of judgment 
and steadfast in purpose, Washington was the fittest man in 
America for the great responsibility placed upon him. 

On June 21, 1775, the new commander started northward 
from Philadelphia to the scene of his duties. He had ridden 
about twenty miles when he met the messengers from Bunker 
Hill. “ Did the militia fight? ” was his single question. When 
told how well they had fought, he replied : “ Then the liberties 
of the country are safe.” On July third, the patriot forces were 
drawn up on parade at Cambridge; and under an elm tree which 
is still standing, Washington drew his sword and took formal 
command of the Continental Army. 


The Pre-Revolution 
Colonial Flag 

The flag probably flown from 
the main mast of the Mayflower. 
It was authorized by James VI 
of Scotland, 1603, when he as¬ 
cended the throne of England as 
James I. It is a combination 
of the red cross of St. George 
for England and the white cross 
of St. Andrew for Scotland. 



THE DAWNING OF INDEPENDENCE 


169 


Capture of Ticonderoga ,and Crown Point. Meantime, two 
important British forts had been captured by the colonists. 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point guarded the northern approaches 
from Canada to the Hudson River. The Americans must secure 
these strongholds in order to protect New York against attack 
from Canada. Ethan Allen, a brave frontiersman of Vermont, 
marched at the head of his “ Green Mountain Boys” against 
Ticonderoga. At daybreak of May 10, 1775, he surprised and 
captured its little garrison without striking a blow. Another 
“ Green Mountain Boy,” Seth 
Warner, seized Crown Point two 
days later. With these forts were 
captured two hundred cannon, to¬ 
gether with large stores of musket 
balls and powder, so greatly needed 
by the patriots. 

The Invasion of Canada. A few 

months later it was learned that the 
British governor of Canada, Sir Guy 
Carleton, was planning to recapture 
Ticonderoga. The Americans de¬ 
termined to anticipate him by in¬ 
vading Canada. Richard Mont¬ 
gomery was sent by way of Lake 
Champlain to attack Montreal, 
while Benedict Arnold marched 
through the wilds of Maine to strike 
at Quebec. Montgomery captured 
Montreal, then pushed on to unite with Arnold’s force before 
Quebec. The combined American army numbered only 1200 
men; but the intrepid leaders determined on an attack. On 
the last day of December, 1775, in a blinding snowstorm, Mont¬ 
gomery and Arnold made a desperate assault upon the citadel. 
The brave Montgomery was killed early in the attack, and 
Arnold was severely wounded. After a heroic struggle, the 
Americans were defeated; so the invasion of Canada came to 
naught. 



The First Navy Ensign 
The Cambridge Flag 


This flag was hoisted by John 
Paul Jones on December 3,1775, 
as the navy ensign of the thirteen 
colonies, represented by thirteen 
stripes. The field consisted of 
the original colonial flag. 

George Washington hoisted it 
January 2, 1776, as the standard 
of the Continental Army, and 
it remained so until the adoption 
of the Stars and Stripes, which 
took place June 14, 1777. 





170 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


The British Evacuate Boston. The patriot army before 
Boston was made up of brave and determined men, but they 
were poorly equipped, and without military training or experi¬ 
ence. They now had for their commander the greatest military 
leader of the age. On taking command, Washington at once 
began to organize and drill his troops, and soon brought order 
out of chaos. Cannon were dragged on sledges all the way 
from Ticonderoga for his use, and at last Washington thought 
that his army was ready to strike a decisive blow. On the 
night of March 4, 1776, a furious cannonade from the American 
batteries occupied the attention of the British. Under cover of 
the darkness and bombardment, Washington sent troops to 
occupy Dorchester Heights, south of Boston. Earthworks were 
hastily thrown up, and next morning saw this force in a position 
to bombard the town and destroy every ship in the harbor. 

Howe feared to attack the Americans in their strongly 
entrenched position. There was but one other course, and that 
was to abandon Boston. Accordingly he ordered his army on 
board the British men-of-war in the harbor. Accompanied by 
about one thousand Loyalists, or colonists who sided with King 
George, Howe sailed for Halifax to await the arrival of reinforce¬ 
ments for his summer campaign. This was Washington’s first 
great stroke in the war, and it was a most successful one. With 
the loss of only a score of men, he had cleared New England 
of the invading army. From this time on, Boston and all of 
New England (except Newport) remained in the hands of the 
colonists. 

The Movement for Independence. When the Revolution 

began, only a few of the more radical patriots, men like Samuel 
Adams and Patrick Henry, were in favor of separation from 
Great Britain. Washington himself wrote: “ When I first took 
command of the Continental Army, I abhorred the idea of 
independence.” It was to secure redress of grievances, to 
maintain their rights as Englishmen, that the colonists took up 
arms. But by the close of the year 1775, the tide of public 
opinion in America was setting strongly in favor of independ¬ 
ence. There were several causes for this change of feeling. 


THE DAWNING OF INDEPENDENCE 


171 


(1) Congress had sent to the king an “ olive-branch ” peti¬ 
tion, humbly asking for a redress of grievances. But the king 
refused even to look at the petition, and issued a proclamation 
denouncing the Americans as rebels (August, 1775). Parliament 
then passed an act closing all American ports, and declaring 
that the colonies had forfeited the protection of the mother 
country. 

(2) Thomas Paine’s Common Sense led many persons to 

accept the author’s plea for independence. This pamphlet 
stated the case of the colonists in simple, plain language which 
all could understand. One hundred thousand copies were sold 
within a few months. What many men were beginning to think 
was here boldly stated. “Of what use are kings?” asked 
Paine. “ Of more worth is one honest man to society than all 
the crowned ruffians that ever lived. . . . The period 

of debate is closed. Arms, as the last recourse, must decide 
the contest. The appeal was the choice of the king, and the 
continent hath accepted the challenge.” 

(3) The employment of German soldiers, called Hessians, to 
fight against the colonists aroused intense indignation. Unable 
to secure at home the troops needed to conquer his subjects, 
George III hired 30,000 soldiers from Hesse Cassel and other 
small German states. The result was a strong demand 
for separation from the mother country which hired foreign 
troops to crush liberty in America. Even in the British Parlia¬ 
ment, this action was strongly condemned. Lord John Caven¬ 
dish declared : “ This measure disgraces Britain, and humiliates 
the king.” William Pitt denounced it in burning words. “ If 
I were an American, as I am an Englishman,” he exclaimed, 
“while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never would 
lay down my arms, — never, never, never! ” But Lord North 
and George Grenville carried the proposal through Parliament 
on the plea of necessity; some members of the king’s party 
frankly admitted that they could not procure British recruits 
at any price to fight against their countrymen in America. 

Adoption of the Declaration of Independence. At every 
fireside in America, the question of independence was being 


172 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


discussed. North Carolina was the first colony to instruct her 
delegates in the Continental Congress to vote for independence. 
Other colonial assemblies soon followed her example. On June 7, 
1776, Richard Henry Lee, acting on the instructions of the 
Provincial Congress of Virginia, introduced in the Continental 



The Pennsylvania State House, Later Known as Independence Hall, 
Philadelphia 


Built, 1730, on ground set apart by William Penn for City Buildings. Liberty 
Bell hung in tower, 1752; re-cast, 1753; tolled for call to arms at news of Concord 
and Lexington, April 25, 1775; July 8,1776, tolled for reading of the Declaration 
of Independence; July 8, 1835, bell cracked in tolling for funeral of Chief 
Justicef Marshall. 

Independence Hall was the meeting place of the Second Continental Congress, 
May 10, 1775; after the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British, Congress 
returned, July 2, 1778. The Constitutional Convention met here in 1787. The 
Supreme Court held its first meeting in the low building at the right, February 7, 
1791. Congress continued meeting here until it moved to “the shores of the 
Potomac.” 

The statue of Commodore John Barry stands in the foreground. 

Congress his famous resolution: “ That these United Colonies 
are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; 
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; 
and that all political connection between them and the state 
of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.” John 






THE DAWNING OF INDEPENDENCE 


173 


Adams of Massachusetts, the “ Atlas of Independence,” 
seconded Lee’s motion. As some of the delegates were not ready 
to vote, the question was postponed for three weeks. Meantime, 
a committee consisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Ben¬ 
jamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert Livingston, was 
appointed to draw up a Declaration of Independence. 

Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, then in his thirty-third year, 
wrote the Declaration, one of the immortal documents of 
history. The first part of the Declaration sets forth the doctrine 
of political equality, and proclaims the right of revolution for 
just cause. Next follows a list of grievances which, the colonists 
held, justified separation from the mother country. Then 
comes the final declaration, which is identical with the resolution 
of Richard Henry Lee. 

The Declaration of Independence was adopted by Congress 
on the evening of July 4, 1776. It was printed in the Pennsyl¬ 
vania Packet two days later, and on July 8 was read to a large 
crowd in the State House yard at Philadelphia. All over the 
continent the news was received with rejoicing, with the ring¬ 
ing of bells, with bonfires and torchlight processions. ‘‘The 
people,” said Samuel Adams, “ seem to recognize this resolu¬ 
tion as though it were a decree . . . from Heaven.” 

Washington ordered the Declaration to be read at the head of 
each brigade of his army. The booming of cannon and cheers 
of the soldiers announced the birth of a new nation. 

How the News Was Received in England. In England many 
former supporters of the colonists took sides with the ministry 
when the demand of the Americans changed from redress to 
independence. Hence, when the king opened Parliament on 
October 31, 1776, he could say that the Declaration of Inde¬ 
pendence had brought about “ the one great advantage of 
unanimity at home.” In the same speech he expressed a desire 
“ to restore to the Americans the blessings of law and order.” 
But that steadfast friend of the colonists, Charles Fox, did not 
desert their cause. In a speech which thrilled his hearers in 
the House of Commons, Fox declared that the British ministry 
itself was responsible for the action of the colonists. “ In declar- 


174 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


ing independence,” said he, “they have done no more than the 
English did against James II. If law and liberty is to be 
restored to America, why was it ever disturbed? Why did you 
destroy the fair work of so man}' ages, in order to reestablish 
it by the bayonets of disciplined Germans? If we are reduced 
to the dilemma of conquering or abandoning America, I am 
for abandoning America.” 



Courtesy of George Dudley Seymour 


Captain Nathan Hale 

In his short but glorious career Nathan Hale embodies the ardent patriotism 
and spirit of sacrifice which finally brought success to the American cause. 
Hale graduated from Yale College in 1773, and was teaching in New London, 
Connecticut, when the Revolution began. The youthful patriot of twenty-one 
years immediately enlisted, and served with his Connecticut regiment through¬ 
out the siege of Boston. After the battle of Long Island, General Washington 
asked for a volunteer to enter Howe’s lines as a spy and secure information con¬ 
cerning the enemy’s movements. Captain Hale at once offered to perform 
this difficult and dangerous service. Disguising himself as a Dutch school¬ 
master, he penetrated the British lines, made sketches of their fortifications, 
and secured the information desired by his commander in chief. 

On his way back to the American army, Captain Hale was arrested, and Sir 
William Howe, without the form of a trial, gave orders for his execution on the 
following morning. During the night Hale requested that a clergyman might 
attend him, and also asked for a Bible; but both requests were refused by his 
jailer. His last words as he stood on the gallows were a fitting close to his sub¬ 
lime sacrifice: “I only regret that I have but one life to lose for my country.” 
A statue of the martyred Hale was erected in 1913 on the campus of Yale 
University. On the pedestal his last immortal words are engraved in bronze. 




CHAPTER XIV 


THE CAMPAIGNS IN THE MIDDLE STATES 

The British Plan of Campaign. The loss of Boston was a 
severe blow to British pride. King George and his ministers 
at last realized that it would not be an easy task to crush the 
revolt in America. The British government determined on a 
new plan of campaign. The Middle States were to be in¬ 
vaded by an army so powerful that the patriots must realize 
the hopelessness of further resistance. At the same time, British 
commanders were to offer the gracious pardon of the king if 
the colonists would return to their allegiance. Thus Great 
Britain “ held out the olive branch along with the sword.” 

Military Importance of New York. For several reasons, the 
control of New York was regarded as the key to the military 
situation in America: 

(1) New York lay at the gateway of the Hudson, whose 
long valley extends northward close to the waters of Lake 
George and Lake Champlain. Thus the Hudson Valley formed 
a line straight through the heart of the country, separating 
rebellious New England from the southern colonies. If the 
British could secure this line, the colonies would be cut in two. 
Each section could then be crushed in turn. 

(2) New York had the best harbor on the coast, which would 
afford a splendid base for the landing of troops and supplies. 
Great Britain’s powerful navy could aid and support her army 
in capturing the city. 

(3) Finally, in New York and throughout the Middle States, 
there were thousands of Tories or Loyalists, who could be relied 
on to aid the cause of the king. 

The Battle of Long Island, August 27, 1776. Washington 
had anticipated this new plan of campaign. As soon as the 
British left Boston, he hurried his army southward to protect 

175 


176 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


New York. He had about 18,000 men for the defense of the 
city, most of whom were untrained and poorly equipped militia. 
With this force he occupied New York, and threw up fortifica¬ 
tions on Brooklyn Heights, situated across the East River on 
Long Island. To the north, the city was protected by Fort 
Lee and Fort Washington, on opposite sides of the Hudson. 
Meantime, General Howe with a large army had taken posses¬ 
sion of Staten Island, opposite New York. His brother, Admiral 
Howe, held the harbor with a powerful fleet. In the Battle of 
Long Island, Howe easily routed the American troops stationed 
in front of Brooklyn Heights, and drove them back behind their 
intrenchments. Mindful of Bunker Hill, the British general 
did not attempt an assault on the heights. Washington’s army 
now seemed in a hopeless position, for the British ships might 
enter East River and cut off his retreat. But under cover of 
night and fog, the fishermen from Salem and Marblehead rowed 
the American troops across the East River to New York. 

Washington Abandons New York. Washington could not 
hope to defend New York with Brooklyn Heights in the hands 
of the British. He fell back to White Plains, where another 
battle was fought. Again he retreated, this time across the 
Hudson into New Jersey, so as to place his army between the 
victorious British and Philadelphia. That army was fast losing 
heart over its repeated defeats. Many of the militia had en¬ 
listed for only six weeks, and as their terms expired, whole 
companies left for their homes. It seemed as if the entire 
patriot army would melt away. To make matters worse, the 
British captured Fort Washington with its large garrison, and 
seized Fort Lee. Still Washington’s courage did not fail. Al¬ 
though beaten in nearly every engagement, he had outgeneraled 
his adversary. The line of the Hudson was still in American 
control, and the patriot army was still in existence. 

The Famous Retreat across New Jersey. To save that fast 
dwindling army from capture, Washington began his famous 
retreat across New Jersey. General Charles Lee, who was 
second in command, was still on the east side of the Hudson 
with 7000 men. Washington ordered Lee to join him, but that 


THE CAMPAIGNS IN THE MIDDLE STATES 177 


general disobeyed 
orders and de¬ 
layed. Lee’s in¬ 
subordination was 
due to his jeal¬ 
ousy of Wash¬ 
ington ; he was 
willing to have 
him defeated, 
hoping to suc¬ 
ceed him as com¬ 
mander in chief. 

Greatly outnum¬ 
bered by the 
enemy, Wash¬ 
ington dared not 
venture on a 
battle, but fell 
back rapidly from 
place to place 
until he reached 
Trenton on the 
Delaware. With 
only 3000 men 
who still followed 
their devoted 
chief, he crossed 
that river into 
Pennsylvania. 

Cornwallis was 
checked in his 
pursuit, for Wash¬ 
ington had de¬ 
stroyed all the boats along the Jersey shore. At Philadelphia, 
the “ rebel capital,” all was panic and confusion. The capture 
of the city seemed a matter of only a few days. Congress in alarm 
removed to Baltimore, but first passed a resolution giving Wash- 






































178 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


ington full power “ to direct all things relative to the opera¬ 
tion of the war.” 

“ These are the times that try men’s souls ” was the stir¬ 
ring appeal of Thomas Paine in his new pamphlet, The Crisis. 
“ The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot are falling 
away.” Falling away in bitter truth; for nearly three thousand 
colonists grasped eagerly at General Howe’s offer of a free par¬ 
don to all who would take the oath of allegiance to the king. 
Even Washington wrote to his brother: “ If every nerve is 

not strained to recruit the new army ... I fear the 
game is pretty near up.” 

Washington’s Victory at Trenton. The British victories in 
New York, followed by the flight of the patriot army across 
New Jersey, convinced the British commanders that the war 
was practically ended. General Howe was not fond of winter 
campaigns, and he decided that it was too late in the season for 
him to occupy Philadelphia. So he returned to New York, 
leaving strong outposts to watch the broken army across the 
Delaware. 

In this dark hour, Washington resolved to hazard all on 
a sudden, bold stroke. Trenton was defended by only 1200 
Hessians. On Christmas night, 1776, Washington marched 
down to the Delaware shore with 2400 wretchedly clad men, 
who left bloody footprints behind them in the snow. Again the 
Marblehead fishermen manned the rowboats and ferried the 
troops through the floating ice to the New Jersey shore. At 
four o’clock in the morning, Washington formed his little army 
in two columns, one under Greene, the other under Sullivan. 
They marched the nine miles to Trenton through a driving 
storm of sleet and snow. The Hessians, who had spent Christmas 
night in feasting and drinking, were roused in the early dawn by 
a fierce bayonet charge. Colonel Rail tried in vain to rally 
his men; he was shot down, and in less than an hour the entire 
Hessian force was surrounded and captured. Washington’s 
army recrossed the Delaware with a thousand prisoners. This 
brilliant exploit, at a time when all seemed lost, put new life 
into the patriot cause. 


THE CAMPAIGNS IN THE MIDDLE STATES 179 


Another Victory at Princeton. Stirred to action by the news 
of Trenton, Howe sent Cornwallis to retake the town and make 
good the defeat. As Cornwallis advanced, Washington with¬ 
drew his much smaller army beyond the Assunpink, a small 
river flowing into the Delaware just south of Trenton. Corn¬ 
wallis thought he had the American forces in a trap, with a 
superior force at their front and the broad Delaware behind 
them. He went to bed in high spirits. “At last we have run 
down the old fox,” said he, “ and we will bag him in the morn¬ 
ing.” In the morning the fox was not there. Leaving his camp¬ 
fires burning, Washington made a midnight march around 
the left wing of the enemy, and gained the road to Princeton. 
Here he routed three British regiments on their way to join 
Cornwallis. At dawn that surprised general beheld a deserted 
camp. Even then Cornwallis did not know what had happened, 
until he heard the distant booming of cannon at Princeton. He 
started in pursuit, but it was too late. Washington quickly 
withdrew to the heights at Morristown, west of New York, 
where his army went into camp for the winter. In three weeks 
of sharp campaigning, Washington had won two battles, 
captured 2000 prisoners, and recovered the state of New Jersey 
from the enemy. 

Robert Morris and the Finances. The patriot army was 
poorly fed and poorly clothed; worst of all, the soldiers were 
not receiving their pay, so necessary to the support of their 
families. The term of enlistment of the New England troops 
expired with the year 1776, and they were eager to leave for 
their homes. Washington promised them a bounty of ten 
dollars each if they would reenlist, and pledged his private 
fortune for its payment. In this critical hour Washington 
wrote to his friend, Robert Morris, a wealthy merchant of 
Philadelphia, telling him of his great need. Morris went from 
door to door in Philadelphia and raised $50,000 in hard cash — 
not paper money — which he sent to Washington. In this way 
the army was saved, and the victory of Princeton made possible. 

Congress soon afterwards gave Morris the difficult task of 
managing the financial affairs of the Revolution. It was of 


180 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


course impossible to raise the large amounts of money needed 
by taxing the people. Congress borrowed what it could in 
France and Holland, but relied chiefly on issues of paper money 
stamped with its promise to pay the bearer in gold or silver. 
This Continental Currency was not secured by coin, so that its 

value depended on whatever 
confidence the people had in 
the success of the Revolu¬ 
tion. Measured in gold, the 
value of the paper notes was 
sometimes only a few cents. 
Many thrifty farmers in 
New Jersey and Pennsyl¬ 
vania preferred to sell their 
grain and cattle to the Brit¬ 
ish generals who paid in 
gold, rather than to the pa¬ 
triot commanders who could 
offer only paper notes. 
Washington sadly remarked 
that it took a wagon load 
of paper money to buy a 
load of provisions. A barber 
in Philadelphia papered his 
shop with the notes to show 
his contempt for them; 
and “ not worth a Continental ” became a byword. 

The Campaign of 1777. The British government had not 
given up the plan of securing the line of the Hudson, so as to cut 
off New England from the rest of the colonies. The campaign 
of 1777, like that of the year before, had this end in view. A 
threefold attack was planned: 

(1) An expedition under General St. Leger was to sail across 
Lake Ontario and land at Oswego. After capturing Fort 
Stanwix, St. Leger was to march down the valley of the Mo¬ 
hawk to Albany. 

(2) A powerful army under General John Burgoyne was to 



Robert Morris 


From the original painting by Charles 
Willson Peale in the Pennsylvania Acad¬ 
emy of Fine Arts. 

Robert Morris might well be called 
“The Father of Liberty Loans.” 




THE CAMPAIGNS IN THE MIDDLE STATES 181 


move south from Canada by way of Lake Champlain, and 
advance on Albany. 

(3) General Howe was to advance northward from New York 
and unite with Burgoyne’s army. 

The fate of the Revolution turned on this campaign. For 
the British, success meant the division of the colonies; failure, 
that France would no longer hesitate to form an open alliance 
with the patriots. 

General Herkimer at Oriskany. The first British expedition 
met with complete disaster. St. Leger reached Oswego, and 
with his Indian and Loyalist allies laid siege to Fort Stanwix. 
The veteran General Herkimer with a few hundred pioneers 
went to its relief. At the mouth of the Oriskany, he fell into an 
ambush of the British and their Indian allies. Herkimer was 
mortally wounded early in the action, but propped up with his 
saddle against a tree, the old hero continued to direct the battle. 
After five hours of hard fighting, his men were victorious. 
General Benedict Arnold soon afterwards came to the relief 
of Fort Stanwix. St. Leger then made a disorderly retreat to 
Canada, with a beaten and broken army. One part of the 
northern invasion had failed. 

Burgoyne’s Invasion. Setting out from Canada with 8000 
men, General Burgoyne captured the powerful fortress of Ti- 
conderoga, and sent an exulting message to England announcing 
his success. From this point on, his advance was more difficult. 
The Americans under General Schuyler called the wilderness 
to their aid. They cut down trees, burned the bridges, filled 
the waterways with stones and logs, and stripped the country 
of cattle and provisions. Burgoyne had to cut new roads 
through the swamp and rebuild many bridges. It took him 
twenty-four days to march the twenty-six miles to Fort Edward. 
Meantime, the inhuman conduct of Burgoyne’s Indian allies 
roused the frontiersmen of the north as nothing else could have 
done. In desperate need of food for his troops and of horses 
to draw his cannon, Burgoyne sent a force of Hessians to raid 
the country. At Bennington they were met by Colonel John 
Stark, the hero of Bunker Hill and Trenton. In a hard-fought 


182 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


engagement, the New England militia routed the Hessians, and 
captured several hundred prisoners. 

The Battles of Saratoga. Anxiously Burgoyne awaited news 
from General Howe, who was supposed to come to his aid from 
New York. Through a strange oversight on the part of the 
British War Office, Howe did not receive the order to advance 
up the Hudson. So without concerning himself about Burgoyne, 
Howe took his army south to attack Philadelphia. Burgoyne 
was left to grapple alone with the foes who were fast surrounding 
him. With an army reduced to 5000 men, he crossed to the 
west bank of the Hudson, near Saratoga. From this point he 
hoped to fight his way through to Albany. Directly across his 
line of march was the patriot army, 16,000 strong, under the 
command of General Gates. The American forces occupied 
a strong position at Bemis Heights, guarding the road to Albany. 
Here Burgoyne lost many men in a stubbornly contested fight, 
without gaining any advantage. 

About two weeks later, the British made another attack 
upon the army of General Gates. This second battle of Saratoga 
was a decisive victory for the patriots. Burgoyne retreated to 
Saratoga, but he was hemmed in on all sides. His army was 
suffering from hunger and fatigue, his hospital filled with sick 
and wounded men. Howe had failed him, his position was hope¬ 
less ; and on October 17, 1777, he surrendered his entire army 
of 5000 men to General Gates. Thus Burgoyne’s expedition, 
the most important sent by Great Britain against her revolted 
colonies, was completely wrecked. The battle of Saratoga is 
numbered by the British historian Creasy among the fifteen 
decisive battles of the world. It marked the turning point of 
the Revolution, for Europe was now convinced that Great 
Britain could not conquer her rebellious colonies. Saratoga 
inspired the patriots all over America. Most important of all, 
it induced France to ally herself openly with the cause of the 
patriots. 

Our Appeal to Europe for Aid. Soon after the Declaration 

of Independence, envoys were sent to Europe to secure the 
alliance of any nations who might be interested in the cause of 


THE CAMPAIGNS IN THE MIDDLE STATES 183 



American liberty. Some of the envoys were not even admitted 
to the capitals of the countries to which they were sent; others 
received only good words. Sent to Prussia, Arthur Lee reached 
the capital, but King. Frederick refused to see him. “ There is 
no name/’ Lee wrote appealingly, “ so highly respected among 
us as that of your Majesty. Hence there is no King the declara¬ 
tion of whose friendship would inspire our people with so much 
courage.” But much as he hated England, Frederick would 


do nothing to aid the colonists; if he did so, he said, the result 
would be “ much inconvenience ” for himself. He did permit 
Lee to see his army, numbering over 200,000 men. Our envoy 
wrote home that this army was without its peer in Europe, but 
that it was “ only a machine, disciplined by force and caning.” 

France Becomes Our Ally. Only one country in Europe 
responded to our appeal for aid. That country was France, 
and her action was due chiefly to the growing love of liberty 
among her own people. Braving the danger of capture by 


Franklin at the Court of Louis XVI 


t Tom an oia enyruvmy. 


Franklin was received as ambassador December 21, 1776. Aided by Arthur 
Lee and Silas Deane, he concluded the treaty of alliance with France. 






184 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


British warships, Benjamin Franklin and two other American 
commissioners arrived in Paris late in the year 1776. Then past 
seventy years of age, the genial, witty Franklin became very 
popular at the court of Louis XVI, and won the warm friendship 
of the French people. France had secretly aided the colonists 
with money and supplies almost from the outset. After Bur- 
goyne’s surrender, she was ready to form an open alliance. 
A treaty was signed February 6, 1778, by which France recog¬ 
nized the independence of the United States, and each country 
promised to make war on the enemies of the other. The treaty 
of alliance made certain the success of the Revolution; without 
it, the final victory must have been at least doubtful. France 
not only aided the patriots with guns, ammunition, and clothing, 
but she finally sent to America a large army and a powerful 
fleet. Great Britain immediately declared war on France, and 
soon afterwards on Spain, the ally of France. Two years later 
found Holland also numbered among her enemies. Thus three 
powerful European nations were in arms against Great Britain. 

The news of Burgoyne’s surrender and of the French alli¬ 
ance was a terrible blow to Great Britain. Even King George 
and his ministers were ready to make concessions. Parliament 
repealed its oppressive measures, gave up the right to tax the 
colonies, and was ready to promise them representation in the 
British Parliament. These offers came too late. By the time 
Lord North's peace commissioners reached America, Great 
Britain had a war with France on her hands, as well as one with 
the patriots. Congress refused to listen to any offer except that 
of complete independence. 

Battles of the Brandywine and Germantown. It was in June, 
1777, that Burgoyne started from Canada on his disastrous 
campaign. In the same month, Howe made an unsuccessful 
attempt to march across New Jersey to Philadelphia. He was 
checked by Washington, who placed his army in so strong a 
position that Howe retreated to New York. The British general 
then decided to reach Philadelphia by sea. He landed at the 
head of Chesapeake Bay with a large army, planning to march 
overland to Philadelphia. Washington met him in September 


THE CAMPAIGNS IN THE MIDDLE STATES 185 


at Chad’s Ford on the Brandywine, but the American army 
was defeated after a sharp struggle. Washington could now 
only delay Howe’s advance, and the British occupied Phila¬ 
delphia on September 26, 1777. Congress had fled some days 
before to Lancaster. Apparently the defeated patriots had not 
lost heart, for a few weeks later Washington made a sudden 
attack on the British at Germantown. Taken by surprise, 
Howe’s men were at first driven back in confusion. But in the 
dense fog, one brigade of the American army fired on another 
by mistake, and Washington was obliged to retreat, having 
just missed a great victory. 

The Suffering at Valley Forge. After another month of 
skirmishing, the patriot army went into winter quarters at 
Valley Forge, a hilly region about twenty miles northwest of 
Philadelphia. While Howe’s army was comfortably housed in 
the Quaker City, Washington’s men suffered terrible hardships 
in their cheerless camp. The French supplies had not yet 
arrived; and Washington wrote to Congress that he had 3000 
soldiers “ unfit for duty, because they are barefoot, and other¬ 
wise naked.” Men died for want of straw to put between 
themselves and the cold ground on which they lay. Food was 
scarce, and hunger added to the pain of the cold. Valley Forge 
was indeed “ an epic of slow suffering silently borne, of patient 
heroism, and of a very bright and triumphant outcome.” 

Distinguished Volunteers from Europe. From this winter 
of hardship and suffering, good was to come. Baron von 
Steuben, a Prussian officer of Frederick the Great, drilled and 
organized these ragged troops, and taught them the tactics for 
which the Prussian soldiers had become famous. At last Wash¬ 
ington’s men had discipline and organization as well as courage. 
The Continental Army was never again beaten in any battle 
where its great leader commanded. There were other foreign 
officers who, like Von Steuben, came to aid the patriots. One of 
these was the Marquis de Lafayette, a young French nobleman 
who left his wife and child to serve the American cause as a 
volunteer. At the request of Washington, Congress gave Lafay¬ 
ette a high command, although he was only twenty years old; 



Washington and Baron von Steuben at Valley Forge 


Von Steuben made his first visit to Valley Forge, February 23, 1778. Wash¬ 
ington appointed him Inspector-General, March 28. During the winter 
months, despite the hardships — lack of food, clothing, and warm shelter — 
the army was drilled into an effective fighting force. 


186 





THE CAMPAIGNS IN THE MIDDLE STATES 187 



and his services form a noble chapter in the history of the 
Revolution. With Lafayette came the brave Baron de Kalb, 
who fell covered with wounds at Camden. Nor should we 
forget the Polish officers, Kosciuszko and Pulaski, who fought 
valiantly for the liberty of America. 

The Plot to Remove Washington. During this winter, some 
of Washington’s enemies formed a plot to remove him as 
commander in chief. The 
leader in this conspiracy was 
Conway, a foreign officer 
disappointed because Wash¬ 
ington had opposed his pro¬ 
motion. Washington’s en¬ 
emies contrasted his defeats 
at the Brandywine and 
Germantown with the bril¬ 
liant victory of Gates at 
Saratoga. The attempt to 
ruin Washington failed 
miserably, as it deserved. 

Conway resigned from the 
army, while Gates suffered 
in public opinion from his 
connection with the con¬ 


Marquis de Lafayette 

From an old print made during his last visit 
to America as the “Nation’s Guest,” 1824. 


spiracy. 

The Battle of Monmouth 
June, 1778. The news that a French fleet was coming to 
America compelled the British to abandon Philadelphia, and 
concentrate their forces at New York. Sir Henry Clinton had 
by this time succeeded General Howe in chief command. Since 
the sea was no longer free for the safe transport of British 
troops, Clinton had to march his army overland through New 
Jersey. He was closely pursued by Washington, who overtook 
his rear guard at Monmouth ; and only the treachery of Charles 
Lee prevented the destruction of the British army. That officer 
was to lead the attacking division, but scarcely had he come 
within sight of the British, when he ordered his men to retreat. 







188 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


Only Washington’s timely arrival at the front saved his army. 
Monmouth was a drawn battle, from which Clinton was glad to 
retreat by the light of the moon. “ Clinton gained no advantage 
except to reach New York with the wreck of his army,” was the 
comment of Frederick across the sea. “ America is probably 
lost for England.” 

The Loyalists or Tories. The patriot cause did not have 
the support of all the people in the colonies. It is estimated that 
nearly one third of the colonists either openly sided with the 
king, or at least failed to support the Revolution. The Loyal¬ 
ists, or Tories as they were called by the patriot party, were 
most numerous in the Middle States and in the Carolinas and 
Georgia. They were usually headed by men who held office 
under the king. The patriots denounced them as traitors; 
for in this great crisis when the cause of liberty and justice de¬ 
manded their support, they refused to help and many even took 
up arms against their own countrymen. As the Revolution 
continued, the mutual hatred of patriots and Loyalists became 
more bitter. Sometimes the Loyalists were tarred and feath¬ 
ered; their houses and barns were often burned, while the 
owners were driven from their homes and their property confis¬ 
cated. New York State alone seized Loyalist property to the 
value of $3,000,000; in return, New York Loyalists to the num¬ 
ber of 15,000 enlisted in the British army and navy. At the 
close of the Revolution, thousands of Loyalists settled in Canada, 
the West Indies, and Great Britain, not daring to return to 
their old homes. They founded Ontario in Canada, and helped 
to settle New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. They became, as 
one Canadian writer says, the makers of Canada. 


CHAPTER XV 


THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 

Indian Outrages on the Northern Frontier. Throughout the 
Revolution, the fierce Iroquois tribes in the valley of the 
Mohawk fought on the side of the British; and terrible was the 
warfare of these savage allies. Many a sturdy .frontiersman had 
shouldered his musket to join Washington’s army, leaving the 
pioneer settlements almost defenseless. Indians and Loyalists 
now united in savage raids on the unprotected frontier. In 
the summer of 1778, the beautiful Wyoming Valley in north¬ 
eastern Pennsylvania was the scene of a fearful massacre. The 
village of Cherry Valley in central New York was burned a few 
months later, and fifty of its inhabitants were put to death 
after horrible tortures. To avenge these massacres, Washington 
sent General Sullivan with 5000 men against the Iroquois. 
Sullivan defeated a combined force of Indians and Loyalists 
near the present site of Elmira, New York. He then laid waste 
the country of the Iroquois, destroying their crops and burning 
their villages. The Indian power was checked but for two 
years longer the tomahawk and firebrand continued to desolate 
the Mohawk Valley. 

Border Warfare in Kentucky and Tennessee. South of the 
Ohio, bold pioneers from Virginia and North Carolina had 
pushed westward through the Alleghenies, settling in the region 
now Kentucky and Tennessee. The westward advance of these 
backwoodsmen was stubbornly contested by the Indians, 
whose savage raids gave Kentucky its name of the “ dark and 
bloody ground.” Men like Daniel Boone in Kentucky, and 
Sevier and Robertson in Tennessee, could not be held back, 
although for years their little settlements were subject 
to all the horrors of Indian attack. The British commander 

189 


190 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


at Detroit, Sir Henry Hamilton, was responsible for many of 
these raids. During the years 1776-1777, he made every effort 
to unite all the western tribes in a general attack upon our 
frontier. If the American pioneers could be driven east of the 
Alleghenies, the vast region between the mountains and the 
Mississippi would be saved to the British crown. 

George Rogers Clark Conquers the Northwest. The boldest 
defender of the Kentucky frontier was George Rogers Clark, a 

young Virginian of twenty- 
five years, and a born leader 
of men. Clark formed the 
idea of putting an end to the 
raids and massacres by at¬ 
tacking the real enemy be¬ 
hind the Indians. He de¬ 
termined to drive the British 
garrisons from the entire 
Northwest Territory; that 
is, out of the region between 
the Ohio River and the 
Great Lakes. Governor 
Patrick Henry of Virginia 
approved the plan, and 
Clark raised a small force of 
hunters and Indian fighters 
for his expedition. He em¬ 
barked his little army on 
flatboats at a point near 
Pittsburgh, and floated down the Ohio to the mouth of the 
Cumberland. Landing his men, Clark made a rapid march of 
one hundred and twenty miles across the country to Kaskaskia. 
On the evening of July 4, 1778, the British garrison at Kaskaskia 
was surprised and captured. Other towns in southwestern 
Illinois now hastened to surrender. Even Vincennes on the 
Wabash, the most important British post in the Ohio Valley, 
raised the American flag. Most of the inhabitants of these 
towns were Frenchmen, who readily accepted American rule 



George Rogers Clark 

From the original painting by John 
Wesley Jarvis in the Virginia State Li¬ 
brary, Richmond. 




THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 191 


when they learned from Clark that France had become our ally. 
With only 200 men, this intrepid leader wrested from British 
control a territory nearly as large as the entire thirteen colonies. 

Clark’s Expedition against Vincennes. Imagine the surprise 
of General Hamilton at Detroit when he heard this amazing 
news! Setting out from Detroit, Hamilton soon recaptured 
Vincennes, and made ready to crush the daring adventurer at 
Kaskaskia (December, 1778). Clark did not wait for Hamil¬ 
ton’s attack, which was to be made the following spring. With 
a little band of men, he set out in the dead of winter to strike 
his enemy at Vincennes. In sixteen days Clark made a wonder¬ 
ful march of over two hundred miles across flooded lowlands and 
swollen streams. For the last four miles his men waded in 
water, sometimes breast high. They marched Indian file, 
the dauntless Clark in advance, with twenty-five men told off 
in the rear to shoot any who tried to turn back. The fort at 
Vincennes could not withstand such a leader. On February 24, 
1779, Hamilton and his garrison surrendered as prisoners of war. 

George Rogers Clark won by these victories the proud title of 
“ the conqueror 
of the North¬ 
west.” More 
than this, he 
won for his 
country the 
Mississippi in¬ 
stead of the 
Alleghenies as 
its western 
boundary; for 
when the treaty 
of peace was 

signed, Great Britain recognized our claim to the western 
territory, of which we held possession. Thus the attempt of 
the British to push back the American frontier failed utterly, 
and Clark’s victories opened the way for the march of the 
American people across the continent. 



The West During the Revolution 














192 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


The War on the Sea. At the outbreak of the Revolution 
the colonists had no warships, while Great Britain ruled the 
sea with the strongest navy in the world. Throughout the 
struggle, Great Britain’s powerful fleets gave invaluable aid 
and support to her armies. To overcome this handicap, Congress 
in 1775 ordered the construction of thirteen small ships of war. 
In this way the American navy had its beginning. Congress 
also ordered private shipowners “ to distress the enemies of the 
United States by sea or land.” Vessels acting under these 
orders were called privateers; they had authority to attack 
the enemy’s vessels, to capture and sell prizes, and do all things 
that regular men-of-war might do. More than two thousand 
of these privateers ranged the seas and wrought havoc with 
British commerce. They cruised up and down the Atlantic 
coast, swarmed in the West Indies, and even dared to attack 
their prey in the English Channel and the North Sea. Three 
hundred British ships were captured in the first year of the war. 
The bold daring of these privateers made up, in part, for our 
lack of a navy. 

John Paul Jones and His Great Victory. Many gallant 
officers and sailors won fame in the little navy which was 
gradually built; but foremost of these was John Paul Jones. In 
his ship, the Ranger, Jones made a bold descent on the coast 
of Scotland and England, spreading terror among the seaport 
towns. At length the French government placed under his 
command a little squadron of five ships. The largest was an 
old East India merchantman, now converted into a man-of-war. 
Jones named this ship the Bon Homme Richard, in honor of 
Benjamin Franklin. Her decks were too weak for guns, her 
guns were too old for service, and her crew was a mixed one of 
many nationalities; but her commander knew how to fight. 

Sailing along the west coast of Ireland and Scotland, Jones 
captured many prizes. Off Flamborough Head, in northeastern 
England, he came up with a British frigate, the Serapis. About 
seven o’clock in the evening, the two vessels began a deadly 
combat that continued far into the night. During the action, 
the fire from the American ship slackened. The British captain 


THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 193 


called out, “Have you struck your colors? ” “I have not 
begun to fight! ” rang out the reply from Jones. After repeated 
efforts, Jones brought his vessel alongside the Serapis, and with 
his own hands lashed the two ships together. His men climbed 
into the rigging of the Bon Homme Richard and shot down 
every man who showed himself on the deck of the British frigate. 
Finally a hand grenade was thrown into the main hatchway of the 
Serapis, causing an explo¬ 
sion which killed twenty of 
her crew. By this time the 
Serapis was on fire in several 
places, and her brave com¬ 
mander was forced to strike 
his colors. The Bon Homme 
Richard was in still worse 
plight; she had been burn¬ 
ing for half an hour and 
was fairly riddled with can¬ 
non shot. Jones transferred 
his men to the defeated 
Serapis, and two days later 
his battered flagship sank. 

By this splendid victory, 

Jones humbled the mis¬ 
tress of the seas, and won 
the admiration of the 
world. 

Clinton’s Army at New York. Except for a campaign in the 
South which resulted in the capture of Savannah, the British 
did not attempt any important movements in the years 1778 
and 1779. France and Spain kept Great Britain occupied in 
defending Gibraltar and her rich islands in the West Indies. 
After his retreat from Monmouth, Clinton’s army remained 
cooped up in New York; while from the highlands of the 
Hudson, Washington kept a vigilant watch upon Clinton’s 
movements. That general contented himself with sending out * 
small detachments to raid the defenseless towns along the coast 






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THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 195 

of New England, New Jersey, and Virginia. These expeditions 
failed to tempt Washington southward, as Clinton perhaps hoped. 

Of more danger to the patriots was Clinton’s seizure of 
the strong forts at Stony Point and Verplanck’s Point, which 
guarded the upper Hudson. The capture of these forts threat¬ 
ened the American stronghold farther up the Hudson at West 
Point. Washington determined to recapture Stony Point; and 
for this task he chose General Anthony Wayne, named “ Mad 
Anthony ” by the soldiers for his desperate valor. Twelve 
hundred picked men were placed under Wayne’s command. 
At midnight on July 15, 1779, with unloaded guns and fixed 
bayonets, they stormed up the slope at Stony Point and 
captured its garrison. About a month later, “ Light Horse 
Harry ” Lee surprised and captured the British fort at Paulus 
Hook, where Jersey City now stands. The seizure of these 
strong redoubts at the point of the bayonet proved that the 
discipline of Valley Forge was bearing fruit. 

The Treason of Benedict Arnold. Following the story of 
these daring exploits comes the dark page of Arnold’s treason. 
Benedict Arnold was one of the bravest officers in the American 
army. With Montgomery he had led the desperate assault upon 
Quebec, and he shared with Morgan the laurels of Saratoga. 
However, Congress failed to give him the promotion to which 
he believed himself entitled, and this injured his pride. After¬ 
wards Arnold was accused of misconduct while in command of 
the city of Philadelphia. A court martial acquitted him of the 
more serious charges, but found him guilty of imprudent con¬ 
duct. He was sentenced to receive a reprimand from the com¬ 
mander in chief, but Washington gave the reproof in the kindest 
words, for he recognized Arnold’s bravery as an officer. En¬ 
raged at what he considered unjust treatment, Arnold then de¬ 
termined to betray his country in return for British gold. He 
asked Washington to place him in command of West Point, the 
key to the Hudson. His request was readily granted, where¬ 
upon Arnold offered to betray this stronghold to General Clin¬ 
ton. For this treason he was to receive $30,000, and a major- 
general’s commission in the British army. 



196 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


Capture of Andre and Flight of Arnold. To conclude the 
details of the infamous bargain, Clinton sent his young adjutant, 
Major John Andre, to meet Arnold at West Point. It was 
arranged that Clinton should come up the Hudson with a part 
of his fleet, whereupon Arnold would surrender West Point. 

Washington was then to be 
urged to bring up reinforce¬ 
ments to certain destruction. 
The plot was now complete; 
Arnold furnished Andre with 
plans of the fort and a pass 
through the American lines. 
Having changed his scarlet 
uniform for citizen’s clothes, 
Andre attempted to reach 
New York by riding down 
the east bank of the Hudson. 
As he neared Tarrytown, he 
was stopped and searched 
by three Americans who 
found in his boots the papers 
delivered by Arnold. He 
was taken by them to the 
nearest American post, 
where he was condemned to death as a spy because of his dis¬ 
guise and the concealed papers. 

Arnold received warning of Andre’s capture in time to escape 
on board a British warship. “ Whom can we trust now? ” cried 
Washington to his officers as he rode into West Point a few 
hours later. Although Arnold received his promised reward, he 
had earned the contempt of all honest men, and his last days in 
London were filled with remorse. 

The War in the South, 1778-1781. Great Britain had failed 
to conquer New England, and Burgoyne’s surrender meant the 
loss of the Middle States. As a last resort, the British govern¬ 
ment planned to conquer America from the South. Georgia 
was thinly populated, and could offer slight resistance; while 


The Liberty Bell 














THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 197 



Campaigns in the Southern States 

Routes taken by Gates, Greene, Lafayette, Washington, and Cornwallis. 


in the Carolinas there were many Loyalists who would rally 
to the cause of the king. The new plan of campaign began well. 
The British captured Savannah in 1778, and soon all of Georgia 
was under their control. 

To complete the conquest of the South, Clinton and Corn¬ 
wallis sailed from New York with an army of 8000 men. They 
marched against Charleston, South Carolina, which was de- 










































198 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



fended by Continental troops. General Lincoln made the 
mistake of attempting to hold the city against overwhelming 

odds. He was soon forced 


to surrender Charleston, 
and his entire army be¬ 
came prisoners. South 
Carolina, like Georgia, 
now lay prostrate be¬ 
fore the enemy. General 
Clinton returned to New 
York, leaving Cornwallis 
to complete the conquest. 
This promised to be an 
easy task, for Lincoln’s 
surrender left the South 
without an army to meet 
the invader. 

Partisan Warfare of 
Marion and Sumter. The 
spirit of southern patriot¬ 
ism was not conquered. 
Marion, Sumter, and 
Pickens organized bands 
of resolute men, whose ir¬ 
regular warfare kept alive 
the spirit of independence. 
With less than a hundred 
followers, Marion and 
Sumter would make a 
sudden, desperate assault 
upon some British out¬ 
post, cut off supplies, or 
strike fiercely at a column 
of Loyalist recruits. Then 
as suddenly the “rangers” would disappear in the dense swamp 
or mountain defile, only to reappear for a new attack at some 
point far distant. There was no hardship which these men 


St. Michael’s Church, Charleston 

Built in 1752. Tower painted black'during 
the Revolution in the vain hope it would es¬ 
cape the notice of the British fleet sailing 
along the coast in search of Charleston. The 
British took the bells to London in 1782, but 
they were returned the next year. 











THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 199 

would not endure, no enterprise too desperate for them to 
attempt. Thrilling stories of their valor are still told by the 
people of South Carolina and Georgia. 

Gates and the Disaster at Camden, August 16, 1780. With¬ 
out the aid of regular troops, these brave patriots could not 
hope to dislodge the British army. Washington wished to send 
General Greene to aid the South, but Congress preferred 
Horatio Gates. Two thousand of the Maryland and Delaware 
troops were placed under his command, and he was reinforced 
by militia from North Carolina and Virginia. Gates soon showed 
how little he deserved the fame so easily won at Saratoga. 
Without waiting to organize and equip his troops, he hurled 
them against Cornwallis at Camden. The raw militia on the 
American left wing fled without firing a gun. On the right 
wing, the Continental troops fought with desperate valor. 
Eight hundred of their number were left dead and dying on 
the field, including their brave leader, de Kalb. The American 
army was routed and practically destroyed. Gates left the field 
with the militia and rode the two hundred miles to Hillsborough, 
North Carolina, in less than four days. Once more the South 
was without an army, and the way seemed clear for the invasion 
of Virginia, the bulwark of the patriot cause. 

King’s Mountain and the Cowpens. Before this year of 
disasters had ended, the tide of British victory was stemmed at 
King's Mountain, on the border between North and South 
Carolina. Here the backwoodsmen from beyond the Alleghenies 
surrounded and captured a force of Loyalists and British regu¬ 
lars under the command of Major Ferguson. Three months 
later, the British suffered another defeat at the Cowpens, in 
South Carolina. In this battle, General Morgan, who had 
fought so well at Saratoga, utterly crushed Tarleton, the best 
cavalry officer in the British army. Tarleton himself escaped 
by hard riding, but many of his men were taken prisoners. 
These two defeats cost Cornwallis nearly one third of his army. 

Greene’s Campaign in the South. Twice a patriot army had 
been sent to the South, only to have one army captured at 
Charleston, and another flung away at Camden. A third attempt 


200 


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


was now made to rescue the South, but this time it was a general 
instead of an army that Washington was sending. The general 
was Nathanael Greene, next to Washington the greatest com¬ 
mander of the Revolution. With him came “ Light Horse” Harry 

Lee, with his splendid legion 
of cavalry. Von Steuben, 
too, was sent to organize the 
troops, and drill them as 
only he knew how. 

Greene's campaign in the 
South is the singular record 
of a general who seldom 
won a battle, but never lost 
a campaign. It is the story 
of three pitched battles, 
of skillful maneuvers, and 
masterly retreats. After the 
battle of the Cowpens, 
Greene led Cornwallis an 
exciting chase across North 
Carolina. Cornwallis burned 
his heavy baggage in order 
to overtake Greene, but in vain. Nature seemed to be fighting 
on the side of the patriots. One river after another rose in 
flood just after Greene had crossed, delaying the British pursuit. 
At length, after his long retreat, Greene suddenly turned and 
offered battle at Guilford Court House. The British claimed 
the victory, but Cornwallis found that he had been lured two 
hundred miles away from his base of supplies. The British 
commander now resolved to invade Virginia, and unite with a 
large force of Loyalists under Benedict Arnold. Greene followed 
Cornwallis to the Cape Fear River, then suddenly faced about 
and captured Camden. By the close of 1781, his superb strategy 
had wrested from the British every post south of Virginia except 
Charleston and Savannah. 

Cornwallis and Lafayette. When Cornwallis reached Peters¬ 
burg, he found that Lafayette's little army was at Richmond, 





THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 201 


only a few miles away. “ The boy cannot escape me,” boasted 
Cornwallis; but he soon learned that he was mistaken. From 
Richmond to Fredericksburg, Cornwallis pursued Lafayette, 
who proved as skillful in retreat as Greene himself. When 
Lafayette was afterwards reinforced by Wayne and Von Steuben, 
Cornwallis retreated to the coast. In order to keep in touch with 
the British fleet, he occupied Yorktown on the narrow peninsula 
between the York and James rivers. 

Cornwallis Surrenders at Yorktown, October 19,1781. Wash¬ 
ington had been planning for some time to attack New York with 
the aid of the French troops commanded by Count Rochambeau. 
The news from Virginia changed his plans; he determined to 
march his army four hundred miles southward and crush Corn- 



The Moore House, Yorktown 

Built in 1713. Here Washington and his staff drew up the terms of 
surrender for Cornwallis. 


wallis. He learned that he could count on the aid of a powerful 
French fleet under Admiral de Grasse, which had already started 
for Chesapeake Bay. With the French fleet barring the Chesa¬ 
peake, a strong land force thrown across the narrow peninsula 












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THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 203 

of Yorktown would have Cornwallis in a trap. With 4000 
French soldiers and 2000 of his own Continentals, Washington 
marched rapidly toward the South. On reaching the head of 
Chesapeake Bay, his troops were transported by water to 
Williamsburg. Here Washington joined forces with Lafayette, 
and the siege of Yorktown began. De Grasse had already beaten 
off the British fleet, so that Cornwallis could not retreat by sea. 
On the land side his situation was equally hopeless, for his army 
of 8000 men was hemmed in by 16,000 American and French 
soldiers. The bitter end was at hand; and on October 19, 1781, 
Cornwallis surrendered his entire army. 

How the News Was Received. Washington’s courier reached 
Philadelphia early in the morning of October 24 with the glad 
tidings. “ Past three o’clock, and Cornwallis is taken ! ” shouted 
the night watch. The streets were soon thronged with happy 
men and women rejoicing over the great victory. Congress 
went in a body to church for a special service of prayer and 
thanksgiving. One month later the news reached England. 
“It is all over! It is all over! ” cried Lord North, throwing 
up his hands in despair. George III threatened to give up his 
throne rather than acknowledge the independence of the United 
States ; but the stubborn king was beaten even if he did not know 
it. The British people had tired of the war. Public sentiment 
compelled Lord North to resign his post as prime minister, and 
control of the government passed into the hands of the Whig 
party, which was friendly to the Americans. The system of per¬ 
sonal rule, which King George had labored so long to build up, 
was overthrown for all time. The crowning victory of Yorktown 
meant liberty for Great Britain as well as independence for 
America. From that day to this, no British monarch has dared 
to keep in office ministers who do not possess the confidence of 
the people. 

The Treaty of Peace, September 3, 1783. The war ended 
with the surrender of Cornwallis, but two years elapsed before 
the treaty of peace was signed. During these anxious months, 
Franklin, Adams, and Jay were in Paris, arranging the^terms of 
peace with Great Britain’s representatives. Now that independ- 


204 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 

ence had been fairly won, the British government was inclined 
to deal generously with the new nation. The chief provisions of 
the treaty were as follows: 

(1) Great Britain recognized the independence of the United 
States. 

(2) The territory of the new nation was to extend from the 
Atlantic Ocean and the St. Croix River on the east to the Missis¬ 
sippi River on the west, 
and from the St. Lawrence 
River and the Great Lakes 
on the north to Florida on 
the south. Thus the United 
States secured not only the 
territory of the original thir¬ 
teen colonies, but all of the 
great western domain be¬ 
tween the Alleghenies and 
the Mississippi. 

(3) Citizens of the United 
States were to have the 
right to fish off the coast 
of Newfoundland and Nova 
Scotia. This concession 
was of especial value to New 
England’s fishing industry. 

(4) Both nations were to 
have the right to navigate 
the Mississippi River, which 

Spain had opened to Great Britain in 1763. 

(5) Congress agreed to recommend to the state legislatures 
the repeal of their laws confiscating the property of the Loyalists. 

By a separate treaty with Spain, Great Britain gave back 
Florida, which she had won in 1763. France gained little by the 
terms of peace; she had made war not for conquest, but to 
aid the cause of liberty. The British government once offered 
to restore Canada to France if she would consent to a separate 
peace; but that nation stood loyally by the terms of her treaty 



William Pitt (the Younger), who Suc¬ 
ceeded Lord North as Prime Minister 


From an engraving by Holt in the 
Emmett Collection, The New York Public 
Library, after the original painting by 
W. Owen. 




THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 205 

of alliance with the United States. France had fought for an 
idea — that of American liberty; she wished for no other reward 
except to see that idea prevail. 

The British Evacuate New York — Washington’s Farewell. 

The British forces in New York embarked for England on 
November 25, 1783, and Washington marched in at the head of 



Fraunces’ Tavern, Broad and Pearl Streets, New York 


Built in 1700 ; bought by Samuel Fraunces, 1762, and made the most popular 
tavern in the city. A daughter of the proprietor frustrated a plot to poison 
Washington. Here Washington took leave of his officers at the farewell dinner, 
December 4, 1783. 


his army. A few days later, his officers assembled to bid him a 
final farewell. Washington addressed them in a voice trembling 
with emotion: “ With a heart full of love and gratitude, 

I now take my leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your 
latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones 
have been glorious and honorable. I cannot come to each of 
you and take my leave, but shall be obliged if you will come 














From the original by Trumbull in the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington. 

Washington Resigning His Commission 

eight years of military service were soon to be followed by 
another eight years of splendid leadership as our first President. 
At Annapolis he paused to appear before Congress and resign 
his commission. He refused to accept any pay for his services, 
asking only that his own expenses and the money he had 
advanced to pay and feed the troops be returned when con¬ 
venient. All through the war, Washington’s one great longing 
had been to sit once more at his fireside, on the banks of the 
peaceful Potomac. From Annapolis he hastened to Virginia, 
arriving at Mount Vernon in time to enjoy the Christmas 
festivities at his home. 


206 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 


and take me by the hand.” One by one they came forward, 
and Washington clasped each hand in a silent, affectionate 
farewell. All the company then escorted him to Whitehall 
Ferry, where he entered his barge. As the boat was rowed from 
shore, Washington rose and lifted his hat in a farewell salute. 

The Revolution was ended. Its triumphant close was due 
chiefly to the heroic leadership of the noble figure now standing 
with bared head in the boat that was bearing him southward to 
peaceful Mount Vernon. Little did Washington realize that his 






THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION 207 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. IX. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, III, chs. VII-XII. 
Hart, A. B., American History Toldhy Contemporaries, II, chs. XXVI- 
XXXV. 

Howard, G. E., Preliminaries of the Revolution, chs. XVI-XVIII. 
Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Declaration of Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms, 
pp. 176-183 ; Declaration of Independence, pp. 190-194 ; Treaty 
of Paris, pp. 204-209. 

McLaughlin, A. C., Confederation and the Constitution (American 
Nation Series), ch. II. 

Van Tyne, C. H., The American Revolution (American Nation Series). 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Foreign Affairs During the Revolution. Foster, John W., 
Century of American Diplomacy, ch. I. 

2. Campaigns of the Revolution. Sloane, W. M., The French 
War and the Revolution, chs. XV-XXX. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Elson, H. W., Side Lights on American History, ch. I. 

Great Epochs in American History, III, pp. 132-141. 

Griffis, W. E., The Romance of Conquest, chs. II-IV. 

Hart, A. B., Formation of the Union (Epochs of American History), 
ch. IV. 

Long, A. W., American Patriotic Prose, pp. 40-105. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. Benjamin Franklin. Barstow, C. L., The Colonists and the 
Revolution, pp. 31-46, 201-208 ; Morse, P. E., Benjamin Franklin 
(Riverside Biographical Series) ; Sparks, E. E., Men Who Made the 
Nation, ch. I. 

2. George Rogers Clarke. Baldwin, James, Conquest of the 
Old Northwest, pp. 145-178 ; Barstow, C. L., The Westward Move¬ 
ment (Century Readings), pp. 61-68 ; Drake, S. A., The Making of 
the Ohio Valley States, pp. 116-121 ; Great Epochs in American His¬ 
tory, III, pp. 188-195. 



Washington Taking the Oath of Office at Old Federal Hall, New York 

From an engraving in the Emmett Collection, the New York Public 
Library, after the original painting by Alonzo Chappel 


208 








CHAPTER XVI 


THE CRITICAL PERIOD UNDER THE CONFEDERATION 

'Government by the Continental Congress. When the 
thirteen colonies declared their independence of Great Britain, 
they did not at once form a national government. Throughout 
most of the Revolution, the only bond of union between the 
struggling colonies was the Second Continental Congress. This 
was a revolutionary body. Necessity called it into existence, 
and its only claim to authority was the common consent of the 
people. Each colony sent delegates to this Congress, which 
exercised many of the powers of a national government. It 
raised an army and a navy, borrowed money, established a 
treasury department and post office, adopted the Declaration of 
Independence, and made a treaty of alliance with France. 
Victory crowned its work; and with independence won, the 
thirteen states were face to face with the difficult problem of 
uniting under some form of national government. 

Early State Governments. The governments in each of the 
original thirteen states are therefore older than our national 
government, for these state governments came into existence 
when the Declaration of Independence was adopted. Four 
states adopted their constitutions even before independence was 
declared by the Continental Congress; and within a few years, 
all of the others followed their example. The new state govern¬ 
ments were modeled on the colonial governments, with some 
changes to meet the conditions created by the Revolution. The 
state constitution took the place of the colonial charter, and 
the powers formerly exercised by the king were vested in the 
legislature, or reserved to the people themselves. The remark¬ 
able thing about these early constitutions is that, for the first 

209 



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K\. BAT 


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ilMlOULF OF 


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fMOSQV ITO 

coast: 


EQUATOR 


North America at the Close of the Revolution 

210 . 






















CRITICAL PERIOD UNDER THE CONFEDERATION 211 


time in history, the people adopted a written constitution of 
higher authority than the government itself. The constitution 
defined the powers of the legislature, the governor, and the 
courts. No branch of the government could exceed the powers 
granted, or change the written constitution, this power being 
reserved to the people. 

The early state constitution generally consisted of two parts. 
First, most of them had a bill of rights, setting forth the civil 
and political rights of the individual. For example, the bill of 
rights forbade the searching of private dwellings without a 
proper warrant; secured the right of trial by jury; asserted the 
right of free speech and a free press, of freedom to worship 
according to one’s own conscience, and the right of the people 
peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress 
of grievances. These rights had been secured by Englishmen in 
the mother country after long centuries of struggle. The English¬ 
men who came to America claimed these same rights as their 
inheritance, and now made them the corner stone of their new 
government. The second part of the state constitution was an 
outline of the general framework of government, providing for 
executive, legislative, and judicial departments, and usually 
stating the qualifications necessary to enable a man to vote. 

Adopting the Articles of Confederation. An effort was made 
early in the Revolution to unite the thirteen new states in a 
confederation or union. On the very day that Congress ap¬ 
pointed a committee to write the Declaration of Independence, 
a second committee was chosen to draw up a plan of confedera¬ 
tion. Congress adopted the proposed Articles of Confederation, 
and sent them to the states for their approval. The states were 
slow to act. The people were satisfied with their state govern¬ 
ments, and they feared that the new confederation might prove 
fatal to their liberties. After two years of delay, all of the states 
agreed to the Articles of Confederation except Maryland. She 
refused to ratify unless the states which claimed lands west of 
the Alleghenies should cede these lands to the general govern¬ 
ment, to be held as a national domain. New York took the lead 
in surrendering her claims, and Virginia promised similar action. 


212 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


Maryland then ratified the Articles of Confederation, which 
went into effect March 1, 1781. 

Weakness of the Confederation Government. The new 
government was not a national government such as we have 
to-day, with power to enforce its laws and to tax the people 
for its support. The states were too jealous of their own rights 
to create a strong national government; so they formed a league 
or confederation, in which the smallest states had as much power 
as the largest. Instead of three departments of government, 
legislative, executive, and judicial, the powers of this confedera¬ 
tion were exercised by a Congress of one house. In this body 
each state, large or small, had an equal vote. 

Since there was no national executive, Congress had to depend 
upon the states to enforce its laws. For example, Congress 
could not levy taxes upon the individual citizen and compel him 
to pay them, as our national government does to-day. It could 
only ask the states to contribute their share toward the common 
expenses; and since many of them failed to pay, the new 
government soon became bankrupt. Nor could Congress raise 
soldiers by calling for volunteers and by compelling men to 
serve, as our national government did in the Civil War and in 
the World War. It could only request the states for troops, 
and was helpless if the states did not choose to supply them. 
Congress could make treaties, but it could not compel the 
states to observe them. In short, as one writer has said, Congress 
could declare everything but do nothing. 

Creation of a Public Domain. The Congress of the Con¬ 
federation adopted one very important measure, the Ordinance 
of 1787. Early in the Revolution, George Rogers Clark and his 
brave Virginians wrested from British control the vast domain 
bounded by the Ohio River, the Great Lakes, and the Missis¬ 
sippi. This was the Northwest Territory, surrendered by Great 
Britain at the close of the war, and occupied by a few hardy 
pioneers who had pushed westward through the passes of the 
Alleghenies. The ownership of this territory was a matter of 
serious dispute when the Revolution ended. Virginia, Massachu¬ 
setts, and Connecticut set up conflicting claims, founded on the 


CRITICAL PERIOD UNDER THE CONFEDERATION 213 



grants made in their colonial charters; while New York claimed 
all the territory formerly occupied by the Iroquois Indians and 
their subject tribes. 

That part of the West lying south of the Ohio River was 
likewise claimed by four of the colonies—Virginia, the Carolinas, 
and Georgia. On the other hand, states like Pennsylvania, New 
Jersey, and Maryland had such definite boundaries that they 
could not claim any part of either the Northwest or the South¬ 
west ; and they looked with envy and distrust upon their land- 
claiming neighbors. Maryland refused to join the Confederation 
unless these claims were given up. This was finally done, the 
states ceding their claims to Congress, and so the western lands 
became the common property of the United States. Each state 
was an equal partner in the public domain, and this fact helped 
to hold the states together during the critical years from 1783 to 
1787. 

Land Surveys in the Northwest. By selling tracts of these 
western lands to settlers, Congress hoped to pay off part of 
the Revolutionary debt, and at the same time aid in building 






















214 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


up the West. At first the public lands were sold only in large 
tracts, not less than six hundred and forty acres ; but this policy 
was soon changed so that a man could purchase one hundred 
and sixty acres for two dollars an acre, and pay for it in four 
installments. Congress also adopted a simple and accurate 
method of survey, by which the entire territory was divided 
into squares called townships, measuring six miles on a side. 
Each township was then subdivided into thirty-six smaller 



General Rufus Putnam’s House at Marietta 


Most of the early settlers in Marietta (named for the Queen of France) were 
former Revolutionary War officers. They built a stockade about the settle¬ 
ment and the Campus Martius, with a strong fort at each corner. In 1825, 
Lafayette visited the cemetery in Marietta, where several of his fellow-officers 
were buried. 

squares, called sections, each one mile square. Every township 
and section was numbered, so that any tract of land could be 
easily located. Congress reserved the sixteenth section in each 
township, and gave it to the states for the support of their 
public schools, besides two whole townships in each state for 
the endowment of a state university. 

The Ordinance of 1787. How should the Northwest Ter¬ 
ritory be governed ? Congress answered this question by passing 
the Ordinance of 1787. This ordinance is one of the most im¬ 
portant laws in our history. It outlined clearly the policy ever 







CRITICAL PERIOD UNDER THE CONFEDERATION 215 


since followed by the national government in dealing with its 
territories. “ I doubt,” said Daniel Webster, “ whether one 
single law of any lawgiver, ancient or modern, has produced 
effects of more distinct, marked, and lasting character than the 
Ordinance of 1787.” The ordinance provided that for the first 
few years, the Northwest Territory should have a temporary 
government, the laws to be made by the governor and three 
judges appointed by Congress. As the population increased, this 
temporary government was to be replaced by a representative 
government, the people choosing the lower house of the legisla¬ 
ture. Not more than five nor fewer than three states were to be 
formed from this region; and statehood was promised as soon as 
any district had sixty thousand inhabitants. Ohio, Indiana, 
Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and a part of Minnesota were 
the states afterwards formed from the Northwest Territory. 

Three other provisions of the ordinance were of especial 
importance: — 

(1) It forever prohibited slavery in the Northwest Territory. 

(2) It guaranteed religious freedom to all settlers. 

(3) The ordinance declared that “ religion, morality, and 
knowledge being necessary to good government and the hap¬ 
piness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall 
forever be encouraged.” 

The Beginnings of Ohio. A number of New Englanders, 
including several Revolutionary officers, had already planned to 
establish a colony north of the Ohio River. In 1787, this Ohio 
Company purchased from Congress nearly one million acres of 
land. In the following spring, General Rufus Putnam with a 
little band of fifty colonists reached the spot where the Mus¬ 
kingum River flows into the Ohio. Here they founded the town 
of Marietta; and a few months later another settlement was 
made farther down the river, at Cincinnati. General Arthur St. 
Clair, chosen by Congress as the first governor of the Northwest 
Territory, soon arrived at Marietta; and with his coming, the 
civil government provided for in the Ordinance of 1787 went into 
effect. Emigration to the West now became very popular. 
Eastern farmers hastened to sell their homesteads for what they 


216 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


would bring, in order to begin life anew in the Northwest. Each 
spring hundreds of flatboats loaded with cattle and household 
goods floated down the Ohio. 

The Southwestern Frontier. South of the Ohio River, in 
what is now Kentucky and Tennessee, the frontier settlements 
were growing even more rapidly. Kentucky was opened up to the 

world by the brave Daniel 
Boone and his followers, 
who settled at Boones- 
borough on the Kentucky 
River; while James Harrod 
and a band of Virginians 
founded the town of Har- 
rodsburg. This district was 
soon filled with hardy pio¬ 
neers. Louisville, first estab¬ 
lished as a trading post, be¬ 
came a thriving village. 
The settlers were within the 
bounds of Virginia, but 
within a few years this terri¬ 
tory was to become the new 
state of Kentucky (1792). 
Pioneers from North Caro¬ 
lina also crossed the moun¬ 
tains before the Revolution, 
and settled in what is now Tennessee. These bold frontiers¬ 
men, led by John Sevier, the “ lion of the border,” helped win 
the fight with the British troops at King’s Mountain. North 
Carolina at first claimed this territory, but it was admitted as 
the state of Tennessee in 1796. 

The Critical Period of American History. The difficulties 
that beset the Confederation were constantly increasing. 
Even under the stress of war and the pressure of com¬ 
mon dangers, the Confederation government was feeble and 
inefficient; with the return of peace it seemed on the verge of 
collapse. One historian asserts that “ the period of five years 



Daniel Boone 

From the original portrait by Chester 
Harding in the Massachusetts Historical 
Society. 






\ 



1798-lSW,^] 2 


, s-'f/N T A H 
"-r 

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ceded 1785/- 


U'Zr C L AIM 


Under 


/ Claimed by Conn, 
/'under Charter of 1662 

Kjk Nr* S Y LVAl 


garter of 1662 

ceded-1780 O 


ceded 1800 


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THE UNITED STATES 
IN 1783 

Showing the conflicting claims of the 
older States to the Western Lands 
at the close of the Revolution. 

The Territory of the Thirteen Original States 
after claims had been ceded is tinted. 

The Claims to the Western Lands are shown 
in border tint of the same color as 
the claiming State. 


States having no claim are colored thus: 

o 50 100 200 

_I____ 

Scale of Miles 


BAHAMA 

ISLANDS 


Longitude West 80 from Greenwich 




















































































. ■ 




. 











































«* 

* 


















1 . 








































* 









\ 



























CRITICAL PERIOD UNDER THE CONFEDERATION 217 

following the peace of 1783 was the most critical moment in all 
the history of the American people.” The chief difficulty of 
the Confederation was its lack of power to raise money even 
for the ordinary expenses of government. Revenue could be 
secured only through contributions from the states; but during 
the years 1780-1783, requests for $10,000,000 yielded less than 
$1,500,000. As a result, Congress could not pay the foreign 
debt as it came due, or even the soldiers of the Continental Army, 
save in certificates of indebtedness. 

The lack of power to control commerce was another fatal 
weakness of the Confederation. Commerce with foreign nations 
and among the several states was controlled by the individual 
states, each of which tried to promote its own trade at the 
expense of its neighbors. For example, Connecticut taxed 
imports from Massachusetts, while admitting British goods 
free of duty. New York levied charges on all vessels coming 
from or bound to New Jersey or Connecticut. New Jersey tried 
to retaliate by levying a tax of $150 a month on a few acres of 
land that New York had bought at Sandy Hook. 

Within the states there was disorder, and sometimes rebellion. 
The country was impoverished as a result of the war, while 
commerce and industry could not revive without a stable govern¬ 
ment. Seven states were issuing large quantities of paper money, 
and trying to compel creditors to accept it in payment of debts. 
In Massachusetts more than a thousand persons who owed 
money took up arms to prevent the holding of courts and the 
collection of debts (Shays’s Rebellion, 1786-1787). Congress 
was powerless to suppress this disorder; indeed Congress itself 
was at one time driven out of Philadelphia by some eighty 
drunken soldiers, clamoring for their pay. Everywhere state was 
arrayed against state, section against section; New England 
against the South over the question of trade with Great Britain, 
the East against the West on the subject of commerce with 
Spain and the navigation of the Mississippi. 

What Foreign Countries Thought of Us. Foreign countries 
treated the new nation with contempt. Great Britain declined 
to make a commercial treaty with a government powerless to 


218 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


compel its thirteen states to observe the agreement. Nor would 
Great Britain consent to withdraw her troops from some twenty 
posts on our northwest border, as agreed upon by the peace 
treaty of 1783. Her reason was that we had not done two 
things that we agreed to do by this same treaty: first, to 
compensate the Loyalists for the loss of their property; 
and second, to compel the payment of debts owed to British 
merchants before the war. Congress was anxious for a com¬ 
mercial treaty with Spain, but that country would make no 
treaty unless we paid duties to the Spanish colony of Louisiana, 
through which the Mississippi flowed for the last hundred miles 
of its course. Even the pirate state of Tripoli could defy us with 
impunity, and hold American sailors in captivity for a ransom 
that Congress could not pay. 

The Confederation Proves a Rope of Sand. Several attempts 
were made to amend the Articles of Confederation, so as to confer 
upon Congress the power to levy duties upon imported goods 
and to regulate commerce. Each time the amendment was 
defeated by the selfish opposition of a single state; for the 
consent of all the states was necessary in order to amend the 
Articles. It was apparent by 1785 that the Confederation was 
on the verge of collapse. Congress had declined both in numbers 
and character. The ablest men would no longer consent to serve 
as delegates, and it was almost impossible to secure a quorum 
for the transaction of business. “ There is in America no general 
government,” reported the agent of France; and the statement 
was almost literally true. The Confederation government could 
command neither respect abroad nor obedience at home. By 
1786 its breakdown was complete. Plainly, the Union must be 
strengthened, or give way to a condition of anarchy and civil war. 

Conferences to Discuss Trade and Navigation. The disputes 
over commerce proved a blessing in disguise; for from them 
sprang a series of meetings which finally led to the Constitutional 
Convention. The first of these meetings to discuss commercial 
relations was held at Alexandria, Virginia, in 1785, Maryland 
and Virginia being represented. The delegates saw that the 
consent of other states would be necessary to any regulations 


CRITICAL PERIOD UNDER THE CONFEDERATION 219 


which they might adopt. So Virginia proposed a meeting of 
delegates from all the states, to be held at Annapolis the fol¬ 
lowing year. Only five states sent delegates; it was plain that 
nothing could be accomplished unless more states took part. 
The convention adopted a report recommending that delegates 
from all the states should meet at Philadelphia to consider the 
situation of the country and plan the measures necessary to 
make the Constitution adequate to the needs of the Union. 

The Proposed Constitutional Convention. Many of the 
states, and Congress as well, hesitated to endorse this proposal. 
Some of Washington’s friends urged him not to become a dele¬ 
gate, for they feared that the proposed convention would prove 
a failure. But Washington, as well as Hamilton, Madison, and 
other leaders, realized that the country was on the verge of 
anarchy. “ Illiberality, jealousy, and local policy,” said Wash¬ 
ington, “mix too much in all our public councils for the good' 
government of the Union. In a word, the Confederation appears 
to me to be little more than a shadow without the substance.” 
It was plain that a stronger government must be formed if the 
liberties won by the Revolution were to endure. After several 
states had appointed delegates, Congress adopted a resolution 
calling a convention on the second Monday of May, 1787, “ for 
the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Con¬ 
federation.” 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. X. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, III, chs. XIII-XV, 
XVII. 

Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. 
XVIII. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, ch. VI. 
Johnston, A., Union and Democracy (Riverside History), ch. I. 
Macdonald, W., Documentary Source Book of American History: 
Articles of Confederation, pp. 195-204 ; Ordinance of 1787, pp. 
209-216. 

McLaughlin, A. C., Confederation and the Constitution, chs. Ill-XI. 
McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, I, chs. 

II-IV. 


220 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The Articles of Confederation. Sloane, W. M., The French 
War and the Revolution , chs. XVIII-XIX ; Sparks, E. E., The 
United States, I, ch. I. 

2. The Northwest Territory. Guitteau, W. B., Government and 
Politics in the United States, ch. XXXIII ; Mowry, W. A., Terri¬ 
torial Growth of the United States, ch. II. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Articles of Confederation. Griffis, W. E., The Romance 
of Conquest, ch. VI ; Guitteau, W. B., Preparing for Citizenship, 
pp. 152-154 ; Hart, A. B., Formation of the Union, ch. V. 

2. Pioneer Life in the Ohio Country. Baldwin, James, Conquest 
of the Old Northwest, pp. 187-194 ; Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the 
American People, chs. XI-XIII. 

3. The Northwest Territory. Baldwin, James, Conquest of the 
Old Northwest, pp. 179-186 ; Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American 
People, chs. Ill, X. 

4. Daniel Boone. Barstow, C. L., The Westward Movement (Cen¬ 
tury Readings), pp. 75-80 ; Bruce, H. A., Daniel Boone and the 
Wilderness Road; Bruce, H. A., Romance of American Expansion, 
ch. I. 


CHAPTER XVII 


MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 

The Constitutional Convention. Independence Hall at 
Philadelphia was the meeting-place of the great Constitutional 
Convention which assembled on May 25, 1787. Its mission was 
to devise a better plan of government, to build a more perfect 
Union. How well the Convention accomplished its work is shown 
by the fact that we are living to-day under the Constitution 
then framed. The Constitution is so elastic that it could be 
adapted to the many changes in our national life since the 
eighteenth century; and it has proven strong enough to carry 
the Union safely through foreign invasion and Civil War. 

All the states except Rhode Island sent delegates to this 
notable assembly; and its fifty-five members included many of 
the ablest leaders and statesmen of the day. The oldest delegate 
was Pennsylvania’s philosopher and sage, Benjamin Franklin; 
one of the youngest was Alexander Hamilton of New York, 
whose 'brilliant career was destined to be cut off at its noon. 
Virginia sent two future Presidents: George Washington, the 
# foremost man in America, and James Madison, called the 
“ Father of the Constitution ” because he drew up the plan 
adopted as the basis of the Convention’s work. Other distin¬ 
guished members were Robert Morris and James Wilson of 
Pennsylvania; John Rutledge and the Pinckneys of South 
Carolina ; Roger Sherman and Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut; 
John Dickinson of Delaware; Elbridge Gerry and Rufus King of 
Massachusetts. Two well-known Americans could not be chosen 
as delegates because they were representing our country abroad : 
John Adams as minister to Great Britain, and Thomas Jefferson 
as minister to France. 


221 





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222 


The Interior of Independence Hall, Philadelphia 

The table and “rising sun” chair in the center were used by the President of the Continental Con¬ 
gress, 1776; chairs at the right and left by delegates, and the inkstand in the small glass case at the 
left in signing the Declaration of Independence. 










































































MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 223 


Shall a Strong National Government be Formed? The 

Convention organized on May 25 by electing George Washing¬ 
ton as presiding officer. It was decided to sit behind closed doors, 
so as to keep secret the debates and proceedings. It was thought 
that a final agreement would be more probable if the discussions 
were kept from the public. Each state was to have one vote, as 
in the Confederation Congress. The first contest arose over the 
question whether a strong national government should be 
created. This was the purpose of the Virginia plan drafted 
by James Madison, which provided for a national government 
of three departments , legislative, executive, and judicial. It 
proposed to abandon the Articles of Confederation, and establish 
a vigorous and efficient national government. The delegates 
from the smaller states opposed the national idea. They offered 
the New Jersey plan, which was intended only to revise 
the Articles of Confederation. Congress was to be given more 
power over commerce and revenue, but the states were to be 
supreme in most matters, as before. Above all, the New Jersey 
plan aimed to preserve the equality of the states by giving to 
each a single vote in Congress. 

A few members wished to adopt half-way measures, thinking 
this policy would please the people. But Washington believed 
in thorough work, here as elsewhere. He stated his position in a 
few noble words: “ If, to please the people, we offer what we 
ourselves disapprove, how can we afterwards defend our work? 
Let us raise a standard to which the wise and the honest can 
repair; the event is in the hand of God.” After some debate, 
the attempt to revise the Articles of Confederation was. given up. 
The Convention decided to create a national government, 
consisting of legislative, executive, and iudicial departments; 
and this government was to have all the powers necessary to 
carry on its work. 

The Compromise over Representation. It was readily agreed 
that the national legislature or Congress should consist of two 
houses, like the British Parliament; but there was a long 
debate over the method by which the states should be repre¬ 
sented in this body. The large states insisted that representation 


224 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


in each branch of Congress should be proportioned to population. 
They argued that it would be unfair for the forty thousand 
citizens of Delaware to have the same voice in Congress as the 
half million people of Virginia. The small states demanded equal 
representation in both houses, regardless of the size of the state. 
Neither side would yield, and for a time it seemed likely that 
this dispute would wreck the Convention. Finally, the com¬ 
promise plan suggested by Roger Sherman of Connecticut was 
adopted. In the lower house of Congress each state was to be 
represented in proportion to its population, while in the upper 
house or Senate the states were to be equally represented, each 
having two Senators. Assured of an equal vote in the Senate, 
the small states were no longer opposed to a strong national 
government; and from this point on, the proceedings were more 
harmonious. 

Commerce and the Slave Trade. Another compromise was 
necessary to reconcile the views of delegates from the slave¬ 
holding states with those from commercial New England. The 
commercial states wished to give the national government 
power to regulate commerce; but some of the slaveholding 
states feared that this power, if granted, might be used to 
prohibit the slave trade. The South also feared that Congress 
might tax exports, thus laying a heavy burden upon its agricul¬ 
tural staples. It was finally agreed that Congress should have 
power to regulate commerce, but not to tax exports. The slave 
trade was not to be prohibited before the year 1808, but a tax 
of ten dollars might be levied on each slave brought into the 
country. 

Many other compromises and adjustments were necessary in 
order to reconcile conflicting views among the delegates; so that 
the Constitution is really a “ bundle of compromises.” Origi¬ 
nally it had been agreed that the President should be chosen 
by Congress for a term of seven years, and should not be eligible 
for a second term. Fearing that this plan would make the 
executive a mere agent of Congress, the Convention finally 
decided that the President should be chosen by an electoral 
college; and that his term should be four years, with no re- 


MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 225 



striction upon the number of terms he might serve. The Con¬ 
stitution as finally drawn up was based largely on provisions 
borrowed from the state constitutions, which in turn were the 
result of the political experience of the colonists. Most of its 
provisions had been tested in actual practice, so that the new 
Constitution was much more likely to succeed than if it had 
merely represented untried theories of government. 


The White House, Washington 

The cornerstone was laid October 13,1792 ; completed in 1802 under the direc¬ 
tion of James Hoban, who supervised the building of the Capitol; designed after 
the palace of the Duke of Leinster in Dublin. Cabinet meetings were held in 
the east side of “The President’s House” until executive offices were built 
during President Roosevelt’s administration. 

How Laws Are Made. The Constitution vests all legislative 
powers in Congress, which consists of two houses. At present 
the Senate consists of ninety-six members, two being elected by 
the voters of each state; while the House of Representatives 
has four hundred and thirty-five members, each state being 
represented according to population. Any member of either 
house of Congress may introduce a bill, or draft of a proposed 
law. After having been considered in committee, the bill 
may be debated and perhaps changed. If it receives the votes 
of a majority of the members in each house, it is sent to the 












226 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


President. His signature makes the bill a law. If the Presi¬ 
dent disapproves the measure, he sends it back to Congress, 
with the reasons for his veto. The bill cannot then become a 
law unless passed over the veto by a two-thirds vote in each 
house. If the President fails to sign or veto a bill within ten 
days, it becomes a law. After a law is passed, it is enforced 
by the President, unless the Supreme Court declares it to be 
unconstitutional, that is, not really a law at all. 

The Office of President. The framers of the Constitution 
wished to create a strong executive, with power to enforce the 
laws and to carry on the affairs of government. They decided 
on a President, to be elected for four years by electors chosen in 
each state for that purpose. The President has large powers. It 
is his duty to enforce the laws; and as commander in chief, 
he may use the whole power of the army and navy for that 
purpose, if necessary. The President is responsible for carrying 
on the business of government. To aid him in this work, he 
appoints a number of executive officers, who form his Cabinet. 
The first Cabinet appointed by President Washington included 
only four members; but other departments have since been 
established to meet the growing needs of the country, until 
to-day the President’s Cabinet includes ten members. 

With the consent of the Senate, the President also appoints 
ambassadors, consuls, postmasters in the large cities, federal 
judges, and many other executive officials. The President 
makes treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate; he 
sends messages to Congress recommending desirable legislation; 
he has power to veto any law passed by Congress, and may 
pardon offenses against the United States. 

The National Courts. A judicial department or system of 
national courts was the most original feature of the new Consti¬ 
tution. This consists of a Supreme Court of the United States, 
together with such lower courts as Congress sees fit to establish. 
The judges are appointed by the President, and serve during 
good behavior. The national courts try cases between states, 
between citizens of different states, between foreigners and 
citizens, and all offenses against the laws of the United States. 


MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 227 


They also decide whether laws passed by Congress or by the 
states are in harmony with the national Constitution, provided a 
case is brought before the court in which some one claims that 
the law is unconstitutional. 

Amending the Constitution. The members of the Constitu¬ 
tional Convention realized that, as our country grew, the people 



© Underwood, and Underwood. 

The Supreme Court of the United States, Chief Justice Edward D. 
White of Louisiana (appointed 1910) Presiding 


This room was the Senate Chamber before 1859, the scene of the great speeches 
by Clay, Calhoun, and Webster. 


would probably wish to make changes in their Constitution, in 
order to adapt it to new conditions. So they provided methods 
of making changes, or amendments. Eighteen of these amend¬ 
ments have been made since the Constitution was adopted. 
Each amendment was first proposed by Congress, a two-thirds 
vote of each house being necessary, and afterwards ratified by 
the legislatures of three fourths of the states. 

Federal Plan of Government. The government created by 
our national Constitution is a federal government, that is, a 















228 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


Union made up of states. There are now forty-eight states, each 
having its own state government charged with important duties; 
while all of the states are united to form a national government, 
which exercises powers relating to the welfare of the nation as 
a whole. The states are as essential to the Union as the fingers 
to the hand ; and the Union is just as essential to the states. 

The Constitution vests in the national government powers 
that are national in character, leaving the states in control of 
all other matters. Thus the national government has charge 
of foreign relations, including the right to make treaties, to send 
and receive ambassadors, to declare war, and to make peace. 
Control of commerce with foreign nations and among the several 
states is another important power belonging to the national 
government. Congress also has power to coin money, to estab¬ 
lish a postal system, to make laws on the subject of naturaliza¬ 
tion, to control territories and public lands, to maintain an army 
and navy, to grant copyrights and patents, to borrow money, 
and to levy taxes. The Constitution vests these powers in 
Congress because they affect the welfare of the entire country. 

To the states, on the other hand, are left matters of more 
local concern, including education, local government, regulation 
of contracts, of marriage and divorce, commerce wholly within 
a state, most laws against crime, and taxation for the support of 
state and local governments. 

How the New Government Differed from the Old. How did 

the new Constitution differ from the Articles of Confederation 
as a plan of government ? In several important respects : 

(1) Under the new Constitution, the national government no 
longer had to depend upon the states to carry out its measures. 
It enforced its own laws, through its own officers. The new 
national government could levy taxes directly upon the indi¬ 
vidual citizen; it could coin money, raise armies, hold its own 
courts, pay its own officers. The Confederation government 
could do none of these things. 

(2) Commerce with foreign countries, as well as trade between 
the different states, was placed under the control of the national 
government. No longer could each state levy duties on imports 


MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 229 


and exports. Duties on exports were forbidden, and only Con¬ 
gress could levy duties on imports. 

(3) Under the Confederation, there was no national executive, 
no system of national courts. Under the new Constitution, 
there were three departments of government; a Congress of two 
houses to make the laws; an executive to enforce them; and a 
system of national courts to interpret and apply the laws. 

(4) The Constitution created a Supreme Court of the United 
States, and gave it authority to decide any question concerning 
the powers of the national government. If a law passed by 
Congress or by any state is in conflict with the Constitution, this 
court may set it aside; that is, declare the measure void and of 
no effect. 

Completion of the Convention’s Work. At last, after four 
months of deliberation, the Convention completed its task; and 
on September 17, 1787, the new Constitution was signed by 
thirty-nine delegates. As the members were affixing their 
signatures, Franklin pointed toward the presiding officer’s chair 
on the back of which was painted a half-sun. He remarked to 
those near him that painters found it difficult to distinguish 
in their art between a rising and a setting sun. “ I have,” 
he declared, “ often and often, in the course of this session . . . 
looked at that behind the president without being able to tell 
whether it was rising or setting. But now I have the happiness 
to know that it is a rising and not a setting sun.” 

The Contest over Ratification. The new Constitution was not 
to become effective unless ratified by at least nine of the thirteen 
states. As soon as it was published, the contest over ratification 
began. The opponents of the Constitution declared that it gave 
too much power to the national government at the expense of 
the states, and that its adoption would sound the death knell of 
popular liberty. Some of the foremost patriots of the Revolution 
opposed the new plan of government. In Virginia the opposition 
was led by Patrick Henry, supported by Richard Henry Lee, 
George Mason, and James Monroe. In New York, the Constitu¬ 
tion was bitterly opposed by George Clinton, then governor of 
the state. 


230 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


The Federalists, as the supporters of the Constitution styled 
themselves, pointed to existing conditions as an unanswerable 
argument in favor of a strong government. The Federalists 
included most of the lawyers, doctors, and ministers, as well as 
the large property-owners and merchants, who welcomed the 
prospect of a strong national government. In Virginia the 
prominent supporters of the Constitution were James Madison 
and Edmund Randolph, aided by John Marshall, later the 
greatest chief justice in our history; and the potent influence 
of Washington was also exerted in its behalf. In New York the 
foremost Federalist was Alexander Hamilton, ably seconded by 
John Jay. 

The Delaware convention was the first to accept the new 
Constitution, and its ratification was prompt and unanimous. 
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia, and Connecticut soon 
followed. Massachusetts, after a sharp struggle, ratified by 
a close vote. Maryland and South Carolina came next, in¬ 
creasing the number of ratifications to eight; so that if one 
more state could be obtained, the Constitution would take effect 
among the nine that had ratified. While a sharp contest was 
being waged in the New York and Virginia conventions, New 
Hampshire gave a favorable vote, and the fate of the Consti¬ 
tution was no longer in doubt. Virginia next ratified by a 
plurality of ten. In New York, ratification was finally wrested 
from a hostile convention by the splendid leadership of Hamil¬ 
ton. North Carolina and Rhode Island gave a tardy and 
reluctant assent in 1789 and 1790, respectively, after the new 
government had been for some time in operation. 

Inauguration of the New Government. After nine states 
had ratified, the Congress of the Confederation adopted a 
resolution fixing the first Wednesday in March as the date of 
the inauguration of the new government. The city of New York 
was named as the temporary seat of government. After some de¬ 
lay, owing to the fact that a quorum was not present in either 
branch, Congress assembled on April 6, 1789, for the purpose 
of counting the electoral votes. It was found that Washington 
was the unanimous choice for President, and John Adams with 



231 


Mount Vernon, the Finest Specimen of Colonial Architecture in America 

Built in 1744. The estate of 2500 acres included every branch of industry necessary to make it self-supporting. 













232 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


one half as many votes became Vice President. On April 16, 
1789, Washington left his beautiful country home at Mount 
Vernon to take up the heavy duties of his new office. His journey 
to New York City was one continuous march of triumph amid 
throngs of people eager to render homage to the man who had 
done so much for them. Trenton offered the tribute that touched 
him most deeply. At the bridge that spanned the Assunpink 
River — across which Washington had led his army to the 
battle of Princeton — he found a triumphal arch, supported 
by thirteen pillars. It bore the inscription : “ The Defender of 
the Mothers will be the Protector of the Daughters.” As he 
passed beneath the arch, young girls dressed in white sang an 
ode and strewed flowers before him. 

Washington reached New York on April 23, and was welcomed 
by crowds of enthusiastic citizens. His reception showed how 
true was the report sent by the French minister to his gov¬ 
ernment : “No sovereign ever reigned more completely in the 
hearts of his subjects than Washington in the hearts of his 
people.” April 30, 1789, was the date set for the inauguration. 
When the President-elect appeared on the balcony of Federal 
Hall, he saw before him a vast multitude of people, who had 
assembled to witness the ceremony. Chancellor Livingston 
read the oath of office, which was repeated by Washington: 
“ I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, 
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United 
States.” Livingston then waved his hand to the people and 
shouted, “ Long live George Washington, President of the 
United States.” Loud huzzas rent the air, while the artillery 
at the Battery thundered the first presidential salute. The new 
government was fairly launched on its course. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 240-254. 
Channing, Edward, History of the United States, III, ch. XVI. 
Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. 

XIX. 


MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 233 


Johnston, A., Union and Democracy, ch. II. 

McLaughlin, A. C., The Confederation and the Constitution, ch. 
XVII. 

McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, I, ch. V. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Formation of the Constitution. Beard, C. A., American Gov¬ 
ernment and Politics, chs. I-IV ; Guitteau, W. B., Government and 
Politics in the United States, chs. XVIII-XXIII, XXV, XXVIII ; 
Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, chs. IX- 
X ; Landon, J. S., Constitutional History and Government of the 
United States, ch. VI ; McLaughlin, A. C., Readings in the History 
of the American Nation, chs. XV-XVIII ; Sparks, E. E., The United 
States, I, ch. V. 

2. Adoption of the Constitution. Guitteau, W. B., Government 
and Politics in the United States, ch. XIX ; Landon, J. S., The 
Constitutional History and Government of the United States, ch. VII ; 
Sparks, E. E., The United States, I, ch. VI. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Guitteau, W. B., Preparing for Citizenship, ch. XIII. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. Fr amin g the Constitution. Elson, H. W., Side Lights on Amer¬ 
ican History, chs. II, XVIII ; Great Epochs in American History, IV, 
pp. 31-37 ; Hart, A. B., Formation of the Union, ch. VI. 

2. The Inauguration of Washington. Barstow, C. D., A New 
Nation (Century Readings), pp. 3-24 ; Elson, H. W., Side Lights on 
American History, ch. Ill ; Great Epochs in American History, IV, 
pp. 51-64. 


CHAPTER XVIII 

SETTING THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN MOTION 

The Task of Organization. “ I walk on untrodden ground,” 
wrote Washington, soon after his inauguration. There were 
indeed no precedents for the President or Congress to follow. 
Each new step must be taken carefully, for the destiny of the 
young Republic hung on the outcome. The President and 
Congress had before them the task of creating executive depart¬ 
ments, organizing a judicial system, restoring the public credit, 
managing domestic affairs, and regulating our dealings with 
foreign nations. Thus great difficulties had to be met by our 
first President, then in his fifty-seventh year. His task was 
harder than any he had ever undertaken, but he worked at it 
with unceasing diligence, and made a splendid success of his 
administration. Only the hero and sage of the Revolution 
could have successfully laid the broad foundation on which the 
American nation has been built. Washington was able to do 
this because he alone had the full confidence and trust of the 
people. Indeed, had not the people felt certain that he would 
be our first President, the Constitution itself would probably not 
have been adopted. 

The President’s Social Relations. Washington wisely decided 
that the President should be under no obligation to make or 
return social calls. He held a public reception every Tuesday 
afternoon, at which every one was required to wear full dress. 
His own dress on these occasions is thus described by a con¬ 
temporary: “He wore his hair powdered and gathered behind 
in a silk bag. His coat and breeches were of plain black velvet; 
he wore a white or pearl-colored vest and yellow gloves, and had 
a cocked hat in his hand; he had silver knee and shoe buckles, 
and a long sword with a finely wrought and glittering steel hilt. 

234 


SETTING THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN MOTION 235 


’The coat was worn over this sword, which had a scabbard of 
finely polished leather.” 

Washington received his guests with a formal bow, but 
did not shake hands at his receptions, even with his intimate 
friends. He gave one public dinner each week, to which were 
invited the high government officials, members of Congress, and 
distinguished citizens. The 
fare was simple, and after 
dessert the President rose 
and led the way to the 
drawing-room. Mrs. Wash¬ 
ington held receptions on 
Friday evenings, and at 
these the President “ ap¬ 
peared as a private citizen, 
with neither hat nor sword ; 
conversing without re¬ 
straint and generally with 
ladies.” The company was 
expected to retire early. 

“ The general retires at 
nine, and I usually precede 
him,” Mrs. Washington Martha Washington 

would Say. From the original portrait by Gilbert 

The Executive Depart- Stuart, in The Museum of Fine Arts, 
_ . Boston. 

ments. To assist the Pres¬ 
ident in carrying on his work, Congress created three executive 
departments : the Department of State, the Department of the 
Treasury, and the Department of War. At the head of each was 
a Secretary, appointed by the President. For Secretary of State, 
Washington chose Thomas Jefferson; for Secretary of the 
Treasury, Alexander Hamilton; and for Secretary of War, 
General Henry Knox. Edmund Randolph was appointed At¬ 
torney-General, as the chief law officer of the new government 
was called. 

The National Courts. The judicial machinery of the govern¬ 
ment was set in motion when Congress passed an act establishing 





236 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


a system of national courts. The highest of these was the 
Supreme Court of the United States, consisting of a Chief 
Justice and five Associate Justices. President Washington 
appointed John Jay of New York as our first Chief Justice. 
The three great departments of government were now organized, 
and ready for business. There was a Congress, consisting of 
the Senate and House of Representatives, to make the laws; a 
President, aided by four chief executive officers, to enforce 
these laws and carry on the work of government; and there 
were national courts to hear and decide cases arising under the 
Constitution and laws of the United States. 

The Financial Problem. The most difficult problem before 
the new government was the question of finance. The heavy 
expense of the Revolution had put the country deeply in debt. 
The old Confederation government could not raise the money 
needed for its ordinary expenses; much less could it pay the 
interest on the public debt. Always a pauper, the Confederation 
in its later days became a bankrupt. The new government 
inherited its debts, and found that the national credit at home 
and abroad was almost destroyed. 

The first Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, 
was appointed to this post at the age of thirty-two years. Wash¬ 
ington loved and trusted him, and Hamilton’s genius for finance 
soon proved the wisdom of his choice. Hamilton refused to 
listen to those who suggested paying a part of our immense debt, 
and letting part of it go unpaid. He told Congress that the new 
Republic must arrange to pay every dollar of its indebtedness. 
At this time we owed to foreign creditors, chiefly in France and 
Holland, nearly $12,000,000, and to creditors in the United 
States $42,000,000. Interest to the amount of many millions 
remained unpaid. It was of course impossible to pay all of this 
debt at once. So Hamilton planned to issue new bonds for the 
entire amount, and exchange these for the old certificates of in¬ 
debtedness. Each year the interest on these bonds, and a part of 
the principal, was to be paid out of revenue raised by taxation. 

How the State Debts Were to be Paid. Hamilton also proposed 
that the national government should assume the debts of the 


SETTING THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN MOTION 237 


thirteen state governments, amounting to about $21,000,000. 
He argued that the state debts were the result of fighting for the 
common cause, and should therefore be paid by all. Moreover, 
to assume the state debts would strengthen the Union ; it would 
enlist the support of a large class of creditors who would wish 
the national government to succeed in order that their claims 
might be paid. Some states, especially those at the South, 
had small debts and were therefore opposed to this policy. The 
plan seemed doomed to defeat; it was finally carried by means 
of a political bargain or “ deal.” A permanent location for the 
national capital had not yet been chosen. Northern members 
of Congress wanted to have the capital at Philadelphia; southern 
members wanted it on the Potomac River. Finally, Hamilton 
made a private agreement with Jefferson. Hamilton promised 
to persuade several northern Congressmen to vote to locate the 
capital on the Potomac; Jefferson in turn was to secure the 
votes of Virginia’s Representatives for the plan of assuming 
the state debts. Both measures were then carried through Con¬ 
gress. 

For ten years (1790-1800), the seat of government was to be 
at Philadelphia, after which it was to be permanently located at 
some point on the Potomac. In 1790, Maryland and Virginia 
ceded to the national government a tract of land ten miles 
square, lying on both banks of the Potomac. The Maryland 
portion of the “ District of Columbia ” became the seat of the 
national government; the part on the southern bank of the river 
was afterwards given back to Virginia. 

The First Bank of the United States. Hamilton’s third 
financial proposal was that Congress should charter a national 
bank, in which the government was to own one fifth of the stock. 
This bank would aid the government in making loans and in 
the collection of taxes. Then, too, the bank was to issue notes 
or bills, which every one would accept at face value on account 
of its high standing. In return for its services to the government, 
the public funds were to be deposited with the bank, which 
might loan them out at interest just as it loaned the deposits of 
individuals. The bank measure was vigorously opposed by 



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SETTING THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN MOTION 239 


Jefferson and his followers on the ground that the Constitution 
gave Congress no authority to charter a bank. To this Hamilton 
replied that the right to charter a bank is an implied power 
of the Constitution; that is, a necessary means of carrying 
out powers which are clearly granted. Again he carried his point, 
and Congress chartered the first Bank of the United States for a 
period of twenty years. To complete the financial machinery 
of the country, a mint was established at Philadelphia. Both 
gold and silver were to be coined, and for sums less than a dollar 
the decimal system was to be used. 

These financial measures proved a brilliant success. At home 
and abroad our national credit was restored, for people no longer 
doubted whether the United States would pay its debts. Our 
bonds sold at par, the new bank prospered, and confidence in the 
future was high. This result was due to Hamilton’s well-laid plans. 

The First Tariff Act, 1789. In order to secure the revenue 
so much needed by the government, Congress passed as one 
of its first measures a general tariff act. This placed duties on 
many imported articles, including tea, coffee, sugar, salt, wines, 
iron manufactures, and glass. It was a measure like the Town- 
shend Acts of colonial days, which had aroused fierce opposition; 
now, however, the people were being taxed by their own repre¬ 
sentatives. The tax was paid the more readily because it was an 
indirect one; that is, the tariff duties were first paid by the 
importer, who in turn passed the burden on to the consumer. 
All persons who used the imported goods paid their share of 
the tax in the increased prices which they paid for such goods. 
In his famous “ Report on Manufactures,” Hamilton had 
argued for a tariff both as a means of revenue, and in order to 
protect our infant manufactures against the competition of 
Europe’s older and better equipped factories. Only in this 
way, he declared, could the country become self-sustaining, 
and capable in time of war of maintaining itself without aid 
from abroad. Congress approved his plan, and began the 
policy of protecting American industries. 

The Military Strength of the New Government. The military 
powers of the new government were soon put to the test by two 


240 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


important events. The first of these was the Whisky Rebellion. 
Since the import duties did not bring enough money into the 
treasury, Congress passed a law taxing the manufacture of 
whisky in the United States. This was an excise tax, levied 
directly on the men who distilled spirits. It was bitterly op¬ 
posed by the farmers of western Pennsylvania, where there 
was a still on nearly every farm. These frontiersmen were shut 
off by the mountains from easy communication with the Atlantic 
seaboard, while their water route to New Orleans was blocked 
by the action of the Spaniards in closing the lower Mississippi. 
So the Pennsylvania farmers were distilling their corn into 
whisky in order to reduce its bulk and help solve the question 
of transportation. Instead of paying the new excise tax, they 
tarred and feathered the tax collectors. The revolt spread until 
two thousand men were under arms to prevent the collection of 
the tax. The state authorities were helpless ; plainly this was the 
time to test the power of the national government to enforce 
its laws. Washington promptly called out the militia from Vir¬ 
ginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. Fifteen thousand men re¬ 
sponded to the call; when they marched to Pittsburgh the 
rebellion collapsed, and its leaders were placed under arrest. 
Even the distant frontier realized that there was now a national 
government strong enough to enforce its laws. 

Defeat of the Indians in Ohio, 1794. An Indian uprising in 
the Northwest Territory afforded the second test of the govern¬ 
ment’s military strength. After the adoption of the Ordinance of 
1787, many settlers moved into the country northwest of the 
Ohio River. The Indians resented this invasion of their hunting 
grounds, and began to raid the settlements. General St. Clair 
with about fifteen hundred men was sent against them; but 
in spite of Washington’s warning, “ Beware of a surprise,” 
St. Clair’s force fell into an ambush from which only fifty men 
escaped uninjured. Washington then sent out a second expedi¬ 
tion under the command of General Anthony Wayne, the hero 
of Stony Point. In the battle of Fallen Timbers, near Maumee, 
Ohio, Wayne routed the Indians and laid waste their lands for 
miles around. “ Wayne,” said the Indians, “ we cannot surprise, 


SETTING THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN MOTION 241 

for he is a chief who never sleeps.” Crushed by their defeat, the 
Indians signed a treaty ceding nearly all of the land now included 
in the state of Ohio. They did not again venture on the war¬ 
path until 1811. 

The Beginning of Political Parties. Before the end of Wash¬ 
ington’s first term, men began to group themselves into two 
political parties. Hamil¬ 
ton’s financial measures 
pleased the property-owning 
class, the men who favored 
a strong central government. 

In the bank contest, he 
argued that Congress could 
charter a bank as a result of 
its power to collect taxes, or 
under the power to regulate 
commerce. In other words, 

Hamilton believed that the 
Constitution should have a 
liberal construction, so as to 
give large powers to the 
national government. His 
program received strong 
support from New England, 
and in general from the com¬ 
mercial and trading classes, 
federal government, these men called themselves “Federalists.” 

Both Jefferson and Madison were opposed to what they called 
Hamilton’s “ policy of consolidation.” They favored a strict 
construction of the Constitution, permitting the federal govern¬ 
ment to exercise only those powers expressly granted by the 
Constitution, or necessarily implied from its terms. “ Necessary 
powers,” Jefferson said, “ did not mean convenient powers.” 
To give the word such a meaning would create “ a Congress with 
power to do whatever would be for the good of the United 
States ; and as they would be the sole judges of the good or evil, 
it would also be a power to do whatever evil they please.” 



Alexander Hamilton 

From the original portrait by Trumbull 
in The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 

Since they believed in a strong 




242 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


The Growth of Party Spirit. Jefferson regarded Hamilton 
with suspicion because of the latter’s preference for a system 
under which the more intelligent and prosperous citizens should 
have the chief influence in affairs of government. Brilliant 
in intellect and a genius in finance, Hamilton was inclined to 
doubt the ability of the common people to take part wisely in 
public affairs. He wished to keep the control of government 
in the hands of those who, as he thought, were best fitted by 
training and ability to carry it on. Jefferson, on the other 
hand, had more faith in the common people, in their integrity 
and wisdom. He held many views that were far in advance of 
his time; for he believed that all men should have the right to 
vote, to belong to political parties, and to hold office. 

Soon the two Cabinet chiefs were hopelessly at odds, “pitted 
against each other every day,” as Jefferson records, “ like 
two fighting cocks.” Each begged Washington to choose be¬ 
tween them and permit the other to resign. Jefferson became 
the leader of the growing opposition to Hamilton’s policies, 
finding his chief support from the agricultural class, especially 
at the South. Those who shared his views took the name Re¬ 
publicans, because they sympathized with the Republican party 
in France. Both Hamilton and Jefferson contributed something 
of value to our ideas about government. The country finally 
accepted Hamilton’s theory that the Constitution should be so 
read as to give broad powers to the national government. On 
the other hand, we have adopted Jefferson’s view that the 
government is to be carried on by all the people, rather than by 
the few who voted in Washington’s day. 

Washington frowned upon party spirit, and tried to main¬ 
tain an impartial attitude between the warring factions. How¬ 
ever, in 1793 the bitter attacks of the Republican newspapers 
upon his foreign policy inclined him more and more to the 
Federalists. Before the close of Washington’s second term, it was 
evident that our government would thereafter be carried on by 
political parties, each of which would nominate its candidate, 
and strive to win the elections. 


SETTING THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN MOTION 243 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., The Federal System (American Nation Series), chs. I- 

III. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, IV, chs. II-IV. 
Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. 
XXVII. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, ch. XII. 
Johnston, A., Union and Democracy, ch. III. 

McMaster, J. B., A History of the People of the United States, I, 

ch. VI. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, I, ch. VII. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. George Washington. Lodge, IT. C., George Washington, 2 vols 
(American Statesmen Series). 

2. The Financial Problem. Callender, G. S., Economic History 
of the United States, ch. V ; Dewey, D. R., Financial History of the 
United States, chs. III-VII ; Guitteau, W. B., Government and 
Politics in the United States, ch. XXIX. 

3. Organization of Political Parties. Guitteau, W. B., Govern¬ 
ment and Politics in the United States, pp. 460-462 ; Woodburn, 
James A., Political Parties and Party Problems in the United States, 
chs. I-II. 

4. Alexander Hamilton. Lodge, H. C., Alexander Hamilton 
(American Statesmen Series). 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Guitteau, W. B., Preparing for Citizenship, chs. XIV-XVI. 
Nicolay, Helen, Our Nation in the Building, ch. I. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. George Washington. Barstow, C. L., The Colonists and the 
Revolution, pp. 138-148 ; Sparks, E. E., Men Who Made the Nation, 
ch. VI ; Wilson, J. G., The Presidents, I, ch. I. 

2. Alexander Hamilton. Conant, C. A., Alexander Hamilton 
(Riverside Biographical Series) ; Sparks, E. E., Men Who Made the 
Nation, ch. V. 


CHAPTER XIX 


OUR DIFFICULT FOREIGN RELATIONS 

The French Revolution. In the first year of Washington’s 
administration, a great Revolution broke out in France. Unlike 
the American Revolution, the struggle in France was one 
between classes. The common people rose against wrongs 
endured for centuries. The nobles and clergy of France owned 
most of the land, but paid almost no taxes. The peasant farmers 
paid nine tenths of all the taxes, besides a heavy rent for their 
lands. Her part in our Revolutionary War cost France $300,- 
000,000, and the close of that war found the French government 
almost bankrupt. This was not because the country lacked 
resources, but was due to the fact that the wealthy classes 
refused to bear their share of the public expenses. For the first 
time in nearly two hundred years, a meeting of the States- 
General or national legislature was called on May 5, 1789. This 
meeting marks the beginning of the French Revolution. The 
representatives of the people demanded that the nobles give up 
their special privileges and help form a free constitution. 
France was soon divided into two parties: the Revolutionists, 
composed chiefly of the common people; and the Royalists, or 
party of the king, nobles, and clergy. 

Europe Wars upon the French Republic. News of this Revo¬ 
lution was at first hailed with delight in America. But soon 
violent men gained control of the movement. They beheaded 
King Louis XVI, set up a republic, and sent to the guillotine 
thousands of persons suspected of being unfriendly to the 
Revolution. All France was under the spell of a “ Reign of 
Terror.” From the horrors of such a revolution, sober-minded 
men in all countries turned away in disgust. The execution of 
the French king in 1793 was the signal for the monarchs of 
Europe to declare war upon the new republic. Great Britain, 

244 


OUR DIFFICULT FOREIGN RELATIONS 


245 



Spain, Austria, and Prussia allied themselves against France. 
That nation was ready to fight all Europe in order to make good 
the principles of her Revolution. Then began the conquest of 
Europe by revolutionary France. Soon Napoleon appeared to 
lead her victorious armies, and for the next twenty years Eu¬ 
rope was drenched with blood. The carnage ended only 
when Napoleon’s restless 
ambition received its final 
check at Waterloo (1815). 

Washington’s Proclama¬ 
tion of Neutrality, April 22, 

1793. The war between 
France and Great Britain 
put us in a difficult position. 

We were bound to France 
by gratitude, by a treaty of 
alliance, and by sympathy 
with a sister republic strug¬ 
gling for life. France ex¬ 
pected us to aid her against 
Great Britain, so recently 
the common foe, but Wash¬ 
ington knew that our young 
Republic was in no condition 
for war. Gratitude perhaps 
required that we become the ally of France; self-preservation 
demanded that we remain neutral. With the approval of his 
Cabinet, the President issued a “ Proclamation of Neutrality.” 
He declared that the United States “ would pursue a conduct 
friendly and impartial ” toward both France and Great Britain. 
This proclamation was the beginning of a foreign policy essential 
to our national life. If the young Republic was to endure, it 
must take no part in the wars of European powers. The United 
States must work out its own destiny, holding aloof from the 
political struggles of the Old World. 

Citizen Genet and His Mission. At this critical time, the 
French Republic sent over a representative named Edmond 


George Washington 

From the original portrait by Gilbert 
Stuart in The Museum of Fine Arts, 
Boston. 





246 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


Genet to enlist the aid of the United States. On landing at 
Charleston, Genet received an enthusiastic welcome. He 
promptly fitted out privateers to attack British commerce, and 
enlisted troops for an expedition against the Spaniards in 
Florida. Genet had a disagreeable surprise when he reached 
Philadelphia, for Washington received him coldly. The 
President knew that to permit the French minister to send out 
privateers from American ports meant war with Great Britain. 
Genet claimed that under the treaty of alliance we were bound 
to aid France. Ignoring Washington’s proclamation of neu¬ 
trality, he continued to fit out privateers. He wrote to his own 
government that the President “ was a weak old man, under 
British influence.” Carried away by rashness, he threatened 
to appeal to the American people against Washington. This 
crowning folly disgusted even the Republicans, who at first 
had received Genet with open arms. Washington finally settled 
the matter by demanding his recall. The French government 
was likewise displeased with Genet’s conduct and even ordered 
his arrest; but he escape^ the guillotine by remaining in the 
United States. France sent another representative, but she 
resented our policy of neutrality, and was very bitter over the 
treaty which we soon afterwards made with Great Britain. 

Our Grievances against Great Britain. Our neutral policy 
did not improve our relations with Great Britain, and three of 
our grievances now seemed likely to result in war : 

(1) British garrisons still held. Detroit, Oswego, Niagara, and 
other northwestern posts which belonged to us under the treaty 
of peace. Great Britain’s excuse was that the debts due to 
British subjects before the war had not been paid. 

(2) British cruisers captured American ships which were 
carrying food supplies to France, or trading with the French 
West Indies. Great Britain claimed that food and provisions 
were “contraband of war,” even when carried by neutral ships. 
She maintained that we had no right to trade with the French 
West Indies in time of war, because France did not permit us to 
trade with these islands in time of peace. Great Britain as well as 
France claimed the right to establish a “paper ” blockade; that 


OUR DIFFICULT FOREIGN RELATIONS 


247 


is, to issue decrees prohibiting neutral vessels from trading with 
the enemy’s ports, and to seize them if they attempted to do so. 
The United States,, on the other hand, maintained that a block¬ 
ade could not be created by a mere decree on paper; it must 
be made effective by warships guarding the blockaded ports. 

(3) British men-of-war searched American ships on the high 
seas, in order to seize or impress American sailors who had 
once been British subjects. Great Britain did not at this time 
recognize the right of her subjects to become the naturalized 
citizens of another country. Even American-born sailors were 
seized in this way, and compelled to serve in the British navy. 

Jay’s Treaty, 1794. War with Great Britain seemed certain. 
In this crisis, Washington sent John Jay as special envoy to 
England, where he succeeded in making a treaty. Great Britain 
agreed to surrender the northwestern posts by June 1, 1796, and 
to pay damages for such seizures of our merchant vessels as were 
found to be unlawful. In return, the United States promised to 
pay the debts due to British subjects at the beginning of the 
Revolution. But concerning two of our chief grievances, the 
treaty was silent. There was no recognition of the rights of 
neutrals; no promise to give up the practice of search and the 
seizure of American sailors. Our neutral ships were still liable to 
capture if they carried food supplies to French ports, or if they 
ignored a paper blockade, or traded with the French West Indies. 

A storm of protest greeted Jay’s Treaty when it was published 
in the United States. Jay was burned in effigy and hanged in 
effigy from Maine to Georgia; Hamilton was stoned while de¬ 
fending the treaty at a public meeting in New York; the British 
flag was dragged through the streets of Charleston and burned 
before the residence of the British consul. Even Washington 
was abused in language which he said “ could scarcely be applied 
to a common pickpocket.” But Washington and the Senate 
believed that it was a choice between the treaty or war, and they 
wisely chose the treaty. 

The Treaty with Spain. Spain controlled the mouth of the 
Mississippi and owned New Orleans. This was a serious matter 
to the men of Kentucky and the Southwest. These frontiersmen 


248 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


demanded free navigation of the Mississippi as well as a place 
of deposit at New Orleans, where their grain and tobacco 
could be stored until shipped to Europe. A treaty was made with 
Spain in 1795, granting these demands. Another point of dispute 
was settled by fixing the thirty-first parallel of latitude as the 
boundary line between the United States and Spanish Florida. 

Our Commerce in the Pacific. While the United States was 
struggling to protect its commerce in the Atlantic, our merchants 
were boldly reaching out for a share in the Asiatic trade. As 
early as 1784, merchants of New York and Philadelphia fitted 
out the Empress of China, and started her on the long voyage to 
Canton. She made her port six months later, exchanged her 
cargo for Chinese products, and returned home. Other American 
ships were soon making similar voyages; in a single year (1789), 
fifteen vessels set sail for the Orient. Our first ships reached 
China by crossing the Atlantic and rounding the Cape of Good 
Hope into the Indian Ocean. Later the favorite route was 
around Cape Horn and thence up to our northwest coast, where 
a cargo of trinkets would be bartered with the Indians for otter 
and seal skins. These valuable furs were then carried to Canton 
and traded for teas, silks, and porcelains for the Boston market. 

One of the most famous of these early voyages was that of 
the Columbia, which sailed across the Pacific to China and re¬ 
turned by way of the Cape of Good Hope — the first American 
ship to circumnavigate the globe. In the year 1792, the same 
ship under the command of Captain Gray of Boston made a 
voyage of great political as well as commercial importance. 
While exploring the northwest coast a little above the forty- 
sixth parallel, Captain Gray entered the mouth of a large river 
and sailed for thirty miles up its course, trading with the Indians. 
Gray named this great river of the Northwest the Columbia, and 
his discovery gave us our claim to the region which it drained. 

Washington’s Farewell Address. Unanimously reelected to 
the Presidency in 1792, Washington’s second term was now 
drawing to a close. The country had prospered under his wise 
guidance. Our credit stood high, trade and manufactures had 
increased, and three new states — Vermont, Kentucky, and 


OUR DIFFICULT FOREIGN RELATIONS 


249 


Tennessee — were admitted to the Union. War with Great 
Britain had been avoided, and domestic insurrection put down 
with a firm hand. The new government was no longer an 
experiment. 

Longing to spend his few remaining days at Mount Vernon, 
Washington refused to become a candidate for a third term. His 
last care was to prepare his Farewell Address, one of the sublime 
documents of American his¬ 
tory. Our first President 
pleaded earnestly for a true 
national spirit, for unselfish 
devotion to the Republic. 

He spoke of the dangers 
from party spirit “ which 
agitates the community 
with ill-founded jealousies 
and false alarms.” Toward 
foreign nations, “ the great 
rule of conduct for us is, to 
have with them as little 
political connection as pos¬ 
sible. Observe good faith 
and justice toward all na¬ 
tions ; cultivate peace and 
harmony with all.” Within 
two years after his retire¬ 
ment, Washington passed away at his beloved Mount Vernon 
home (December 14, 1799). He was mourned by the entire 
American people, and the story of his life remains their priceless 
heritage. 

John Adams Becomes President, 1797. John Adams, a 
Federalist, became our second President, while Thomas Jefferson, 
his Republican opponent, was chosen Vice President. In the 
long contest with Great Britain, John Adams of Massachusetts 
had nobly served his country. As a member of the Continental 
Congress, he was from the outset a staunch advocate of inde¬ 
pendence. Afterwards sent abroad as envoy to France and 





250 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 



Holland, he took a leading part in drawing up the peace treaty 
of 1783, and was appointed our first minister to Great Britain. 
Blunt of speech, stubborn, and quick-tempered, Adams had few 
of the qualities of the popular leader. But our second President 
was a man of lofty ideals, honest in word and deed, with the 
full courage of his convictions. He did not receive the hearty 

support of the Feder¬ 
alist leaders, especially 
Hamilton; and this 
proved a serious ob¬ 
stacle to his success as 
President. A still 
greater difficulty was 
the quarrel with France, 
which Adams inherited 
from Washington’s ad¬ 
ministration. 

Our Quarrel with 
France. France had 
been unfriendly since 
our refusal to aid her 
against Great Britain; 
she was indignant over 
Jay’s Treaty, which gave 
to Great Britain some 
privileges not granted 
to France. The election 
of Adams was another 
grievance, for the Fed¬ 
eralists had made the 
treaty with Great Britain which France considered a breach of 
faith. Our former ally now seemed bent on war. She ordered 
the United States minister to leave France, and each day brought 
news of the capture of our merchant ships by French cruisers. 
Hoping to prevent war, President Adams sent to France three 
envoys, John Marshall, Elbridge Gerry, and Charles C. Pinck¬ 
ney. A disagreeable surprise awaited these envoys at Paris. 


The U. S. Frigate Constitution 

From the original painting by Marshall John¬ 
son, Jr. 

The Constitution, the most famous of our 
early warships, was built in 1797 and carried 
44 guns. It is still preserved at the Charles¬ 
town Navy Yard. 









OUR DIFFICULT FOREIGN RELATIONS 


251 


They were told that France would not make a treaty, or even 
receive a minister from the United States, unless we paid a 
bribe of $250,000 to the corrupt Directory of five men who 
governed France. To this shameful demand, the reply of our 
envoys was : “ No ! not a sixpence ! ” President Adams re¬ 
ported the entire affair to Congress. He did not name the 
French agents who had demanded the bribe, but they were 
referred to in the published dispatches of our envoys as Mr. 
X, Mr Y, and Mr. Z. So this incident is known in our history 
as the “XYZ Affair.” 

“War with France! ” was the universal demand when the 
people learned how our envoys had been treated. “ Millions 
for defense; not one cent for tribute ! ” became the rallying cry. 
For the moment, men forgot parties and remembered only that 
the nation had been insulted. Every one joined in singing the 
new patriotic song, “ Hail, Columbia! ” and in cheers for “Adams 
and Liberty.” Congress increased the army, and Washington 
was recalled from Mount Vernon to become commander in chief. 
The navy department was organized, new warships were built, 
and many of our merchant vessels were commissioned as 
privateers. War was not actually declared, but there was some 
sharp fighting on the sea. Our little navy did valiant service, 
while American privateers captured many French ships. France 
did not really wish war with this country. Talleyrand, her 
minister of foreign affairs, now notified President Adams 
that any representative sent by the United States would be 
properly received. The new ruler of France, Napoleon Bona¬ 
parte, signed a treaty which gave some protection to our neu¬ 
tral commerce, and restored friendly relations between the two 
countries. 

The Alien and Sedition Laws, 1795. The Federalist party 
reached the height of its power when the XYZ Affair became 
public. Moderation forsook the party in the hour of triumph, 
and the Federalist leaders determined to humble their political 
enemies. The Republican papers were making bitter attacks 
upon President Adams and the Federalist party. To make 
matters worse, much of this abuse was written by foreigners, 


252 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


either Frenchmen, or refugees from England, Ireland, and 
Scotland. These men took sides with France and opposed our 
neutral policy. Congress finally passed two severe laws intended 
to silence the Republican press and drive the abusive foreigners 
out of the United States. 

(1) The Alien Act gave the President authority to banish 
from the country any foreigner whom he considered dangerous 

to its welfare. 

(2) The Sedition Act 
made it a crime to speak, 
write, or publish any false 
or malicious statement 
against the President or 
Congress, “ with intent to 
defame them, or to bring 
them into disrepute.” 

The danger from these 
laws was, that they might 
be enforced so as to make 
any criticism of government 
a crime. Thousands of men 
went over to the Repub¬ 
lican party because they 
believed that these measures 
would destroy free speech 
and a free press. Thus the 
Alien and Sedition Acts 
helped defeat President 
Adams for re election and 
hastened the overthrow of the Federalist party. Another im¬ 
portant result was the adoption of resolutions of protest by the 
legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky. 

The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, 1798. The Ken¬ 
tucky resolutions were drawn up by Thomas Jefferson, the 

Virginia resolutions by James Madison. These resolutions 

declared : (1) The constitution is merely an agreement or com¬ 
pact between the states as partners. (2) The national govern- 


jgg 





Washington Monument 

Congress approved of a memorial to 
the first president late in December, 1799, 
but it was not until July 4,1848, that the 
corner stone was laid. When it was 156 
feet high, work was suspended until Au¬ 
gust, 1880. The dedication exercises were 
held Feb. 22,1885. Total height 555 feet. 




OUR DIFFICULT FOREIGN RELATIONS 


253 


ment has only those powers given it by this compact. (3) The 
national government is not the judge of its own powers, but 
each state may decide for itself whether a law of Congress is 
contrary to the Constitution. (4) The Alien and Sedition Laws 
are contrary to the Constitution, and hence “ void and of no 
effect.” 

Nullification Urged by Kentucky. Virginia and Kentucky 
invited the other states to join in this expression of disapproval, 



West Point Academy from the Hudson River 


West Point had been fortified in 1776 and a huge chain stretched from shore 
to shore to prevent British ships from ascending the river. Alexander Hamil¬ 
ton, as active Commander in Chief of the Army, 1798-1800, suggested that a 
military academy be built here. 

The long building in the foreground is the Riding Hall; the Cadet Chapel 
with tower lies on the hillside; at the right are the. Mess Hall and the Memorial 
Building. 

but none did so; while on the other hand, the legislatures of 
several northern states condemned the resolutions. One year 
later, the Kentucky legislature went further, and asserted the 
dangerous doctrine of nullification, which had been suggested by 
Jefferson. The claim was made that a state might nullify, or 
declare not binding, a law of Congress. This theory struck at 
the power of the Supreme Court of the United States, which 
under the Constitution is the final judge of the powers of the 




254 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


national government. If each state could disobey any law that 
it does not like, the federal government would be at the mercy 
of the states. Soon there would be no Union at all. 

The Presidential Election of 1800. The presidential campaign 
of 1800 was a bitter one. Adams and Pinckney were the Feder¬ 
alist candidates; Jefferson and Burr were nominated by the 

Republicans. The Feder¬ 
alists had been in charge of 
the government for twelve 
years; and in spite of some 
mistakes, they had accom¬ 
plished remarkable results. 
Their party was divided in 
this election, owing to the 
mutual jealousy between 
Hamilton and Adams. 
Then, too, the Republicans 
were aided by the unpopular 
Alien and Sedition Laws, 
also by the heavy increase 
in government expenses. 
But the most important 
cause of the Federalist de¬ 
feat was the growing spirit 
of democracy among the 
masses of the people. The 
Federalists favored the rule of “the rich, the well-born, and the 
able,” and were inclined to neglect the plain common people. 
So the masses turned to Jefferson, the Republican candidate. 
This shrewd political leader had organized the farmers and 
working people so skillfully that the election resulted in a com¬ 
plete victory for the Republicans, while the Federalists were 
overthrown for all time. 

The House of Representatives Elects Jefferson. A new 

difficulty now arose. The Republicans had won the election, 
but Jefferson and Burr had each received seventy-three votes 
for the presidency. So the House of Representatives, in which 



John Marshall 

From the original portrait by Henry 
Inman in the Virginia State Library, 
Richmond. 




OUR DIFFICULT FOREIGN RELATIONS 255 


the Federalists had a majority, was called upon to decide 
between the two Republican candidates. Angered at their 
defeat, the Federalists planned to elect Burr, although fully 
aware that Jefferson was the choice .of his party for the 
presidency. After an exciting contest, Hamilton’s influence 
led to the election of Jefferson on the thirty-sixth ballot, while 
Burr became Vice President. Much as he disliked Jefferson, 
Hamilton preferred him to the unscrupulous Burr. As a result 
of the election of 1800, it was decided to amend the Constitution. 
By the Twelfth Amendment, adopted in 1804, the electors vote 
for President and Vice President on separate and distinct 
ballots. 

John Marshall Becomes Chief Justice. The Federalists had 
lost control of the executive and legislative departments, but 
their influence upon the government was not at an end. Shortly 
before he went out of office, President Adams appointed John 
Marshall, a Federalist from Virginia, as Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court. This great judge continued in office for thirty- 
four years. His decisions favored a liberal construction of the 
Constitution and strengthened the powers of the national 
government. So, although the Federalist party was overthrown, 
its principle of broad national powers became the law of the 
land and influenced our entire national history. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., The Federal System, chs. VI, XV-XIX. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, IV, chs. VI-VIII. 
Johnston, A., Union and Democracy, chs. IV, VI. 

McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States , chs. VIII- 
X. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory: Jay's Treaty, pp. 244-258; Alien and Sedition Acts, pp. 258- 
267; Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, pp. 267-278. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, I, chs. XI-XII. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Elson, H. W., Side Lights on American History, ch. IV. 

Hart, A. B., Formation of the Union, pp. 168-171. 


CHAPTER XX 


THE POLICIES OF JEFFERSON 

Jefferson’s Ideas of Government. The inauguration of the 
first Republican President was hailed with delight throughout 
the Union. While Jefferson was taking the oath of office in the 
new capital on the Potomac, the whole country was busy with 

bell-ringing and cannonad¬ 
ing. Jefferson was every¬ 
where popular with the 
plain, common people, and 
his election was regarded 
as the triumph of democ¬ 
racy. The new President 
was a man of plain dress 
and simple manners, firmly 
opposed to all extravagance 
and display. He promptly 
did away with the weekly 
levees or formal receptions 
that had been held by 
Washington and Adams; 
and in many other respects 
“ Jeffersonian simplicity ” 
became the order of the day. 
He made another change 
from what he considered the “ monarchical practice ” of our 
first two Presidents. Instead of going before the assembled 
Houses to read his messages as Washington and Adams had 
done, Jefferson sent written messages to Congress, to be read 
in each house by its clerk or secretary. His example in this 
respect has since been followed by all of our Presidents except 

256 





THE POLICIES OF JEFFERSON 


257 


Woodrow Wilson, who went back to the earlier practice of ap¬ 
pearing before Congress in person. 

In his inaugural address, Jefferson stated the principles by 
which he would be guided as President. He promised to preserve 
the national government in all its vigor “ as the sheet anchor of 
our peace at home, and safety abroad.” He hoped for “ peace, 
commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling 
alliances with none.” Above all, he urged the most strict “ econ¬ 
omy in public expense.” This principle of economy was faith¬ 
fully carried out by Albert Gallatin, the new Secretary of the 
Treasury. By cutting down the army and selling most of the 
ships in our little navy, military expenses were decreased, 
although this policy left the nation with practically no means of 
defending its rights. The unpopular whisky tax was repealed. 
The cost of running the government was reduced, so that most 
of its revenues could be applied to the payment of the national 
debt. In eight years, Gallatin’s skillful management reduced 
this debt nearly one half. 

Napoleon Secures Louisiana from Spain. The most impor¬ 
tant event of Jefferson’s administration was the purchase of 
Louisiana, the vast unexplored region lying between the Missis¬ 
sippi River and the Rocky Mountains. This territory had been 
given to Spain in 1763 by a treaty that France ever afterwards 
regretted. The first year of Jefferson’s administration saw 
Napoleon master of Europe, as well as ruler of France. Napoleon 
dreamed of restoring the colonial empire wrested from France 
on the Plains of Abraham. His ambition seemed about to be 
realized; for in 1800, he persuaded the king of Spain to cede 
Louisiana back to France. Alarming news this for the 
Americans, especially for the western settlers. From a weak 
nation like Spain, we had little to fear as a neighbor. It was 
quite another matter to have the strongest military power of 
Europe in control of the Mississippi, cutting off the outlet of our 
commerce, and blocking our westward march to the Pacific. 
Even Jefferson, the friend of France, declared: “ There is on 
the globe one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural 
and habitual enemy. It is New Orleans. . . . France, 


258 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


placing herself at that door, assumes to us the attitude of de¬ 
fiance.” 

Our Purchase of Louisiana, 1803. To make matters worse, 
the Spanish commander at New Orleans suddenly took away 
our right to deposit goods at that port ( 1802 ). This meant 
the blocking of the Mississippi to American trade. It would also 


The Cabildo, Jackson Square, New Orleans 

The meeting place of the Spanish municipal authorities from 1795 to the day 
of transfer to French authority November 30, 1803. In the same room on 
the second floor, later the meeting-place of the Louisiana Supreme Court, 
Governor Claiborne received the keys of the city from the French governor, 
Laussat, December 20, 1803. 

The lower floor is now used for a Municipal Court, and the upper, since 1910, 
has been h part of the State Museum. 



mean war sooner or later; for the men of the West would not 
long endure this closing of their gateway to the world’s markets. 
Jefferson saw that he must act at once, or these impatient 
frontiersmen would seize New Orleans and bring on a war. So 
the President sent James Monroe as special envoy to Paris, with 
instructions to purchase New Orleans, together with the strip 
of territory to the eastward. 











THE POLICIES OF JEFFERSON 


259 


Meantime, Napoleon felt obliged to give up his plans for 
a colonial empire. War with Great Britain was at hand, and 
Napoleon knew that he could not defend Louisiana against the 
mistress of the seas. In sore need of money for his armies, 
Napoleon declared that “ it was best to sell when you could, 
what you were certain to lose.” To the surprise of our envoys, 
he suddenly offered to sell to the United States not New Orleans 
alone, but the whole of the vast tract in the interior. Ac¬ 
cordingly, in 1803 the treaty was signed by which we secured 
Louisiana for $15,000,000. Napoleon declared that he made 



New Orleans in 1803 

From the painting by Boqueta de Woissera in the Louisiana State Museum, 
showing the saw mills in the foreground, the shipping in the river, and the city, 
from the Marigny plantation. 

the cession not so much on account of the price, as from motives 
of policy. “ This accession of territory strengthens forever the 
power of the United States. I have just given to England a 
maritime rival that will sooner or later humble her pride.” 

Jefferson was at first inclined to doubt whether the Con¬ 
stitution gave our government the right to purchase foreign 
territory and incorporate it into the Union. But he knew that 
the Louisiana Territory was of the utmost importance to the 
growth of our country, and he finally concluded that “ the less 
said about the constitutional question, the better.” Some of 



260 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


the New England Federalists opposed the purchase because 
they thought it would lessen the future importance of their own 
section; but the treaty was promptly ratified by the necessary 
two-thirds vote of the Senate. 

Results of the Louisiana Purchase. (1) This purchase 
more than doubled the area of the United States. It added 
an imperial domain of 875,000 square miles, from which thir¬ 
teen states have since been formed. 

(2) It made possible our westward expansion to the Pacific. 

(3) It encouraged immigration from Europe by opening up a 
vast area of cheap lands. 

(4) The purchase satisfied the western settlers, for it secured 
the natural outlet for their commerce at New Orleans, which 
Spain had closed. 

(5) War with France was avoided, a war almost certain to fol¬ 
low had the French attempted to colonize Louisiana. 

Lewis aftd Clark Explore the Great West, 1804-1806. Even 
before Louisiana came into our possession, President Jefferson was 
planning an exploring expedition into the vast unknown country 
beyond the Mississippi. To penetrate the great West, with its 
mighty rivers and majestic mountains, its plains covered with 
herds of buffalo, its valleys peopled with warlike Indians, — 
this was indeed an exploration to thrill the hearts of its leaders. 
So thought Meriwether Lewis and William Clark, the two 
young Virginians chosen to command the expedition. These 
pathfinders were to follow the Missouri River to its source, then 
cross the Rocky Mountains, and descend the nearest stream 
flowing to the Pacific. 

Lewis and Clark started up the Missouri from a point near 
St. Louis in May, 1804. There were forty-five men in all, in three 
boats. After a difficult journey of sixteen hundred miles, the 
party reached the villages of the Mandan Indians, in North 
Dakota, where they spent the winter. In the following spring the 
explorers reached Great Falls, where the Missouri passes over 
a series of cataracts, forming thirteen miles of cascades and 
rapids. Hauling the boats and luggage around the falls was no 
easy task; but at last the expedition reached the highest source 


THE POLICIES OF JEFFERSON 


261 



of the Missouri. Here the boats were hidden, and the leaders 
prepared for the difficult journey across the mountains. For¬ 
tunately, a friendly band of Shoshone Indians was at hand, 
from whom Captain Lewis secured horses. Then followed 
weeks of hardship and hunger, while his men worked their way 
through the forest-clad passes of the Rockies. They finally 
came to one of the branches of the Snake River, where canoes 
were built in which the entire party soon reached and floated 
down the swift-flowing Columbia. On November 7, 1805, the 
roar of breakers was heard in the distance. The explorers had 
reached their goal at last. On the shore of the Pacific they built 
a camp, where they passed a second dreary winter. 

The return journey was begun in March, 1806 ; and September 
of that year found the intrepid explorers again at St. Louis. 
Lewis and Clark had performed a feat without parallel in the 
history of exploration. They were the first white men to cross 
the continent within the boundaries of the United States. Their 
journal of the expedition gave the country its first definite 
knowledge about the great West. These pathfinders opened 
the way to the American fur trader and trapper, soon to be 
followed by the settler. Most important of all, their explora¬ 
tion of the Oregon country strengthened our title to that region, 
as against the claims of Great Britain and Russia. 








262 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


Exploration of the Southwest, 1805-1806. Another ex¬ 
plorer, Zebulon Pike, led an expedition to the headwaters of the 
Mississippi in an attempt to discover its source. The following 
year, Pike made a second exploration across Kansas and 
Colorado, and into New Mexico. In Colorado he discovered 
and ascended the lofty peak that bears his name. With a 
dozen of his hardiest followers, he then struck through the 
mountains and at last reached the Rio Grande. Here the 
little party was seized by the Spaniards and held for some time 
as prisoners. 

The Conspiracy of Aaron Burr, 1806-1807. Following close 
upon these explorations, the West was the scene of another 
expedition led by the brilliant but unprincipled Aaron Burr. 
Twice Burr had failed to reach the goal of his ambition, first 
the presidency, and afterwards the governorship of New York. 
Both defeats he laid at the door of his personal enemy, Alexander 
Hamilton. Duelling was then a common practice ; and, although 
Burr was Vice President of the United States, he sent a challenge 
to Hamilton and killed him in the encounter. This ended Burr’s 
political career, but soon afterwards he formed a plan to conquer 
the Spanish possessions in the Southwest, and establish a 
government of which he should be the head. Jefferson believed 
that Burr also intended to capture New Orleans and detach the 
Mississippi Territory from the Union. While he was descending 
the Mississippi River with ai? armed force of one hundred men, 
Burr was arrested by federal officers and placed on trial for 
treason. He was acquitted of the charge because it could not 
be proven that he had actually levied war against the United 
States; but he was dishonored for life, and died many years 
later, a broken-hearted man. 

War with the Barbary Pirates. To-day it seems almost 
beyond belief that the small Mohammedan states of northern 
Africa were able for many years to plunder the commerce of 
Christian nations. Not only did these pirates attack vessels, 
but they often seized the crews and passengers and held them 
for ransom. Instead of declaring war on the Barbary States, the 
maritime powers of Europe purchased peace by paying them an 


THE POLICIES OF JEFFERSON 


263 


annual tribute. This situation resulted from the mutual jealousy 
of the European powers. Each nation chose to buy peace for it¬ 
self, rather than go to war; for after peace was purchased, the 
pirates were left free to prey upon the commerce of other nations. 
The United States at first followed this shameful example, and 
for sixteen years paid annual tribute to the rulers of Tripoli, 
Morocco, Algiers, and Tunis. Early in Jefferson's administra¬ 
tion, still larger payments were demanded, and even the peace- 
loving President concluded that war was less expensive than 



Monticello 


A view from the south terrace of the house Jefferson built after his own design. 
Unlike Mount Vernon and other southern plantations, there were no negro 
quarters and outbuildings around the house itself. From the northeast terrace 
Jefferson observed through a telescope the workmen building the University 
of Virginia, which he founded at Charlottesville. 

“ tribute and ransom." Commodore Preble's little squadron 
soon compelled Tripoli to agree to peace without tribute. This 
taught the other Barbary States a lesson, and they no longer 
molested our commerce. 

The United States and the Napoleonic Wars. More dangerous 
to our commerce than the Barbary pirates were the two chief 
powers of Europe, Great Britain and France. War between these 
countries broke out anew in 1803. Napoleon was then emperor 
of France, and dictator on the continent of Europe. But on the 
ocean, Britain reigned supreme, for Nelson's brilliant victory at 












264 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


Trafalgar crushed the last hope of French naval power. While 
the nations of Europe were engaged in the Napoleonic wars, 
American shipowners were reaping the rich harvest of neutrality. 
With all the world at war, ours was the only flag under which 
cargoes could be carried to European ports. Trade between 
France and her colonies in the West Indies was in our hands, 
for Great Britain’s powerful navy had driven her enemy’s flag 
from the ocean. 

British Orders and French Decrees. The warring nations 
paid little heed to the rights of neutrals. Great Britain was 
determined to stop our profitable trade with the French West 
Indies. She claimed that by carrying food supplies from the 
West Indies to France we were helping Napoleon even more 
than if we supplied him with men and guns. Since France did 
not permit us to trade with her West Indies in time of peace. 
Great Britain said that she could not turn this trade over to us 
in time of war. In the years 1806-1807, both Great Britain 
and France began to issue orders and decrees against neutral 
commerce. Napoleon, in his Berlin and Milan Decrees, de¬ 
clared the British Isles in a state of blockade, authorized 
the capture of any ship sailing to or from the ports of Great 
Britain or her colonies, and ordered the seizure of any neutral 
ship that permitted itself to be searched by a British vessel. 
This was only a paper blockade, since the French navy had 
been almost completely destroyed. Great Britain replied with 
the Orders in Council, forbidding neutral trade with the ports 
of France and her allies. 

As a result of these decrees, an American ship bound for 
any European port outside of Sweden, Russia, or Turkey, 
was liable to capture. The decrees were unjust, and contrary to 
the principles of international law as recognized to-day; but 
Great Britain and France were locked in a life and death struggle 
which did not take into account the rights of neutral nations. 
So during the nine years between 1803 and 1812, American 
commerce suffered enormous losses. The British captured nine 
hundred of our vessels, the French more than five hundred. 
Great Britain and France abused us alike; but the British made 



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THE POLICIES OF JEFFERSON 


265 


more captures, impressed more seamen, and aroused the greater 
hostility. 

The Attack on the Chesapeake. For many years, Great 
Britain claimed and exercised the right to search foreign vessels 
for supposed deserters from the British navy. In this way 
thousands of American sailors, many of whom had never set 
foot on British soil, were impressed and forced to the decks of 
British men-of-war. The crisis came when the British ship 
Leopard fired upon the American frigate Chesapeake , whose 
commander refused to submit to the right of search. The 
Leopard at once opened fire, killing three American sailors 
and wounding eighteen others. The Chesapeake was not prepared 
for a fight, and Captain Barron was forced to haul down his 
flag. British officers then boarded the Chesapeake, while the 
American sailors stood in ranks for inspection. Four sailors 
were seized, three of whom were American-born, after which 
the Chesapeake was permitted to drift back to Hampton Roads. 

The entire country was stirred by this outrage, and there were 
loud demands for war. President Jefferson resisted this demand, 
for he reasoned that the act was that of the British admiral 
alone, and was probably unauthorized by his government. To 
allay popular resentment, the President issued a proclamation 
ordering all British warships out of American waters. He also 
instructed our minister at London to demand a disavowal of 
the act and restoration of the men impressed. The British 
government complied with this demand, restored the im¬ 
pressed seamen to the deck of the Chesapeake and paid a money 
award to the wounded sailors and to the families of those slain. 
Great Britain announced that she did not claim the right to 
search warships for deserters, but only insisted upon the right 
to search merchant ships. Thus the Chesapeake affair was due 
to the blunder of an individual commander, whose act was 
disavowed by his own government. 

The Embargo Act, 1807. A great leader amid political 
storms, Jefferson was helpless when the war-clouds gathered. 
Between the orders and decrees of France and Great Britain* 
there was only one of three courses for our country to follow. 


266 


THE NEW REPUBLIC 


We must fight for our neutral rights, tamely submit, or abandon 
the ocean. Jefferson chose the last. He believed that Great 
Britain and France could not exist without the food supplies 
of the United States. On his recommendation,. Congress 
passed an Embargo Act, which forbade American vessels to 
sail to any foreign port. Jefferson believed that the Embargo 
would starve Great Britain and France into recognition of our 
neutral rights. 

But the Embargo did far more harm to the United States 
than to Great Britain or France. In a single year our export 
trade dropped from $110,000,000 to $22,000,000. Our ship¬ 
building industry was crushed, while American farmers were 
almost ruined by the loss of their foreign markets. From 
commercial New England came strong protests, coupled with 
threats of secession. France and Great Britain treated the 
Embargo with contempt. Napoleon ordered the seizure of all 
American vessels in French ports, and when our minister 
protested, he replied that he was merely aiding President 
Jefferson to enforce the Embargo. Realizing that the measure 
had failed to accomplish its purpose, Congress repealed the 
Embargo in the last days of Jefferson’s second term. In its 
place Congress passed a Non-Intercourse Act, forbidding trade 
with France and Great Britain so long as they enforced their 
unjust decrees against our commerce. 

James Madison Becomes President, March 4, 1809. Fol¬ 
lowing the example of our first President, Jefferson declined to 
become a candidate for a third term. Toward the close of 
January he wrote: “ Five weeks later will relieve me from a 
drudgery to which I am no longer equal.” His successor as 
President was his close friend and Secretary of State, James 
Madison; while George Clinton was reelected Vice President. 
Madison was a Virginian, and a prominent member of the 
Republican party formed by Jefferson. He had rendered dis¬ 
tinguished service in helping to frame our federal Constitution, 
and had served with ability in the Virginia legislature and in 
Congress. Madison was a peace-loving man, wise in counsel, 
and a great legislator. His nature and training made him 


THE POLICIES OF JEFFERSON 


267 


better fitted to deal with measures than with men; and he 
proved a timid and irresolute Executive during the troubled 
times that were to follow. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XIV. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, IV, chs. X-XIV. 
Channing, Edward, The Jeffersonian System (American Nation 
Series). 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, chs. XVI- 
XVIII. 

Johnston, A., Union and Democracy, chs. VII-X. 

McLaughlin, A. C., Readings in the History of the American Nation, 
ch. XX. 

McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, II, chs. 

XIII-XVII. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Treaty with France for Cession of Louisiana, pp. 279-282. 
Sparks, E. E., The United States, I, chs. XIV-XV. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Louisiana Purchase. Bruce, H. A., Romance of American 
Expansion, ch. II ; Drake, S. A., Making of the Great West, pp. 171— 
183 ; Faris, J. T., Real Stories from Our History, ch. XVI ; Great 
Epochs in American History, IV, pp. 14-154 ; Sparks, E. E., Ex¬ 
pansion of the American People, chs. XVI-XVII ; Wright, H. C., 
American Progress, ch. III. 

2. The Conspiracy of Aaron Burr. Elson, H. W., Side Lights on 
American History, ch. VII ; Great Epochs in American History, IV, 
pp. 180-185 ; Hart, A. B., Formation of the Union, pp. 189-191 ; 
Nicolay, Helen, Our Nation in the Building, ch. IV ; Sparks, E. E., 
Expansion of the American People, pp. 211-215. 

3. Lewis and Clarke. Drake, S. A., The Making of the Great 
West, pp. 184-197 ; Elson, H. W., Side Lights on American History, 
ch. VI ; Great Epochs in American History, IV, pp. 159-169 ; Wright, 
H. C., American Progress, ch. IV. 

4. Thomas Jefferson. Great Epochs in American History, IV, 
pp. 125-139 ; Merwin, H. C., Thomas Jefferson (Riverside Bio¬ 
graphical Series) ; Sparks, E. E., Men Who Made the Nation, ch. 
VII ; Wilson, J. G., The Presidents, I, ch. III. 






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268 















CHAPTER XXI 


THE WAR OF 1812 


Great Britain and the Napoleonic Wars. The effort to pro¬ 
tect our commerce by means of the Embargo and Non-Inter¬ 
course Acts proved in vain ; and the crisis in our relations with 
Great Britain came just three years after President Madison 
took office. For many 
years, the island kingdom 
had been engaged in a life 
and death struggle to stay 
the advance of Napoleon 
in Europe. Great Britain 
faced then, just as in the 
World War of our own day, 
a military despot who was 
seeking to dominate the 
whole world. In 1812 Na¬ 
poleon made ready to in¬ 
vade Russia in order to close 
the ports of Europe to Brit¬ 
ish trade. He planned in 
this way to starve into sub¬ 
mission the island that he 
could not invade. Great 
Britain was just as deter¬ 
mined to cut off Napoleon’s 
source of supplies. The thousand ships of her navy ruled the 
oceans. The captains of nine hundred captured American 
vessels could testify to their vigilance. “ Trade carried on with 
the enemies of England is war in disguise,” was the only answer 
to our protests. So our War of 1812 came about largely as a 

269 



James Madison 

From the original portrait by Gilbert 
Stuart in the Art Gallery, Bowdoin Col¬ 
lege, Brunswick, Maine. 




270 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 

result of British efforts to enforce an effective blockade against 
Napoleon. 

Impressment of American Sailors. Worse than the capture 
of our ships was the impressment of American sailors. As the 
war with France dragged on, thousands of seamen deserted from 
the British navy where the service was hard and the wages poor. 
Many were attracted by the higher pay and better treatment on 
board American ships. The deserting sailors were furnished with 
“ first papers ” of American citizenship, and these papers passed 
from hand to hand for a few dollars. Nearly every American 
ship had among its crew “ Britishers ” who had recently 
obtained such papers. Great Britain had always claimed that 
no subject of that country could, by his own action, renounce 
his allegiance. So the British navy made a practice of searching 
American merchantmen at sea; and by 1812 several thousand 
sailors had been impressed from our ships. Many of these were 
deserters from the British navy, who wished to become natural¬ 
ized citizens of the United States; but others were native- 
born Americans, seized without a shadow of right. 

Napoleon’s Unfriendly Actions. France treated us almost as 
harshly as Great Britain ; but being less powerful on the sea, she 
impressed fewer of our sailors. Nevertheless, her cruisers 
captured five hundred American ships ; and, while assuring us of 
his friendship, Napoleon was guilty of repeated acts of treachery. 
At one time he offered to revoke his decrees against our com¬ 
merce, if we should compel Great Britain “ to respect our 
rights.” This proved a false promise; for when American 
vessels arrived in French ports, they were seized and their 
cargoes confiscated. Napoleon said he did this out of friendship 
for the United States. Since our laws forbade American ships 
to sail, he pretended to believe that these must be British ships 
illegally flying the American flag. 

The War Party in Congress. “ Weak as we are,” said Henry 
Clay of Kentucky, “ we can fight England and France both, if 
necessary, in a good cause — the cause of honor and independ¬ 
ence.” Clay was Speaker of the Houge of Representatives and 
leader of the war party. He spoke the sentiment of the new 


THE WAR OF 1812 


271 


West — ardent, self-reliant, aggressive. Leadership in Congress 
had now passed from the older Revolutionary statesmen into 
the hands of Clay, Calhoun, and other young “War Hawks ” 
from the South and West. New England and the Federalists 
were strongly opposed to a war that would destroy their com¬ 
merce ; but opposition was swept away before the eloquence 
of Clay and the logic of Calhoun. “ Which shall we do,” asked 
John C. Calhoun of South Carolina — “ abandon or defend our 
commercial and maritime rights, and the personal liberties of 
our citizens in exercising them? These rights are attacked, and 
war is the only means of redress.” 

Comparative Strength of the Two Nations. War with Great 
Britain seemed like a contest between a pygmy and a giant. 
Our regular army numbered less than seven thousand men, 
scattered along the frontier posts. The chief officers were 
Revolutionary veterans, old men no longer competent to lead 
armies. On the sea we appeared even weaker than on land. 
Our little navy had but sixteen vessels to oppose the thousand 
warships belonging to the mistress of the seas. The population 
of the United States was about eight million people, that of 
Great Britain twenty million. Our government’s revenue was 
only $10,000,000 a year; the British revenue was seven times 
as large. In our favor was the fact that Great Britain was 
engaged in a mighty combat with Napoleon, which would 
prevent her from sending large armies to America. Another 
advantage was our geographical position. To attack this coun¬ 
try, Great Britain must transport her troops across the broad 
Atlantic. 

Drifting toward War. The ill-feeling against Great Britain 
was increased in 1811 as a result of the Indian attacks on our 
western frontier. The Shawnee chief, Tecumseh, and his 
brother, the “ Prophet,” formed a plan to unite all the Indian 
tribes of the country against the steady advance of the white 
settlers. This project came to a sudden end when William 
Henry Harrison, governor of Indiana Territory, routed Tecum- 
seh’s braves at Tippecanoe. Harrison reported that the Indians 
had been armed and equipped from the British post at Malden. 


272 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 



The Campaigns in the North, the West, and in the Vicinity of Washington 

Despite the victories of Harrison and Scott, the land campaigns did not gain 
their ends. Failure sobered the people and silenced the partisan charge that it 
was a war of the Republican party, “ Mr. Madison’s War.” The life of the 
nation was again at stake. 

The frontiersmen firmly believed that the British govern¬ 
ment was behind this work, although this was not really 
the case. 

The Declaration of War, June 18, 1812. President Madison 
was a strong friend of peace, but he finally yielded to the pressure 
of public opinion and sent a war message to Congress. That 
body passed a declaration of war against Great Britain on June 
18, 1812. Three principal grounds were given for this action. 
(1) Impressment, a real and substantial grievance, and one 
that justified war. (2) The seizure of American ships and their 
cargoes, and the attempt to enforce paper blockades; that 
is, blockades not supported by an effective force. This was a 
real grievance, but the actions complained of were not aimed 
chiefly at us, but at Napoleon. (3) The British government was 
charged with having encouraged the Indians to attack our 
citizens on the northwestern frontier. This accusation was not 
true, but the country believed it. 























THE WAR OF 1812 


273 


Thus the War of 1812 was the direct outcome of Great 
Britain’s struggle against Napoleon. France and Great Britain 
were striking at each other’s commerce; ours being in the way 
suffered the usual fate of the innocent bystander. Many liberal 
Whigs in England had urged their government to adopt a 
conciliatory policy toward the United States. As a result of 
their attitude, Great Britain agreed to withdraw her Orders 
in Council just two days before our declaration of war. Had 
there been a cable across the Atlantic to carry the news of this 
decision, it is probable that Congress would not have declared 
war. But when the news finally reached America, our govern¬ 
ment decided to continue the war unless Great Britain should 
also renounce her practice of impressment. 

The Attack upon Canada, 1812. “ On to Canada,” was the 

slogan of the “ War Hawks ” in Congress. Impetuous leaders like 
Henry Clay declared that the conquest of Canada would be an 
easy task, one which the Kentucky militia alone could accom¬ 
plish. They imagined that the Canadian people would welcome 
the opportunity to throw off the British yoke. Apparently our 
War Hawks forgot that Upper Canada was settled largely by 
Loyalist refugees from the United States. These Loyalists and 
their children had not forgotten their treatment by the American 
patriots during the Revolution. They were not iikely to ally 
themselves with the people who had driven them from their 
homes and confiscated their property. 

For the year 1812 a triple invasion of Canada was planned, 
from Detroit, Niagara, and Lake Champlain. The three in¬ 
vading armies were then to unite for the capture of Montreal, 
and later of Quebec. This ambitious plan ended in disastrous 
failure. The Detroit expedition was commanded by General 
William Hull, an old Revolutionary veteran whose best fighting 
days were over. Instead of capturing Fort Malden, General 
Hull soon found himself besieged at Detroit by a force of 
British and Indians. Without firing a gun, this timid com¬ 
mander surrendered Detroit and his force of two thousand 
men to the smaller British army. The whole of Michigan 
Territory passed under British control by this shameful sur- 


274 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


render, and our northwestern frontier was at the mercy of 
the Indians. 

Like disaster overtook the Niagara expedition. At Queenston 
Heights, a few miles north of Niagara Falls, another American 
general was beaten back with the loss of a thousand men. The 
third invading column went northward by the Hudson-Cham- 
plain route, but the militia refused to cross the Canadian 
boundary. So the entire campaign of 1812 ended in defeat and 
disgrace. Our armies were led by incompetent officers, while 
the tropps were untrained, poorly equipped, and in every way 
unprepared for the difficult task of invasion. Later events were 
to prove that the militia could not even be relied upon to defend 
our national capital, much less to invade Canada. 

Perry’s Victory on Lake Erie, September, 1813. To retrieve 
Hull’s disgrace, General William H. Harrison, the hero of Tip¬ 
pecanoe, was placed in command of the American forces in the 
Northwest. Harrison moved northward to defend the Ohio 
frontier and recover Detroit, but he could not advance against 
this post while the British were in control of Lake Erie. One 
day in September, 1813, General Harrison received a message 
which thrilled him with delight. It read: “We have met the 
enemy, and they are ours. Two ships, two brigs, one schooner, 
and one sloop.” The message was sent by Oliver Hazard Perry; 
it announced his victory over the British fleet at the battle of 
Lake Erie. Perry had ten ships under his command, five of 
which he had built from green timber cut from the banks of 
Lake Erie. On the morning of September 10, his fleet sailed out 
from Put-in-Bay to meet the British squadron. Captain Barclay, 
who had fought under Nelson at Trafalgar, was his adversary. 

The battle raged fiercely for three hours. Leading the Ameri¬ 
can line, Perry’s flagship, the Lawrence , was at last cut to pieces 
by the fire from the British ships. Of one hundred and three 
men on board, all but twenty were shot down. Instead of 
striking his flag, Perry leaped into a rowboat, and with his 
young brother and a few seamen, started for the Niagara. Again 
and again the Detroit fired at this frail target, but the little 
party reached the Niagara’s decks without injury. Above his 


THE WAR OF 1812 


275 



new flagship Perry rehoisted the blue flag which bore Lawrence’s 
dying words, “ Don’t Give up the Ship.” He then gave the 
signal for his squadron to close in, and the broadsides from the 
American guns turned defeat into victory. By three o’clock 
in the afternoon, all six of the British ships had struck their 
colors. Had it not been for Perry’s victory, the Northwest 
Territory might have remained a British prize of war. 


© Underwood, and Underwood. 

Commodore Perry at the Battle of Lake Erie 

Perry being rowed from the Lawrence to the Niagara. In his new flagship he 
broke the enemy’s line, and won a decisive victory. 

Fighting along the Canadian Frontier, 1813-1814. Perry’s 
victory forced the British troops to abandon Detroit and retreat 
into Canada. They were closely pursued by Harrison, who 
routed Proctor’s army in the Battle of the Thames (1813). 
Tecumseh, who had proven such a valuable British ally, was 
killed, while many of Proctor’s men were taken prisoners. This 
decisive victory put an end to the Indian Confederacy in the 
Northwest; it also won back Detroit and Michigan Territory, 




276 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 

which Hull had lost. Eastern Canada was again invaded during 
this year, but with little success. General Dearborn succeeded 
in capturing York (now Toronto), and some of his men, acting 
without orders, set fire to Parliament House. Late in the 
autumn, an unsuccessful attempt was made to capture Montreal. 
The British took the offensive as winter came on ; they captured 
Fort Niagara, and laid waste the country around Buffalo. 

New generals were placed in command of the American 
armies in 1814, the most successful of whom were Jacob Brown 
and Winfield Scott. The campaign along the Niagara frontier 
was continued, and in the battle of Chippewa, General Scott 
won a signal victory. Another fierce battle took place at Lundy’s 
Lane three weeks later. In spite of the individual bravery of 
the American troops, it proved impossible for our armies to 
conquer Canada. The Canadian people rose against the invader; 
while Great Britain, at last victor over Napoleon, was able to 
send large reinforcements to America. 

The War on the Ocean. Englishmen were justly proud of 
their navy, which for centuries had reigned supreme on the 
ocean. From the defeat of the Spanish Armada to Nelson’s 
victory at Trafalgar, the fleets of Great Britain had never failed 
her in the hour of need. In 1812 the thousand warships flying 
the British flag were more than a match for the combined 
navies of the world. Yet it was on the sea, the domain of her 
boasted strength, that Great Britain met her serious defeats in 
this war. When hostilities began, Englishmen laughed at our 
“few fir-built frigates.” It was never dreamed that these 
despised ships would break the spell of British naval power 
and forever settle the question of search and impressment. 

Famous Sea Duels. Of the twelve single-ship duels fought 
during the war, eight were won by American ships, two were 
British victories, and in two the honors were even. Our first 
great naval victory was won by Captain Isaac Hull of the 
Constitution, which met the British frigate Guerriere off the Gulf 
of St. Lawrence (August, 1812). Not until the two ships were 
within short pistol range did Hull give the command, “ Now, 
boys, pour it into them! ” Then broadside after broadside was 



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278 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


delivered with terrific effect. Within half an hour the British 
ship lay a helpless hulk, rolling her deck guns in the heavy sea. 

This splendid victory aroused wild enthusiasm throughout 
America. England was stunned at the news, but worse was to 
follow. In October, 1812, the American sloop Wasp defeated the 
British Frolic. One week later, Captain Decatur, in command 
of the frigate United States, captured the Macedonian off the 
Madeira Islands, and brought his prize into Newport harbor. 
Next the Constitution, now fondly called “ Old Ironsides,” 
destroyed the frigate Java off the coast of Brazil. The fifth 
American victory was won when the sloop Hornet sank the Pea¬ 
cock off the coast of South America. Meantime, the Essex made 
a wonderful seventeen-months’ cruise in the Pacific capturing 
many prizes, and destroying British commerce in that part of 
the world. 

What Great Britain Thought of Our Naval Victories. Never 
since Britain had ships had she suffered such defeats. The loss of 
five war vessels was of small moment; but the loss of her naval 
prestige was a matter of vital concern. In vain the London 
papers tried to explain away these defeats by saying that the 
American vessels carried more men and threw heavier broad¬ 
sides. The fact was that the men behind the guns on the Ameri¬ 
can ships were too much for their adversaries. Moreover, 
Yankee ingenuity had invented a system of sights upon naval 
artillery which made the aim of the American guns more ac¬ 
curate than that of the British. London was wild with joy when 
the long series of defeats was at last broken by a victory. This 
was won by the British frigate Shannon, which captured the 
ill-fated Chesapeake. In a bloody engagement that lasted only 
fifteen minutes, Captain Lawrence, the brave commander of the 
Chesapeake, fell mortally wounded. As he was being carried 
below, his last words were, “ Don’t give up the ship! Blow her 
up ! ” — a battle cry never forgotten in the American navy. 

Our Privateers Harass Great Britain’s Commerce. As the 
war wore on, British fleets bottled up most of our frigates in 
harbors along the Atlantic coast. Not so with the privateers. 
Throughout the war, these bold, swift-sailing vessels swarmed 


THE WAR OF 1812 


279 


on every sea, preying upon British commerce. They invaded 
even the English Channel and the Irish Sea. One Captain Boyle, 
who had thirty prizes to his credit, issued a burlesque proclama¬ 
tion declaring the British Isles in a state of blockade. So many 
merchant ships were captured that no insurance could be had for 
a cargo to be carried from England to Ireland. The British 
navy was humiliated ; the more so that all this damage was done 
by “ a few petty fly-by-nights,” as the London Chronicle said. 
In the first six months of the war, our privateers captured more 
ships than Great Britain had lost to all the rest of the world in 
twenty years. 

Great Britain Plans a Triple Attack, 1814. After the defeat 
of Napoleon at Leipsic, Great Britain was able to send to 
America thousands of Wellington's veterans, men who boasted 
that they had not slept under a roof for seven years. She planned 
to crush the United States by a threefold attack. One army 
was to march southward from Canada, along the route which 
Burgoyne had taken thirty-seven years before; another army 
aided by the fleet was to attack Washington and Baltimore; 
while a third force was to capture New Orleans, and secure 
control of the Mississippi. The first part of this program was 
carried out in September, 1814, when New York was invaded 
along Burgoyne’s old route by ten thousand British troops, 
supported by a fleet on Lake Champlain. Young Lieutenant 
Macdonough with a smaller American fleet met the British 
ships off Plattsburg, and won a brilliant victory. After an 
indecisive land battle near the scene of the naval action, the 
invading army retreated to Canada. 

The British Capture Washington and Attack Baltimore. The 
British were more successful in their invasion along the 
Atlantic coast. The entire coast was blockaded by warships, 
Maine was invaded, and the enemy’s fleet finally appeared in 
Chesapeake Bay for an attack upon Washington and Baltimore. 
Washington was then a city of eight thousand inhabitants, 
without fortifications of any kind. President Madison called 
for militia to defend the city, but the American forces were 
easily routed at Bladensburg, a few miles away. The British 


280 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


army then advanced upon Washington (August 24, 1814). 
The federal officials fled in a panic, but Mrs. Madison did not 
leave the White House until she had removed to a place of 
safety the Stuart portrait of Washington, together with many 
important government papers. It was fortunate that she did so; 
for the British army plundered and burned the White House, 
as well as the Capitol and other public buildings. The British 
claimed that their action was justified on account of the burning 
of York (now Toronto) by the Americans. 

Three weeks later came the attack on Baltimore. Five thou¬ 
sand veteran troops were to make an assault by land, while 
the British fleet bombarded Fort McHenry which guarded the 
harbor. All day and far into the night the cannonade continued. 
Francis Scott Key, a citizen of Baltimore, was held on board a 
British vessel during the attack. Anxiously he watched the 
bombardment during the evening, and still more anxiously he 
awaited “the dawn’s early light.” The sight of the stars and 
stripes still waving above the fort next morning was his inspira¬ 
tion for our national hymn, “ The Star Spangled Banner.” 
Fort McHenry could not be taken, so the invading army 
retreated to the shore and embarked on the transports. A 
few days later the fleet withdrew from the harbor, and the siege 
of Baltimore was over. 

The Battle of New Orleans, January 8, 1815. The third part 
of the British plan was the capture of New Orleans, and with it, 
the control of the Mississippi River. The British anticipated an 
easy victory, for they had a fleet of fifty vessels and an army of 
sixteen thousand veterans. The defense of the city was in the 
hands of Andrew Jackson, who had just finished a brilliant 
campaign against the Creek Indians. Jackson had an army of 
six thousand Kentucky and Tennessee riflemen. He threw up 
a long line of breastworks and coolly awaited the British assault. 
Against these defenses the British general, Sir Edward Paken- 
ham, hurled five thousand soldiers. Charging over a flat, open 
country, they were met by a terrific fire from the best marksmen 
in America. As one red line was cut down, another advanced to 
take its place; but at last even Wellington’s veterans could do no 


THE WAR OF 1812 


281 


more. This crushing defeat cost the British two thousand men, 
including the brave Pakenham; Jackson’s loss was only eight 
men killed and thirteen wounded. It was a splendid victory, 
the greatest won by either side during the war. New Orleans 
made Andrew Jackson a national hero. 

The Treaty of Ghent. Had there been a cable across the 
Atlantic in 1815, the battle of New Orleans would not have been 
fought. Two weeks be¬ 
fore Jackson’s brilliant 
victory, commissioners 
from the United States 
and Great Britain had 
signed a peace treaty at 
Ghent (December 24, 

1814). Oddly enough, 
the treaty was silent 
about the very things 
that had caused the war. 

There was not a word 
about impressment, the 
practice of search, or 
the rights of neutrals. 

The treaty simply provided for peace, and for the surrender by 
each nation of all conquered territory. 

Results of the War. (1) Commercial freedom secured. Al¬ 
though the treaty said nothing about the attacks on our com¬ 
merce, Great Britain did not again attempt to search our ships, 
or to impress our sailors. From the British point of view, the 
close of the long struggle against Napoleon made search and 
impressment no longer necessary. 

(2) The war created a sttong national feeling. Our political 
parties no longer took sides, the Republicans with France, 
and the Federalists with Great Britain. All parties and sections 
felt a common pride in our navy and in the soldiers who had 
made such a gallant stand at New Orleans. 

(3) New domestic 'problems arise. With the growth of this 
national feeling, Americans no longer looked anxiously across 
















Evening Gazette Office, 

Bastuu, Mmd<i‘js H), 

•j | lf |,i||t)*inp most highly important handbill hu just b«pn issued from the Ccmiscl press We deem 
a duly that We owe our Friends jnd the Public to assist in the prompt spread of the Glorious News. 

Treaty of PEACE signed and arrived. 

Chsnxi i. ojficr. I I I'. IS. 1815, 8 n'dovh in the month’*. _ 

WE have this instant received in Thirty-two hours from Ncw-York the following 

Great and Happy News! 

FOR TIIE PUBLIC. 

To Benjamin RussI.U.. E.oj. Ceutinel-Office, Horton. 

»\Vu - l uil.. E.h. ii. llild—,s at today Evening, 10 o'clock-. 


SIP .— ... 

I HASTEN to neguaiut yon. for Hie inforinition of the Puldir, of the arrival 
here this afternoon of M. Ur. M. sloop of vv«r Eurorite, in which has coute pas¬ 
senger Mr. "CAitKOi.i j Am *rie;tn Messenger. having in his possession 

A Treaty of Peace 

Between this Country.and Girat-Britain. signed on the 2blh Decendter last. 

Mr. Baker also is on hoard, as Agent for the British Government, the same 
who w as formerly Charge lies AflV»i> here. 

Mr. Carroll readied town a! eight oYlot I; tins evening, lie shew* <1 to a ft lend 
of mine, w ho is artpiainted with him. the paeijiiet containing the / reaty, and a 
Iamdon new spaper of the last date of December, announcing the signing of the 
Treaty. 

It depends, however, as my friend observed, upon the. act of the 1 resident to 
suspend hostilities cm this side. 

The’gentleman left London the 2d Jan. The Transit had sailed previously 
from a port on the Continent. 

This citv is in a perfect uproar of joy, shouts, illuminations, kc. kc. 

I haw undertaken to fend yon thi a by Express— the rider engaging to deliver 
it by Eight o'clock on Jlnnday morning* Thr expense will be £Z5 dollars * if 
you van collect so much to indemnify me J will thunk you. to do so. 

I am with respect. Sir. yonr obedient servant, 

1 • JOX.ITIl.LY GOODHUE. 


g? We met heartily felicitate our Country on thu *u»j>ieieu> trno, which ut»y kc rttied ou 59 wholly 
authentic.—C kh 11 .vet.. 


Handbill Announcing the Treaty of Ghent 

Express riders carried similar bills to the important cities and towns of the 
country. In New York, Jackson’s victory at New Orleans and the treaty of 
peace were celebrated at the same time. A transparency on the City Hall 
suggestive of the two events showed the American eagle bearing in one talon 
the thunderbolts of war, and in the other the olive branch of peace. 


282 








THE WAR OF 1812 


283 


the sea, lest the coming ship should bear unfriendly tidings from 
Europe. Men turned their eyes toward the great West and the 
frontier, with its opportunities for the upbuilding of a mighty 
nation. The old questions of neutral rights, impressment, and 
embargo, passed away. The new problems related to domestic 
affairs, — to internal improvements, public lands, the tariff, 
the banking system, and the extension of slavery. 

(4) The war encouraged the growth of American manufactures. 
With our supply of European goods cut off, Americans engaged 
in manufacturing on a larger scale than ever before. The Em¬ 
bargo measure, the Non-Intercourse Act, and then the war 
itself, served to promote domestic manufactures, acting like a 
protective duty. When peace was declared, British merchants 
sent over immense quantities of goods, which were sold at lower 
prices than the American products. Our manufacturers at once 
appealed to Congress for a protective tariff. They declared that 
domestic manufactures must be protected from the competition 
of foreign-made goods produced by cheaper labor. So Congress 
passed a protective tariff law in 1816, increasing the import 
duties on cotton and woolen goods, leather, hats, paper, sugar, 
and salt. 

(5) Opposition to the war led to the downfall of the Federalist 
party. New England opposed the war from the beginning, 
realizing that it would destroy her commerce. The Federalist 
leaders of that section had no confidence in the Republicans, 
and were unsparing in their criticism of “ Mr. Madison’s War.” 
When the President first called for militia, the governors of 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island refused to raise 
troops to serve outside their states. New England also withheld 
her financial support: the South and the West had made the 
war — let them pay for it! Finally, in December, 1814, delegates 
from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island assembled 
at Hartford. They met to adopt measures to protect their 
rights, so they said ; but the country believed that the real object 
of their secret sessions was to plan disunion. This convention 
sounded the death knell of the Federalist party, for the people 
never forgave its disloyal opposition to the War of 1812. 


284 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


Time Vindicates Our Position Concerning Neutral Rights. 

Time was to vindicate America’s position concerning neutral 
rights, the principles for which we waged the War of 1812. Only 
a few years later, the highest judicial authority in England gave 
his opinion that the British Orders in Council were not only 
unjust to neutrals, but were also contrary to British law and to 
the law of nations. In 1856, Great Britain, together with France 
and other European powers, agreed to abide by certain impor¬ 
tant rules governing the conduct of nations in time of war. This 
Declaration of Paris, as it was called, provided that: (1) neu¬ 
tral ships are not liable to seizure unless carrying contraband 
of war; (2) blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective, 
that is, maintained by a force strong enough to prevent access 
to the enemy’s coast. Great Britain made no attempt to con¬ 
tinue the practice of search and impressment after 1815; and in 
1858 her Foreign Secretary, Lord Malmesbury, frankly stated 
that “ we have no legal claim to the right of visit and search 
which has hitherto been assumed.” 

The Rush-Bagot Agreement, 1817. The War of 1812 had 
led to the construction on the Great Lakes of fleets of small 
but efficient warships. After the treaty of peace, the rivalry 
continued to determine which country was to have naval 
supremacy on the lakes. At Kingston on the Canadian side, 
three ships-of-the-line were being built, each mounting 74 guns ; 
while across the lake at Sackett’s Harbor two rival 74’s were on 
the stocks. This competition in the building of warships was 
likely to prove a constant menace to cordial relations between 
the United States and its neighbor. Accordingly, a wiser course 
was adopted. Great Britain sent Charles Bagot to represent 
her at Washington, with positive instructions to promote 
cordial relations with the United States. In 1817, the two 
governments signed the Rush-Bagot agreement, by which they 
bound themselves to maintain no warships on the lakes. To 
guard against smugglers, each government was permitted to 
have four small vessels of not over one hundred tons, armed 
with a single cannon; but all warships on the lakes were to 
be dismantled, and no others were to be built. In accordance 


THE WAR OF 1812 


285 


with this agreement, each country sold or scuttled more than 
a dozen vessels. 

This agreement for naval disarmament on the lakes was one 
of the most important treaties in our history. The absence of 
rival navies on our northern frontier meant that each nation 



The Rotunda, The University of Virginia 


Although Jefferson did not live to see his system of common schools for 
Virginia worked out, he established a university, which was opened in 1825. 
Jefferson drew up the plans for the group of buildings, adapting them from the 
baths of the Roman Emperors, Diocletian and Caracalla, the Temple of Fortuna 
Virilis, and the central figure of the group, the Rotunda, from the Pantheon. 


had confidence in the good faith of its neighbor. It meant that 
throughout the four thousand miles along which our border 
touches that of Canada, there was to be neither battleship nor 
fortress nor sentinel. That far-flung, unguarded frontier was 
the outward and visible sign that, in spite of occasional differ¬ 
ences and disputes, each nation trusted the other. One 
hundred years of unbroken peace between the United States 
and Great Britain have since shown how fully that mutual trust 
is justified. 












286 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Babcock, K. C., The Rise of American Nationality (American Nation 
Series), chs. Y-XI. 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XV. 

Channing, Edward, History of the United States, IV, chs. XVII- 
XIX. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, ch. XIX. 
Johnston, A., Union and Democracy, chs. XI-XIII. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Treaty of Ghent, pp. 289-293. 

Updyke, F. A., The Diplomacy of the War of 1812, chs. I, VIII, IX, 
X, XI. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Hart, A. B., Formation of the Union, pp. 199-222. 

Nicolay, Helen, Our Nation in the Building, ch. V. 

Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, chs. XVI-XVII. 
Wright, W. E., American Progress, ch. VII. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. Why the War Was Fought. Barstow, C. D., A New Nation , 
pp. 43-46 ; Great Epochs in American History, V, pp. 3-11 ; Griffis, 
W. E., The Romance of Conquest, ch. XI. 

2. Naval Campaigns of the War. Channing, E., and Lansing, 
M. F., Story of the Great Lakes, ch. XIII ; Great Epochs in American 
History, V, pp. 11-41, 79-89 ; Griffis, W. E., The Romance of Con¬ 
quest , ch. XI. 


CHAPTER XXII 


NEW TOOLS AND NEW METHODS OF PRODUCTION 

The Industrial Revolution, 1760-1800. The eighteenth 
century is remarkable for three great revolutions, each of which 
had a vast influence upon the world’s history. The first of these 
was a political revolution, the second a social revolution, and the 
third an industrial revolution. In the first, the United States 
became independent of Great Britain. In the second, the 
French people swept away the ancient privileges of kings and 
nobles. In the third, 
wonderful mechani¬ 
cal inventions and 
discoveries, followed 
by the introduction 
of the factory sys¬ 
tem, brought about 
an industrial revolu¬ 
tion. Each of these 
revolutions had a far- 
reaching influence; 
and, while the Eng¬ 
lish Industrial Revo¬ 
lution was a quiet 
and bloodless affair, its permanent results were most important, 
for it modified the industrial system of the whole world. 

Household Methods of Spinning and Weaving. The English 
Industrial Revolution began about the year 1760 with a wonder¬ 
ful series of inventions in the textile industries. At this time, 
England’s principal industry was cloth-making, carried on by 
the methods that had been followed for centuries. The cotton 
and woolen cloth which British ships carried to all parts of the 

287 





288 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


world was still carded, spun, and woven in the cottages of 
domestic weavers. This work was done by means of the hand 
card, the spinning wheel, and the cumbersome old-fashioned 
loom. The weaving was usually done by the father of the fam¬ 
ily, aided by his grown sons or by journeymen; while the spin¬ 
ning was carried on by the women and younger children. There 
was a serious drawback to this method of production; for one 
weaver could easily use up the product of five or six spinners. 

The Spinning Jenny and the Power Loom. One day a master 
weaver named James Hargreaves hit upon the idea of using a 
wheel to cause a number of spindles to turn, so as to spin several 
threads at once. With the help of a neighboring mechanic, he 
constructed a crude machine named in honor of his wife the 
“ spinning jenny/ 7 which could spin eight threads at the same 
time (1767). Hargreaves could not keep his secret long, and 
soon jennies spinning twenty or thirty threads were in use. A 
few years later, Richard Arkwright invented a new machine that 
could spin much faster than even the spinning jenny. Other 
improvements followed, and finally the good points of the ear¬ 
lier machines were combined in the famous mule spinner 
invented by Samuel Crompton, which could spin several thou¬ 
sand threads at once. Before the invention of the spinning 
machines, weavers could not get enough yarn to supply their 
looms. Now they could not keep up with the supply of yarn spun 
by the machines, for there had been no improvement in the old 
hand loom. This condition was changed in 1784, when an English 
clergyman, Dr. Edward Cartwright, invented the power loom. 

The Steam Engine. The first spinning jennies could be used 
in the cottage of the weaver, but the later machines were so large 
and required so much power that human strength would not 
answer. Horses were used to some extent, then water power, 
and special buildings were put up along streams where water 
power was available. The next step was the application of 
steam, made possible by the inventive genius of James Watt. 
He began the manufacture of steam engines in 1781, and a few 
years later the first steam engine was used for power in a 
cotton mill. About this time Cartwright, who had been using 


NEW TOOLS AND NEW METHODS OF PRODUCTION 289 


an ox to drive his power loom, decided to use one of Watt’s 
engines instead. By the end of the eighteenth century, steam 
was rapidly displacing water power as a motive force. 

The Factory System in England. The new machinery spelled 
the doom of cottage weaving, for the weavers did not have the 
capital to buy machines, nor were their cottages large enough to 
hold them. So men who could furnish the capital bought the 
machines, built mills or factories, and hired spinners and 
weavers to carry on the work of production. Some weavers tried 
to continue making cloth in their homes by the old methods, 
but they found it impossible to compete with machine produc¬ 
tion. Excited and desperate, they would sometimes invade the 
factories and break up the machines that were taking away their 
livelihood. No wonder the poor weavers were bewildered over 
the new factory system, for it meant a complete change in the 
methods of production that had existed for ages. It meant that 
in the future only men with considerable capital could under¬ 
take the business of manufacturing; it meant that production 
must be carried on by large groups of laborers, working regular 
hours under the direction of the employer or his foreman; it 
meant the end of the old familiar relations between the master 
and the journeymen working by his side; it meant the rise of 
great factory towns, and such a growth of manufactures as had 
never been dreamed of. The factory system was first introduced 
in the manufacture of cotton goods, but the new machinery was 
soon employed in the woolen industry, then in other textile lines, 
and finally in almost every form of production. 

The Factory System in the United States. The Industrial 
Revolution was not confined to England. Americans were quick 
to adopt the new tools and new methods of production. The 
British Parliament passed laws forbidding any one to export 
the new machines, or plans or models of them; but in spite of 
this, a spinning jenny was at work in Philadelphia in the year 
1775. Soon afterwards the Massachusetts legislature offered 
a bounty for the invention of carding and spinning machines; 
and in 1781 a cotton mill was built at Beverly, Massachusetts, 
which made use of the principles of Arkwright’s invention. 


290 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


It remained for Samuel Slater, the “ father of American manu¬ 
factures,” to give America the full benefit of the English inven¬ 
tions. After serving his apprenticeship in a cotton mill, Slater 
became a general overseer in an English factory that produced 
cotton machinery. One day he picked up an American news¬ 
paper, and read of the bounties being offered in the United States 
for the introduction of machinery. Slater knew that it was 
against the law to take the new inventions out of England ; but he 
perfected his knowledge of cotton machinery so thoroughly that 
he could construct it from memory. He then emigrated to the 

United States, and at Paw¬ 
tucket, Rhode Island, built a 
mill equipped with seventy- 
two spindles operating on 
the Arkwright plan (1790). 
This year may therefore be 
regarded as the year of the 
birth of the factory system 
in the United States. It 
was still difficult to get the 
new machinery, and only 
four mills were built in the 
United States during the 
next fifteen years. 

Whitney’s Cotton Gin. 
In 1793 came a great Ameri¬ 
can invention which increased the growth of the factory system 
all over the world. This was the cotton gin, the invention of Eli 
Whitney, a native of Massachusetts who was teaching school in 
Georgia. The new methods of spinning and weaving yarn had 
greatly increased the demand for raw cotton. Cotton could be 
raised easily, but it was difficult to separate the fiber of the plant 
from the seed. Even a quick hand could not clean more than 
five or six pounds of cotton in a day. Whitney’s gin separated 
the seed from the cotton by means of cylinders covered with 
saw teeth. With his machine, a slave could easily clean several 
hundred pounds of cotton in a day. The result of the invention 



Eli Whitney’s Cotton Gin 
From a negative in the possession of the 
National Museum, Washington. 




NEW TOOLS AND NEW METHODS OF PRODUCTION 291 

was a great increase in the cultivation of cotton throughout the 
South, and a sudden rise in the value of slave labor. The pro¬ 
duction of cotton, which amounted to two million pounds in 
1791, was forty-eight million pounds in 1801. Before Whitney’s 
invention, several southern states were planning to follow the 
example of the North, and emancipate their slaves. Now 
cotton became the great southern staple, slave labor took on 
a new value, and there was no more talk of emancipation at 
the South. 

The Power Loom 
and the First Com¬ 
plete Factory, 1814. 

The Long Embargo, 
together with the 
War of 1812, greatly 
stimulated the 
growth of American 
manufactures. Cut 
off from England, 
the United States 
was thrown upon its 
own resources, and 
compelled to manu¬ 
facture many articles formerly imported. Cotton and woolen 
goods, glass, iron, hardware, and paper were produced in large 
quantities, so that our country was no longer dependent upon 
Europe for these necessaries. Up to this time, the United States 
had not succeeded in obtaining the power loom invented in Eng¬ 
land many years before. Just before the war began, Francis C. 
Lowell of Boston visited the cotton factories of England, and 
learned all that he could about the power loom. Upon his 
return he built a cotton factory at Waltham, Massachusetts, 
and equipped it with seventeen hundred spindles operated by 
water power, besides a power loom built from the knowledge 
he had gained in England (1814). This was the first com¬ 
plete factory in the modern sense; that is, the first building 
in which all the processes of manufacturing, from the raw 
















292 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


material to the completed product, were carried on under 
one roof. 

The Spread of the Factory System. The new power loom 
worked a revolution in the textile industries. Factories sprang 
up along the streams of New England and the Middle States, 
making use of the abundant water power; factory towns like 
Lowell, Lawrence, Fall River, and Paterson came into existence; 
and hand labor, as in England, rapidly gave way before the new 
methods of machine production. The spread of the factory 
system reduced the price of cotton cloth from forty cents a yard 
in 1815 to eight cents in 1829. American woolen manufactures 
were also aided by the new machinery, but the woolen indus¬ 
try could not keep pace with cotton manufacturing because 
our farmers did not supply enough raw wool. About this time, 
too, Pennsylvania began to develop her great iron industry. The 
first iron foundry was established at Pittsburgh in 1803; while 
thirty years later, that city could boast of eight rolling mills, 
besides nine foundries and two steel furnaces. The census of 
1810 gave Pennsylvania first place as a manufacturing state, 
followed in order by New York, Massachusetts, Virginia, and 
Maryland. In that year, the total value of manufactured prod¬ 
ucts in the United States was nearly two hundred million 
dollars. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 345-349. 
Channing, Edward, History of the United States, IV, ch. XVI. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, ch. II. 
McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States , II, ch. 

XII ; III, ch. XXII. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The Introduction and Growth of the Factory System. Bogart, 

E. L., Economic History of the United States, chs. XI-XIII ; Cal¬ 
lender, G. S., Economic History of the United States, chs. VI, IX. 


CHAPTER XXIII 


PUSHING THE FRONTIER WESTWARD 

The Frontier in Our Early History. The growth of the West 
was the most important fact in our history during the years just 
after the War of 1812. This was a continuation of the westward 
movement that began in colonial days, when the first settlers cut 
into the forests and pushed back the Indians. There was a 
frontier in those days, but it lay close to the Atlantic coast. 
By 1750 this western frontier was advancing toward the Alle¬ 
gheny Mountains. During the ten years following the Revolu¬ 
tion, thousands of settlers crossed the mountains, and laid the 
foundations of the future states of Kentucky, Tennessee, and 
Ohio. In Jefferson’s administration came the annexation of 
Louisiana, which gave us the Rocky Mountains instead of the 
Mississippi River as our western boundary. The explorations of 
Lewis and Clark in the Northwest, and of Pike in the South¬ 
west, helped to open up this vast territory to settlement. From 
the journal of Lewis and Clark, the country learned of the 
wonderful resources of the new West; and it only needed a period 
of hard times in the East to send thousands of men westward 
in search of new homes. 

The Westward Movement after 1812. The Embargo Act 
and the War of 1812 practically destroyed American commerce, 
and caused a period of severe hard times in all the seaboard 
states. With the return of peace, a new westward movement 
began. Farmers in debt and laborers out of work sold out for 
what they could get, and set out to find new homes along the 
Great Lakes or on the eastern slope of the Mississippi Valley. 
Harrison’s victory over the Indians at Tippecanoe, followed by 
the cession of their lands, opened up thousands of fertile acres 
in Indiana and Illinois to men who had been tilling the stony 

293 


294 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


hillsides of New England. By his conquest of the Creek Indians 
in Alabama, Andrew Jackson did for the Southwest what 
Harrison had done for the Northwest; for Jackson’s victories 
opened up the rich cotton lands of the Gulf to sturdy pioneers 
from Tennessee, Georgia, and the Carolinas. 

Immigration from Europe. The western lands were cheap 
as well as fertile. Until 1820 they sold at $2 an acre, only one 
fourth of which had to be paid in cash; while after that year 
the price was $1.25 an acre, cash. To thousands of Europeans, 



Courtesy of the Oregon Historical Society. 


Astoria, 1813 

This fur-trading post and fort was located on the present site of Astoria, 

Oregon. 

as well as to our own people, these cheap lands beckoned like the 
pot of gold at the end of the rainbow. The close of the Napo¬ 
leonic wars left Europe staggering under an enormous burden of 
debt and taxes. Beginning about 1815, thousands of English¬ 
men, Irishmen, and Germans came to our shores to swell the 
stream of settlers pouring across the Alleghenies. 

As these men traveled westward through the rich farming 
regions of Pennsylvania and Ohio, they were amazed at the 
prosperity which they saw. “ This be a main queer country,” 
said a Yorkshireman who with his family was on his way to 












PUSHING THE FRONTIER WESTWARD 295 

Zanesville, Ohio. “ This be a main queer country, for I have 
asked the laboring folks all along the road how many meals they 
eat in a day, and they all said three and sometimes four, if 
they wanted them. We have but two at home, and they are 
scanty enough. And only think, sir, many of these people 
asked me to eat and drink with them. We can’t do it in York¬ 
shire, sir, for we have not enough for ourselves. ” 


Copyright and by courtesy of the Ladies' Home Journal. 

A Westward Caravan 

The broad-wheeled Conestoga wagon, named for the Pennsylvania town of 
its manufacture, provided the best method of transporting over the prairies 
the women and children and the scanty household goods. The white cover¬ 
ing, however, made an excellent target for the Indians. 

“ Old America Seems to be Breaking up.” Every section of 
the Union was helping to swell the never-ending westward 
stream. One of the most popular routes to the West was the 
newly built National Road across Pennsylvania. “ Old America 
seems to be breaking up, and moving westward,” wrote 
Morris Birkbeck as he passed along this road in 1817. “ We are 
seldom out of sight, as we travel bn this grand track towards 
the Ohio, of family groups, behind and before us. . . . A 





296 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


small wagon (so light that you might almost carry it, yet strong 
enough to bear a good load of bedding, utensils, and provisions, 
and a swarm of young citizens) — with two small horses, and 
sometimes a cow or two, comprises their all; excepting a little 
store of hard-earned cash for the land office of the district, 
where they may obtain a title for as many acres as they possess 
half-dollars, being one fourth of the purchase money. The wagon 
has a tilt, or cover, made of a sheet, or perhaps a blanket. The 

family are seen before, 
behind, or within the 
vehicle, according to the 
road or the weather, or 
perhaps the spirits of 
the party. ... A cart 
and single horse fre¬ 
quently affords the 
means of transfer, some¬ 
times a horse and pack- 
saddle. Often the back 
of the poor pilgrim bears all his effects, and his wife follows, 
barefoot ed.” 

A New Cotton Kingdom. While the Northwest was changing 
from a wilderness to a land of farmers and town builders, the 
Southwest was fast becoming a great cotton-raising section. 
A traveler on his way from Nashville to Georgia in 1817 speaks 
of the astonishing number of people he met from the Carolinas 
and Georgia, bound for the cotton lands of Alabama. He counted 
over two hundred wagons and three thousand people, driving 
immense herds of cattle and droves of hogs. This emigration 
was the result of Whitney’s gin, which made profitable the 
cultivation of the short-fiber cotton of the uplands. 

By 1834 the new Southwest had outstripped the old South 
in the production of its chief staple. The worn-out lands of the 
seaboard could not compete successfully with the cheap and 
fertile lands of the Gulf Basin. The result was disastrous to the 
planters of the tidewater region. It was said that the larger 
Virginia plantations, with from fifty to one hundred slaves, did 



Lincoln’s Birthplace 


PUSHING THE FRONTIER WESTWARD 


297 


not yield two per cent profit on the capital invested. So many 
proprietors were in debt that Randolph prophesied the time 
would come when the masters would run away from their 
slaves, and be advertised by them in the public papers. In his 
declining years, Jefferson was in such need of money that a 
public subscription was taken up for his benefit. Madison, too, 
was obliged to sell much of his land; while Monroe at the close 
of his term of office found himself financially ruined, and went 
to live with his son-in-law in New York City. 

Lincoln’s Family Moves to Indiana. The story of Abraham 
Lincoln and of Jefferson Davis illustrates the westward move¬ 
ment in these years. Abraham Lincoln was born in a barren, 
hilly region of Kentucky in 1809. Jefferson Davis was born near 
Lincoln’s home one year earlier. When Lincoln was a boy of 
seven, his father, a poor carpenter, took his family across the 
Ohio River and settled in southern Indiana. For over a year 
the Lincoln family lived in a “half-faced camp” or shed closed 
on three sides, with the fourth left open to the weather. The 
young Lincoln watched his father hew out a clearing in the 
midst of the forest, and plant his first crop of Indian corn 
between the stumps. The half-faced camp gave way to a one- 
room log cabin, which for some years had neither floor, door, 
nor windows. It was before the fireside of this rude cabin that 
Lincoln read the few books which he was able to lay hands on. 
A well-known story tells how he once walked six miles to 
obtain a copy of a coveted English grammar; and a familiar 
picture of the young Lincoln shows him lying before the fireside 
of the rude cabin, writing and working out sums on the wooden 
shovel which he could shave off whenever he needed a new 
tablet. 

Abraham Lincoln in Illinois. By the year 1830 Lincoln had 
grown into a strapping youth, six feet four inches in height, 
who could sink his ax deeper into a tree than any man of the 
neighborhood. About this time his father, like many another 
restless pioneer, pushed westward again, this time into the 
Sangamon country of Illinois. Here Lincoln became in turn 
storekeeper, postmaster, road surveyor, lawyer, member of the 


298 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


state legislature, and Congressman. In each position his sterling 
honesty won the confidence of all who knew him. 

A second striking characteristic of Lincoln was his close 
sympathetic touch with the people about him. He understood 
and loved the people of his neighborhood, knew how they 
thought and felt on the questions of the day. At first the public 
which he understood so well included only his own frontier 
settlement; then it widened to include the state of Illinois, and 
finally the people of the entire North. In his youth, Lincoln 
seemed not much superior to his rude surroundings, save in his 
zeal for self-improvement. But Lincoln grew as the frontier 
grew, only faster; and just as the rude frontier cabins and 
stump-covered acres were supplanted by comfortable homes 
and well-tilled farms, so the youthful Lincoln of the frontier 
grew into the sturdy, honest, always sympathetic man, capable 
of leading our nation through the greatest crisis in its history. 

Life on a Southern Plantation. The father of Jefferson 
Davis took his family toward the Southwest, moving first to 
Louisiana, then into Mississippi, where the family lived on a 
typical southern plantation. The plantation was really a little 
world in itself, supplying most of its own needs. Here was made 
much of the clothing for the slaves, the work of spinning and 
weaving being carried on under the direction of the mistress of 
the plantation. Near the mansion house, itself often situated 
in the midst of a grove of stately oaks, were the millhouse, the 
blacksmith’s forge, and the carpenter shop. To the rear stood 
the overseer’s house, and beyond that a group of cabins for the 
slaves. Behind each little cabin was a garden plot where the 
slave might raise fowls and vegetables for himself. The field 
hands were divided into classes according to their physical 
strength, the children and women doing the work of “ half¬ 
hands,” or “ quarter-hands,” at least. 

A Northerner who visited one of the large plantations in 
Mississippi gives us an interesting account of what he saw: “ The 
whole plantation, including the swamp land around it, covered 
several square miles. It was four miles from the settlement to 
the nearest neighbor’s house. There were between thirteen and 


PUSHING THE FRONTIER WESTWARD 


299 


fourteen hundred acres under cultivation with cotton, corn, and 
other hoed crops, and two hundred hogs running at large in the 
swamp. . . . There were one hundred and thirty-five 

slaves, big and little, of which sixty-seven went to field regularly 
— equal, the overseer thought, to fully sixty prime hands. . . . 
We found in the field thirty plows, moving together, turning the 



A South Carolina Estate 


The low corridor at the left connects the house with the kitchens and 
servants’ quarters. 

Notice the streamers of Spanish moss hanging from the trees. 


earth from the cotton plants, and from thirty to forty slaves 
at work with the hoe, the latter mainly women. 

“ I asked at what time they began to work in the morning. 
‘ Well, I don’t never start my niggers ’fore daylight, ’less ’tis 
in pickin’ time, then maybe I get ’em out a quarter of an hour 
before. But I keep ’em right smart to work through the day.’ 
He showed an evident pride in the vigilance of his driver, and 
called my attention to the large area of ground already hoed 
over that morning; well hoed, too, as he said. At what time 
do they eat? ’ I asked. They ate ‘their snacks’ in their cabins, 
he said, before they came out in the morning; then at twelve 





300 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


o’clock their dinner was brought to them in a cart one cart 
for the plow-gang and one for the hoe-gang. . . . All 
worked as late as they could see to work well, and had no more 
food nor rest until they returned to their cabins. At half-past 
nine o’clock, the drivers blew a horn, and at ten visited every 
cabin to see that its occupants were at rest, and not lurking 
about and spending their strength in fooleries, and that the fires 
were safe.” 

How the Frontier was Governed. Congress adopted a broad 
and liberal policy in governing its western territories, modeled 
on the plan of the famous Ordinance of 1787. The settlers were 
granted local self-government, and as soon as the population 
was large enough, the territory was admitted to statehood. 

In all, twenty-nine of our forty-eight'states have been first 
organized and governed as territories. Under the plan usually 
followed, executive power in the territory is vested in a governor, 
appointed by the President of the United States. The powers 
of this governor are similar to those of the governor of a state, 
but he is directly responsible to the President. The territorial 
legislature consists of two houses, the members of which are 
elected by the voters. Judicial power is vested in a supreme and 
several district courts, the judges being appointed by the 
President. Each territory is permitted to send a delegate to the 
House of Representatives. When the people of a territory are 
ready to ask for statehood, they elect members of a convention 
to draw up a state constitution. This constitution is then sub¬ 
mitted to Congress for approval, as well as to the voters of the 
territory. Congress may then pass a resolution admitting the 
new state to the Union. 

Local Government in the Territories. The settlers in the 
West soon developed two important institutions : first, a system 
of local government like the one they had left in the states; 
and second — in the northern territories — a district school 
system like that of New England. The plan of local government 
adopted throughout the Northwest was the county-township 
plan, like that of Pennsylvania; while the Southwest adopted 
the county plan universal throughout the old South. Under the 



LINE 


Orat»Po r ^ 


Ft. Union 


s Pokatu 
Y COEufe 


LaPoint® 


Ft.Clark 


r » Ashley-Hen 
Ft-Manuel ( 


Ft/Pierre # V 
Y ,Nv 

| Ft.Tecurtisch 


O J>l\i« a ' 


Black Hills 


Ft.Uvaw 

(prairie du A 


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I^rara ie) 


kFt.Ljsa 


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Tt.CaUiouirh, 
OTO AND 5 
MISSOURI 


Great 
Salt Lak 


New Park'. 


Ft. Uintah ( 
f A-sh ley's Posi 


■ksnake Hills 


Ft.St^V.rain. 


Franklin 


Ss0i$ Ft. Osage ' 
I Boonv 


Sevier Lap 


askaskia 


Pikes Peak , . , 

&etachj » 


t. Dodge 


'Prado 


an P 


Panp 


Sant 


THE WESTWARD 
MOVEMENT 

1820-1835 

WESTERN INDIANS, TRADING POSTS, 
AND ROUTES OF TRAVEL 

O 50 100 200 300 400 

-1.1 I_I_I 

Seale of Miles 


120 


Longitude West 1Q5 from Greenwich 





































































































































































\ 






































































PUSHING THE FRONTIER WESTWARD 


301 


county-township plan of the Northwest, the work of local 
government is divided between the county and its smaller 
districts called townships. The county builds the courthouse 
for the administration of justice and for the offices of the county 
clerk, treasurer, and recorder; elects a sheriff and prosecuting 
attorney to enforce the laws; constructs bridges and other 
public works; and collects the taxes necessary for the work of 
local government. The township maintains the schools, looks 
after road building, elects justices of the peace, and cares for 
the poor. 

The District School System. The pioneers in the Northwest 
also took with them the district school system for which New 
England is famous. The western lands had been surveyed and 
divided into small districts called townships, each six miles 
square. When the settlers moved into the township, they 
organized it into a school district, electing trustees to employ 
a teacher and manage school affairs. Several one-room school- 
houses were usually built, for a school located near the center 
of the township would be too far away for many of the children. 
So at each crossroads was built the little red schoolhouse that 
has played such a prominent part in our history. The district 
school brought elementary education within easy reach of 
every child, and proved an important factor in our national 
progress. 

Slavery Becomes a Sectional Question. Slavery existed in 
all of the states in 1776, but during the next twenty years a move¬ 
ment for emancipation swept over the entire North. Vermont, 
New Hampshire, and Massachusetts led the way, and by the 
year 1804 all of the northern states except Delaware had either 
abolished slavery outright, or provided for gradual emancipa¬ 
tion. South of Mason and Dixon’s line there were men like 
Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, who wished to abolish 
slavery. But emancipation was a difficult problem at the South, 
for there were many more slaves than at the North, and the 
Southerners could not decide what to do with the negroes if they 
were made free. Then came the invention of Whitney’s cotton 
gin (1793), which changed the whole situation. Slaves became 


302 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 



so valuable that the planters were unwilling to think of setting 
them free. So the South accepted slavery as a permanent 
institution at the very time that the northern states decided to 
free their slaves. Henceforth the country was to be made up of a 
free and a slave section ; each felt that its interests were separate 
and distinct, and thus began the opposition between the North 
and the South which finally led to secession and civil war. 


The Lincoln Memorial at Hodgenville, Kentucky 

The log cabin in which Lincoln was born is included within this memorial 
building, erected from money subscribed by the school children of the United 
States. 

Congress and Slavery. Meantime, the national government 
had passed several important measures on the subject of slavery. 
In organizing the Northwest Territory (1787), the Congress of 
the Confederation prohibited slavery throughout this entire 
region. Then, shortly after the constitution was adopted, 
Congress passed the first Fugitive Slave Law (1793). This 
provided, as the constitution itself suggested, for the return of 
escaping slaves to their masters. By a later act, Congress for¬ 
bade the importation of slaves into the United States after 




PUSHING THE FRONTIER WESTWARD 


303 


January 1, 1808. Although this law was frequently violated by 
smugglers, the worst evils of the African slave trade were at an 
end. 

The Westward Movement and Slavery. As a result of the 
westward movement, five new states were added to the Union 
between 1812 and 1819. These were Louisiana, Mississippi, 
and Alabama at the South, Indiana and Illinois in the North¬ 
west. These three southern states doubled their population 
between 1810 and 1820, while in the same decade, Indiana and 
Illinois each multiplied its population by five. The three states 
at the South came in as slave states, Indiana and Illinois as free 
states. Missouri, too, was growing rapidly, trebling its popula¬ 
tion between 1810 and 1820. In this territory the two streams 
of migration met, free farmers from the North and slaveholding 
planters from the South. The question whether Missouri should 
enter the Union as a free or as a slave state was soon to arouse 
the whole country to the fact that slavery had become a sectional 
question; that is, one on which North and South held opposite 
views. Men like Lincoln who grew up in the atmosphere of 
freedom were beginning to regard slavery as a great evil, one 
which might be endured at the South, but must not be extended 
into the West. On the other hand, planters like Davis, reared 
in the cotton kingdom, believed just as firmly that the extension 
of the slave system was vital to the welfare of the South. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Babcock, K. C., The Rise of American Nationality (American Nation 
Series), ch. XV. 

Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. III. 
Hart, A. B., American History told by Contemporaries, II, ch. XXII ; 
III, chs. V, XXI. 

Johnston, A., Union and Democracy, ch. XIV. 

McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, III, ch. 
XXII. 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, I, ch. IV. 

Turner, F. J., Rise of the New West (American Nation Series), chs. 

V-VIII. 


304 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The Westward Movement. Bogart, E. L., Economic History 
of the United States, ch. XIV ; Callender, G. S., Economic History 
of the United States, ch. XII. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Westward Movement, pp. 3-60. 

Faris, J. T., Real Stories from Our History, chs. XIV-XV, XVII- 
XIX. 

Nicolay, Helen, Our Nation in the Building, ch. VI. 

Paxson, F. L., The Last American Frontier, chs. I-IV. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. Boyhood of Lincoln. Barstow, C. L., A New Nation, pp. 166- 
180 ; Gordy, W. F., Abraham Lincoln, ch. I ; Morgan, J., Abraham 
Lincoln, The Boy and the Man, chs. I-V. 

2. Life on the Western Frontier. Great Epochs in American His¬ 
tory, V, pp. 154-157 ; Griffis, W. E., The Romance of Conquest, 
ch. VII ; Wright, H. C., American Progress, ch. I. 



The Hermitage, Nashville 


General Jackson was one of the pioneers in Tennessee. He had a genius for 
farming, and his plantation made him the wealthiest man in that section. He 
built “The Hermitage” in 1819 of brick made on the plantation. 





CHAPTER XXIV 


THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE MISSOURI 
COMPROMISE 

The Era of Good Feeling. In March, 1817, Madison was 
succeeded as chief executive by his Secretary of State, James 
Monroe, the fourth distinguished Virginian chosen to that 
high office. Following sixteen years of bitter political strife, now 
came a period of calm. The 
Federalist party cast only 
thirty-four electoral votes 
against Monroe in 1816; 
while four years later, party 
opposition disappeared com¬ 
pletely, and Monroe re¬ 
ceived every electoral vote 
save one. It seemed to be 
an “ Era of Good Feeling,” 
as the Boston Centinel said ; 
and by this name Monroe’s 
administration has ever 
since been known. 

Following the example of 
Washington, who had made 
long trips through different 
sections of the country, 

Monroe started on a tour 
of New England and the Middle States, afterwards traveling 
west as far as Detroit. Everywhere the President was re¬ 
ceived with enthusiastic welcome. The three months’ journey 
through the northern states made Monroe as popular in that 
section as he was at the South. The new President deserved the 

305 



James Monroe 

From the original portrait by Gilbert 
Stuart. 







306 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 

confidence and esteem of his countrymen. Intellectually, he was 
hardly the equal of Jefferson or Madison; but a man more honest 
or sincere never sat in the presidential chair. As Jefferson said, 
Monroe was “ a man whose soul might be turned inside out 
without discovering a blemish to the world.” 

The Purchase of Florida, 1819. As special envoy to France, 
Monroe had helped bring about our first great expansion, the 
purchase of Louisiana. Now, as President, he was to achieve the 
second step, the purchase of Florida. 
For years the United States had 
coveted this Spanish territory which 
shut off Mississippi, Alabama, and 
Georgia from their natural outlet to 
the Gulf. Then, too, Spain’s weak 
rule made her colony a constant 
menace to our settlers in the South¬ 
west. Florida was the haven of 
smugglers and pirates, of runaway 
slaves and marauding Indians. From 
their safe refuge in the Florida 
swamps, these lawless bands would 
sally forth to plunder and massacre 
the white settlers of Georgia. The 
worst outrages were the work of the 
Seminoles, a wandering band of Creek 
Indians. To end these raids, General 
Andrew Jackson was ordered to take the field. Jackson be¬ 
lieved in promptness and thoroughness. Marching his army 
into Florida, he defeated the Seminoles, captured the Spanish 
forts at St. Marks and Pensacola, and hanged two British sub¬ 
jects who had aided the Indians. 

Spain protested strongly against this invasion of her territory, 
but at last decided to sell what she knew must sooner or later 
slip out of her hands. So in 1819 Spain ceded Florida to the 
United States for $5,000,000. The treaty also settled our long 
dispute over the southwestern boundary of the Louisiana Pur¬ 
chase. We yielded to Spain our claim to Texas, and accepted 



Our First Stars and Stripes 


Adopted by Act of Congress 
June 14, 1777, and raised by 
John Paul Jones on the Ranger 
in Portsmouth harbor, July 4, 
1777. 

With the admission of Ver¬ 
mont and Kentucky in 1791 
and 1792, Congress authorized 
the flag to contain fifteen 
stripes and fifteen stars. This 
was the national flag for 23 
years, and inspired the “Star- 
Spangled Banner.” 






MONROE DOCTRINE AND MISSOURI COMPROMISE 307 


the Sabine River instead of the Rio Grande as our southwestern 
boundary. In return, Spain ceded to the United States her 
claims on the Pacific coast north of the parallel of 42°, thus 
strengthening our title to the Oregon country. 

Revolt of the Spanish-American Colonies. The loss of 
Florida was not Spain’s only misfortune. One by one, the 
Spanish colonies in Central and South America declared their 
independence of the fast-crumbling empire. Spain was too weak 
to conquer her rebellious colonies; 
they were lost to her forever unless 
the great powers of Europe should 
come to her aid. For a time, it 
seemed as if this very thing might 
happen. The monarchs of Austria, 

Russia, Prussia, and France had 
united in what they called a Holy 
Alliance, which was really a league 
to support the absolute power of 
kings, and to crush any revolt on the 
part of the people. 

There was good reason to believe 
that the countries forming the Holy 
Alliance were about to send an army 
to South America to restore Spanish 
rule, or perhaps to secure new colo¬ 
nies for themselves. Such an attack 
would be a matter of vital concern to 
the United States. Our country was interested in the independ¬ 
ence of the Spanish colonies for two reasons, one a business 
reason, the other a matter of sentiment. The independence of 
these colonies would give our country as well as the rest of the 
world an opportunity to trade with them, whereas Spain’s 
colonial system reserved all of this trade to herself. Moreover, 
the struggle of the Spanish-American colonists appealed strongly 
to our liberty-loving people; for they seemed to be fighting for 
the very principles of our own Revolution. In response to 
popular sentiment, Congress and the President had recognized 



1818 


The Act of 1794 authorizing 
a star and a stripe for each new 
state became embarrassing, 
and Congress passed the law 
requiring the original thirteen 
stripes to be restored, but an 
additional star to be added for 
each state. In this form the 
flag has remained. The Stars 
and Stripes were not officially 
carried by troops in battle until 
the Mexican War. 






308 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


the independence of the South American countries in 1822. 
Would it not be dangerous to our own freedom if, after this 
recognition, we were to permit the combined armies of Europe 
to crush the new republics ? 

Nor was the situation less serious on our own continent. 
The czar of Russia had just issued a decree claiming the ter¬ 
ritory along the Pacific coast as far south as the fifty-first 
parallel. This struck at our claim to the Oregon country, then 
held in joint occupation by the United States and Great Britain. 
By the purchase of Louisiana and Florida, we had removed two 
dangerous neighbors from our borders. A new menace now 
confronted us in Russia’s southward march from Alaska. 

The Monroe Doctrine, 1823. Clearly, the time had come 
for the United States to take a decided stand on the question 
of European interference in American affairs. Great Britain 
had held aloof from the Holy Alliance. She was not in sympathy 
with absolute government, and her commerce would benefit by 
a free South America. Her minister of foreign affairs, George 
Canning, now proposed that Great Britain and the United 
States should unite in a declaration that we would not permit 
an attack upon the new republics. But John Quincy Adams, 
our Secretary of State, advised President Monroe that the 
United States should act alone on what was clearly an American 
question. The President decided to adopt this course, and in 
his famous message to Congress on December 2, 1823, an¬ 
nounced to the world the famous Monroe Doctrine: 

(1) As heretofore, the United States “ will not interfere in 
the internal concerns ” of any European power. 

(2) European governments must not meddle in American 
affairs or attempt the conquest of the young republics. 

(3) European nations must not attempt to set up any new 
colonies on either American continent. 

Thus the “ Monroe Doctrine ” is really a declaration of 
home rule — America for the Americans. Russia heeded the 
warning, and by a treaty signed in 1824, gave up her claim to 
the territory south of the parallel 54° 40'. Nor did the Holy 
Alliance venture to attack the countries of South America at the 


MONROE DOCTRINE AND MISSOURI COMPROMISE 309 

risk of war with the United States. From Monroe’s day to the 
present, the doctrine which bears his name has been a shield 
for the liberties of the western world. 

The Sectional Question of Slavery. The “ era of good 
feeling ” did not last long, for in 1819 a bitter dispute arose 
between the North and the South over the admission of Missouri. 
This territory was a part of the Louisiana Purchase; and except 
Louisiana itself, it was the first state to be formed within the 
vast area purchased from France. Peopled largely by Southern¬ 
ers who had migrated with their slaves, Missouri was seeking 
admission to the Union as a slave state. Northern members 
of Congress opposed the request, while a united South favored 
it. By this time, slavery had been abolished throughout the 
North, where the climate and industrial life combined to make 
it unprofitable. The ignorant slave could not operate New 
England’s machinery; the Ordinance of 1787 excluded slavery 
from the Northwest; and so it came about that by 1804, the 
Ohio River marked the boundary between freedom and slavery. 

At the South, different conditions prevailed. The warm, moist 
climate was favorable to African labor. On the large cotton, rice, 
and tobacco plantations many hands rather than skill seemed nec¬ 
essary to production. So slavery became more and more essential 
to the industry of the South. In Revolutionary days, slavery was 
strongly condemned by southern leaders; and for a time it seemed 
as if gradual emancipation might occur. Then came Whitney’s 
invention of the cotton gin (1793), which made profitable the rais¬ 
ing of short-fiber cotton, and extended the area of cotton produc¬ 
tion from the seaboard far back into the interior. This invention 
fastened slavery upon the South. “ King Cotton ” became su¬ 
preme ; the demand for cotton increased the demand for slaves, 
and above all, for more slave territory. Southern statesmen still 
admitted that slavery was an evil; but they claimed that it was 
necessary to the prosperity of their section, and demanded that 
the institution should be allowed to spread westward. 

The Missouri Compromise, 1820. When Missouri was seeking 
admission, the eleven states north of Maryland and the Ohio 
River were free, while south of that line were eleven slave states. 


310 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


North and South were thus equally balanced in the Senate, 
where each state has two votes. But in the House of Representa¬ 
tives, the North outvoted the South, having 105 members 
against 81. The admission of Missouri as a slave state would 
give the South control of the Senate, and make certain the de¬ 
feat of any anti-slavery measure that the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives might pass. The Missouri question was debated long 
and bitterly, but at last Congress found a way out of the 
difficulty. Just at this time Maine, until then a part of Massa¬ 
chusetts, was seeking admission as a free state. The Senate 
refused to admit Maine as a free state unless Missouri should 
come in as a slave state. Finally in 1820 Congress passed the 
famous Missouri Compromise as a means of ending the dispute. 
By the terms of this compromise : 

(1) Maine was to be admitted as a free state. 

(2) Missouri was to come in as a slave state. 

(3) Slavery was forever prohibited in the remainder of the 
Louisiana Purchase north of the parallel 36° 30' (the southern 
boundary of Missouri). 

Results of the Compromise. Men hoped that by this com¬ 
promise the slavery dispute would be settled for all time; but 
farsighted statesmen like Jefferson and Adams thought other¬ 
wise. “ This momentous question/’ wrote Jefferson, “ like a 
fire bell in the night, awakened me and filled me with terror. 

. . . It is hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this is a 

reprieve only, not a final sentence.” To John Quincy Adams, 
the slavery dispute was but the “ title page to a great tragic 
volume.” While the Missouri Compromise secured a kind of 
peace between tne two sections for the next thirty years, it 
did not by any means put an end to the agitation of the slavery 
issue. At the time, the measure was regarded as a victory for the 
South, but it was really a permanent gain for the North. The 
compromise left only Missouri and Arkansas open to slavery; 
while freedom won the much larger region north of 36° 30'. 
Moreover, this measure, like the Northwest Ordinance, set a 
precedent in favor of the power of Congress to control slavery 
in the territories. The power of Congress to do this was after- 


MONROE DOCTRINE AND MISSOURI COMPROMISE 311 



Showing the eleven free and eleven slave states, before the admission of Maine 
and Missouri, and the disposition of the territories. 


wards denied by the Southerners, and just before the Civil War 
the Supreme Court sustained their position. 

A Second Compromise Proves Necessary. In the fall of 
1820, the Missouri question in a new form returned to vex 
Congress. The constitution adopted by Missouri prohibited 
free negroes from entering the state. At once the controversy 
oroke out anew, even more bitter than in the previous session. 
Northern members declared that the clause concerning free 
negroes was in direct contradiction to the provision in the 
federal constitution which guarantees that “ the citizens of 
each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of 
citizens in the several states.” The House twice refused to 
pass the bill admitting Missouri under her proposed constitu¬ 
tion; meantime, southern Congressmen charged the North 
with bad faith in having secured the admission of Maine, while 
still opposing the admission of Missouri. A second compromise 
suggested by Henry Clay was finally adopted by the joint 
committee of the Senate and House. This provided for the 














312 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 

admission of Missouri on condition that the state should agree 
never to pass a law enforcing the objectionable clause of her 
constitution. Missouri promptly accepted this condition, and 
was admitted as the twenty-fourth state in August, 1821. 

Lafayette’s Visit to the United States. Forty years had 
elapsed since General Lafayette’s return to his native France 
at the close of the American Revolution. In 1824, the aged vet¬ 
eran was persuaded to revisit the country he had so nobly 

served. Lafayette was the 
honored guest of the nation 
for thirteen months, visiting 
the old battlefields, greeting 
his few surviving comrades 
of the Revolution, every¬ 
where receiving the homage 
of a grateful people. At 
Mount Vernon, Lafayette 
visited the tomb of Wash¬ 
ington, whom he had loved 
as a father. At Boston, he 
was the guest of honor at 
the laying of the cornerstone 
of Bunker Hill monument, 
just fifty years after that 
famous battle. Every one 
applauded when Congress 
voted General Lafayette a gift of $200,000, together with a town¬ 
ship of public land, in recognition of his gallant services. His visit 
ended, Lafayette returned to France in the ship Brandywine , 
named in honor of the battle in which he had fought so well. 

The Presidential Election of 1824. At the close of Monroe’s 
second term, there was only one political party, the Republican; 
for the Federalist party had ceased to exist, and no new party 
had yet been formed to take its place. So the presidential contest 
of 1824 was a “ free-for-all ” race between four prominent leaders, 
rather than a contest between political parties. New England’s 
candidate was John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State; 





MONROE DOCTRINE AND MISSOURI COMPROMISE 313 


Virginia favored Georgia’s favorite son, William Crawford; 
while Andrew Jackson of Tennessee was the idol of the South¬ 
west, and divided with Henry Clay of Kentucky the support of 
the West. 

When the electoral votes were counted, it was found that none 
of the four candidates had a majority; and for the second time 
in our history the choice of a President was made by the House 
of Representatives. The constitution provides that the House 
shall choose from the three candidates having the highest 
number of electoral votes. This put Clay, who was fourth, out 
of the race; he promptly decided to support Adams, and the 
House chose him as President. More men had voted for Jackson 
than for any other candidate; and his disappointed friends 
claimed that the election of Adams had defeated the “ will of the 
people.” When President Adams appointed Clay as his Secre¬ 
tary of State, their disappointment changed to rage. They 
openly charged that Adams had secured the presidency by a 
corrupt bargain, that he had promised this Cabinet appointment 
in return for the votes of Clay’s followers. Jackson called Clay 
“ the Judas of the West.” There had been no bargain, but the 
false charge did much to destroy confidence in the new adminis¬ 
tration. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XVII. 

Hart, A. B., American History told by Contemporaries, III, ch. XXII. 
Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory: Missouri Compromise, pp. 311-318, Monroe Doctrine, pp. 
318-320. 

McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, IV, ch. 
XXXIX ; V, ch. XLI. 

Turner, F. J., Rise of the New West, chs. X-XI. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The Monroe Doctrine. Coolidge, A. C., The United States 
as a World Power, ch. V; Foster, John W., A Century of American 
Diplomacy, ch. XII. 

2. The Period of Personal Politics. Woodburn, J. A., Political 
Parties and Party Problems in the United States, ch. III. 


314 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 

3. The Purchase of Florida. Bruce, H. A., The Romance of 
American Expansion, ch. Ill ; Mowry, W. A., Territorial Growth of 
the United States, ch. IV. 

4. James Monroe. Gilman, D. C., James Monroe (American 
Statesmen Series). 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Nicolay, Helen, Our Nation in the Building, ch. VII. 

Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, ch. XVIII. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Missouri Compromise. Elson, H. W., Side Lights on 
American History, ch. VIII ; Great Epochs in American History, V, 
pp.147-153. 

2. The Monroe Doctrine. Elson, H. W., Side Lights on American 
History, ch. IX ; Great Epochs in American History, V, pp. 133-143. 

3. Lafayette’s Visit. Elson, H. W., Side Lights on American His¬ 
tory, ch. X ; Great Epochs in American History, V, pp. 180-191. 

4. James Monroe. Wilson, J. G., The Presidents, I, ch. V. 



Ashland, Lexington, Kentucky 


Henry Clay built this home in 1803 on a large estate noted for its race horses 
and blooded stock. His generosity and the expense of presidential campaigns 
brought Clay almost to financial ruin, but his friends and sympathizers forced 
him to accept an anonymous gift of money sufficient to prevent bankruptcy. 




CHAPTER XXV 


NEW SYSTEMS OF TRANSPORTATION 

Roads in Colonial Days. One writer has said that the 
civilization of a country can be measured by the excellence of its 
roads. Judged by this standard, our country would have made 
a poor showing at the close of the Revolution. There was too 
much other work to be done for the colonists to spend many 
hours in road building. The early roads were generally Indian 
trails, widened first to form a bridle path, later a wagon road. 
If the trail ran through a swamp, trees would be felled and a 
“ corduroy ” road built by laying the trunks side by side. With 
the advent of the sawmill came the plank roads; and these in 
turn were followed by the pikes, or roads covered with broken 
stone. The crude roads of early days were built by the local 
governments, — by the towns in New England, the townships 
in the Middle states, and the counties at the South. 

Turnpikes — The National Road. After the Revolution, the 
increase in population and trade led to a demand for better 
roads than these local governments could build. The states soon 
began to charter “ turnpike ” companies, which were authorized 
to construct roads and to collect charges or tolls from the 
people who used them. At the points where tolls were collected, 
a gate was placed across the road. This gate consisted of a pole 
armed with pikes, so hung as to turn upon a post; hence the toll 
road was called a turnpike. Many turnpikes were built during 
the period from 1790 to 1812, especially in New England and the 
Middle states. 

The most celebrated turnpike was not built by a private 
company, but by the United States government itself. This 
“ National Pike ” or Cumberland Road was begun during 
Jefferson’s administration, in order to open up the public lands 
in Ohio and the West. Starting at Cumberland, Maryland, the 

315 


316 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


National Road ran westward, following for part of the distance 
Braddock’s old military route, until it reached the Ohio River at 
Wheeling, West Virginia. Along this pike thousands of west¬ 
bound settlers traveled by stagecoach or in large canvas-covered 
wagons, often drawn by eight or ten horses. On reaching the 
Ohio River, the “ movers ” usually boarded a steamboat for 
their future homes in the West. The National Road was grad¬ 
ually extended through Columbus, Ohio, and Indianapolis, 
Indiana, until finally it came to an end at Vandalia, Illinois. By 
this time (1838) the railroad had been introduced, and travelers 
preferred this quicker and cheaper means of transportation. 



The Cumberland Road to Wheeling was completed in 1820; from Wheeling to 
Columbus, 1835; from Columbus to Terre Haute, 1840. The road from Terre 
Haute to Vandalia had been finished in 1836. 


River Trade and the Steamboat. The invention of the 
steamboat in 1807, and its introduction on the Ohio four years 
later, made the rivers more important highways of commerce 
than ever before. After many attempts and failures, Robert 
Fulton at last solved the problem of applying steam to boats 
as a motive power. Fulton named his steamboat the Clermont, 
but the people who gathered at New York to witness its trial trip 
up the Hudson called it Fulton's Folly. Their ridicule gave way 
to applause when the Clermont steamed up to Albany, making 
the journey of one hundred and fifty miles in thirty-two hours. 

This invention was of vast importance in the peopling of the 
West. Up to this time, the commerce between New Orleans and 
the upper country had been carried in flatboats or barges. In 
1811 the first steamboat passed down the Mississippi from 
Pittsburgh to New Orleans; and seven years later, the Walk- 





NEW SYSTEMS OF TRANSPORTATION 


317 


in-the-Water made a voyage from Buffalo to Detroit. The 
great network of western rivers and lakes was soon covered with 
steam-driven craft that could defy wind and current. The 
cumbersome flatboat used to make the trip from Louisville to 
New Orleans in from thirty to forty days, while the return trip 
against the swift current took at least ninety days. The steam¬ 
boat with its powerful paddle wheels made the trip down the 
river in seven days, the return trip in sixteen days. 



The exact reproduction of Fulton’s Clermont passing the Soldiers and Sailors’ 
Monument, New York City, in the Hudson-Fulton Celebration, 1909. 


The Clermont 


Even in the days of the flatboat, the trade on the Mississippi 
and its tributaries was large; with the coming of the steamboat, 
that trade increased by leaps and bounds. Towns like Pittsburgh, 
Cincinnati, St. Louis, and above all New Orleans, grew steadily 
in population. By 1825 the steamboat had passed all com¬ 
petitors, and was carrying sixty per cent of the freight to New 
Orleans. The spread of the cotton region in the Southwest in¬ 
creased the demand for food products just at the time when the 
steamboat made it possible for the West to supply this demand. 
Thus by giving the frontier settlers access to the markets of the 






318 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 

South and the East, the steamboat promoted the westward 
movement. 

Opening of the Erie Canal, 1825. As early as 1772, George 
Washington pointed out the benefits that would result from 
building canals and improving our system of river transporta¬ 
tion. He was especially anxious to have the Atlantic coast 
section connected by a waterway with the region west of the 

Allegheny Mountains. Not 
until twenty-six years after 
Washington’s death was this 
finally accomplished. It was 
a great day for New York 
state and for the entire 
country when Governor 
Clinton dedicated the Erie 
Canal, connecting the Hud¬ 
son River near Albany with 
Lake Erie at Buffalo. The 
canal followed the Mohawk 
Valley to Rome, New York, 
and entered Lake Erie by 
the Tonawanda and Niagara 
rivers. It was three hun¬ 
dred and sixty-three miles 
long, and had cost the state 
of New York nearly eight 
million dollars. 

A New Highway for Com¬ 
merce. The produce of the 
West at once poured down this new channel to the ocean. Be¬ 
fore the canal was built, it cost $100, and required twenty days, 
to transport a ton of wheat from Buffalo to New York City. The 
canal reduced the cost to $20, and the time to eight days. Within 
a year, thousands of boats laden with wheat, lumber, furs, and 
other products of the West, passed down this highway to the 
markets of the Atlantic seaboard. The canal also made it easy 
for the western settler to get the products of the East. It was no 





The Erie Canal, Rochester, N. Y. 


The water was drained off in winter, 
and the boats tied to the towpath as 
shown here, at the right. 

In 1825 the canal was but 42 feet wide 
and 4 feet deep, sufficient to float a 
barge or a house boat carrying 30 tons 
of freight. 







NEW SYSTEMS OF TRANSPORTATION 


319 


uncommon sight to see fifty boats starting from Albany day 
after day, carrying salt, furniture, farming tools, and other 
supplies for the western pioneer. 

Thus the new highway formed a bond of union between the 
West and the East. It helped to people the West, which could 
now count on markets and communication with the East. The 
state of New York was soon reaping a rich harvest of trade. 
Wherever the canal touched a waterway, a thriving city sprang 
up, as at Syracuse, Rochester, and Utica. The terminals of the 
canal, Buffalo and Al¬ 
bany, grew still more 
rapidly. Most impor¬ 
tant of all, the opening 
of this waterway made 
New York City the 
commercial center of 
the United States. 

Other States Con¬ 
struct Canals. Phila¬ 
delphia feared that the 
opening of the Erie 
Canal would mean the 
loss of her western 
trade. So the state of 
Pennsylvania began to 
construct a series of 
canals from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh, finally completed in 
1834. Leaving Philadelphia, the journey to the Susquehanna 
River was made by a horse railroad; then by a canal along the 
Susquehanna and Juniata rivers to Hollidaysburg, and over the 
mountains by the Allegheny Portage Railroad to Johnstown; 
thence by canal to Pittsburgh. 

Other states hastened to follow the example of New York 
and Pennsylvania. The Miami Canal was built from Cincinnati 
to Dayton, and the Ohio Canal connected Lake Erie with the 
Ohio River along the route first suggested by Washington. 
Indiana joined hands with Ohio to construct the Wabash and 



tDI m&QIL EtWiOD ®A03 AH© 5>A<EIR(S1S» 

From Philadelphia to Pittsburgh, 

THROUGH ZN 31 DAYS: 


‘D ar stcaai boats. c.tnn ysag rue v.yitco states n/iiu 

From PITTSBURGH io LOUISVILLE. 



Starts every morning, from the corner of Broad a Race St. 

A Railroad Poster, 1837 








320 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 



Showing the routes of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the Pennsylvania 
Canal, and the Erie Canal. The Erie Canal system, with its water-level route, 
secured the larger share of western trade. 


Erie Canal. So vigorously was the work carried on that, by 
1830, fourteen hundred miles of canals had been built and two 
thousand miles were under construction. Indeed, many states 
and cities invested too heavily in these enterprises. Canal 
building was costly, the returns from tolls were slow and un¬ 
certain. Then, too, a dangerous competitor of the canals had 
already made its appearance. 

The Steam Railroad. The year after the opening of the Erie 
Canal, an English engineer, George Stephenson, demonstrated 
to the world the possibilities of the steam railroad. Since the 
Erie Canal threatened Baltimore’s western trade, the merchants 
of that city planned to build a railroad across the mountains to 






























NEW SYSTEMS OF TRANSPORTATION 


321 


the Ohio River. An impressive ceremony took place at Baltimore 
on July 4, 1828, when the venerable Charles Carroll placed the 
foundation stone of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, first of 
the iron bands between East and West. Then ninety-three years 
of age, Charles Carroll belonged to the past; but he saw clearly 
into the future when he said : “I consider this among the greatest 
acts of my life, second only to that of signing the Declaration 
of Independence.” 

This early railway was a crude affair. Its “ strap rails ” were 
wooden beams fastened together at the ends, with a flat strip 
of iron spiked to the top of the beam. Along thirteen miles of 
this track, Peter Cooper’s locomotive, the Tom Thumb , made its 
trial trip in about one hour. An exciting race took place on the 
double track near Baltimore between the Tom Thumb and a 
horse car. As the horse grew tired, the locomotive forged slowly 
ahead. Finally a pulley slipped off the engine, and the horse won 
the race after all. Still the trial trip was on the whole a success, 
the locomotive was soon improved, and larger cars were built 
for passengers and freight. By the year 1837, Philadelphia was 
connected with Baltimore and New York by rail. Lines were 
soon afterwards completed from Boston and New York to 
Albany, and from Albany west to Buffalo. East and West 
were then joined by rail as well as by the Erie Canal. The 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad had climbed over the mountains 
by 1853 to Wheeling, West Virginia, where a junction was made 
with Ohio River steamboats running north and south. Phila¬ 
delphia did not propose to be outrun by New York in the race 
for western trade. 

Development of Railway Transportation. Just as the horse car 
gave way to the locomotive, so the canal was finally vanquished 
by the railroad. Canal traffic was safe and cheap, but slow and 
closed by ice during several months of each year. The first rail¬ 
ways were built to connect waterways, or to freight the produce 
of the interior to the seaports. The railways soon began to 
parallel the canals, which declined in importance as railway 
mileage steadily increased. By 1840, there were nearly three 
thousand miles of railways in the United States. Roads were 


322 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


built east and west, crossing mountains and uniting parts of the 
country before separated. They carried thousands of settlers 
to their new homes in the West, and hastened the development 
of the country’s resources. If immigration by steam was less 
picturesque than by wagon, it was also cheaper and quicker. 
Thomas Jefferson said in 1803 that it would be a thousand years 
before the region east of the Mississippi would be fully settled. 



Courtesy of the New York Central Lines. 


The Engine, DeWitt Clinton, and Passenger Coaches 

This was the first train to operate in the state of New York, running from 
Albany to Schenectady, August 9, 1831. 

Had it not been for the canals and railroads, his prediction might 
have come true. 

The National Government and Internal Improvements. If 

President John Quincy Adams could have had his way in 1824, 
the United States would to-day own the canals and railways, as 
well as many of the wagon roads of the country. Presidents 
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe had opposed the construction 
of these internal improvements by the national government, 
on the ground that they were not expressly authorized by the 
constitution. But John Quincy Adams was a President of broad 
national views, who wanted Congress to spend millions in 
constructing roads, canals, and railways. Like his father, 







NEW SYSTEMS OF TRANSPORTATION 


323 


President Adams was a man of sterling worth, but lacking in all 
the qualities of popular leadership. He failed to convince 
Congress or the country at large that the national government 
should undertake these improvements. One reason for this was 
the strong constitutional objection, that the national govern¬ 
ment had no such authority. Another was the opposition of 
the South. Itself an agricultural section, the South was unwilling 
to bear a heavy burden of taxes in order to build up a rival 
agricultural section in the West. Then, too, the states and cities 
of the Atlantic seaboard were already constructing canals and 
railways, each community striving to secure the trade of the 
West for its own benefit. So the rivalry of the different sections 
prevented the adoption of the President's plan for a national 
system of public improvements. 

Opposition to the Protective Tariff. Our protective tariff 
policy was beginning to create an unfriendly feeling between 
different parts of the country. The tariff act passed after the 
War of 1812 was intended to protect our infant industries 
from foreign competition. From time to time, tariff rates were 
increased to give further protection; meanwhile, American 
manufactures were making great strides. The stronghold of 
protection was New England and the Middle States, where 
manufacturing flourished. The agricultural South opposed 
protection; the planters were unwilling to pay higher prices for 
their goods in order to encourage New England's factories. At 
last, in 1828, Congress passed a tariff measure displeasing to 
both North and South, — so much so, that it was called the 
“ Tariff of Abominations." There were protests on all sides 
against this act, especially from the South which could not hope 
to set up factories on account of its slave labor. From this 
time on, the tariff became more than ever a sectional question, 
and South Carolina came forward as the champion of southern 
opposition to the policy of protection. 

Formation of New Political Parties. Throughout his term of 
office, President Adams was the object of the most bitter political 
attacks ever made upon any President. Chosen by the House of 
Representatives in a contest with General Jackson who had 


324 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 

received more electoral votes, Adams was unpopular with the 
country at large; while Jackson, with his record at New Orleans 
and in Florida, was the hero of the hour. Immediately after his 
defeat in 1824, Jackson announced that he would be a candidate 
at the next presidential election. President Adams favored a 
protective tariff, a national bank, and internal improvements 
by the national government. General Jackson rallied to his 
standard the men opposed to this program, who believed in a 
strict construction of the Constitution. 

New political parties were now formed; those who supported 
Adams and Clay were known as National Republicans, while the 
Jackson men called themselves Democratic Republicans. More 
statesman than politician, President Adams lost support by 
refusing to appoint his friends to office. One of them, an editor 
named Binns, told the President that he might be right in this 
policy, but that he could not hope to be reelected. Although 
he was a man of the highest ideals, the people did not under¬ 
stand Adams; and they turned instinctively to the leader 
whom they felt to be one of themselves. 

The Presidential Election of 1828. As early as October, 
1825, the legislature of Tennessee had nominated Jackson for 
the presidential election of 1828. During the next three years 
shrewd political leaders managed his campaign. Local Jackson 
committees were everywhere organized, hundreds of articles 
were written for the press, and Jackson’s military record was 
again spread before the people. That the hero of New Orleans 
had been the popular choice in 1824, cheated out of the Pres¬ 
idency by a corrupt bargain, was repeated time and again with 
telling effect. The result of the long and bitter campaign was a 
sweeping victory for Jackson. Every electoral vote west of the 
Alleghenies was cast for “ Old Hickory.” The democratic 
spirit which ruled the frontier was at last in control of the 
government. 


NEW SYSTEMS OF TRANSPORTATION 325 

: - 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, ch. XXV. 
McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, III, ch. 

XXII ; V, chs. XLI-XLII, XLIV. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, II, ch. V. 

Turner, F. J., Rise of the New West, chs. XIII, XVII. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The Erie Canal. Bogart, E. L., Economic History of the 
United States, ch. XV. 

2. Railroads and Canals. Callender, G. S., Economic History 
of the United States, ch. VII-VIII ; Raper, C. L., Railway Trans¬ 
portation, ch. XII. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Drake, S. A., Making of the Great West, pp. 153-168, 198-214. 
Nicolay, Helen, Our Nation in the Building, ch. XI. 

Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, chs. XX, XXIV. 
Wright, C. D., Industrial Evolution of the United States, ch. XXI. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The National Road. Channing, E., and Lansing, M. F., 
Story of the Great Lakes, chs. XVIII-XIX ; Faris, J. T., Real Stories 
from Our History, chs. XXI-XXII, XXV. 

2. The Erie Canal. Channing, E., and Lansing, M. F., Story of 
the Great Lakes, ch. XX ; Great Epochs in American History, VI, 
pp. 17-19 ; Mowry, W. A., American Inventions and Inventors, pp. 
215-220 ; Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, ch. 
XXII. 

3. Early Steamboats. Barstow, C. L., A New Nation, pp. 95- 
105 ; Elson, H. W., Side Lights on American History, ch. V ; Faris, 
J. T., Real Stories from Our History, chs. XXXII-XXXV ; Great 
Epochs in American History, IV, pp. 186-196 ; Mowry, W. A., Amer¬ 
ican Inventions and Inventors, pp. 221-228 ; Wright, H. C., American 
Progress, ch. V. 



WASHINGTON IRVING 
1783-1859 

Founder of American literature 



JAMES FENIMORE COOPER 
1789-1851 

Pioneer American novelist 



Poet and journalist 


Poet and short-story writer 


























CHAPTER XXVI 


JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY 

Jacksonian Democracy. With Jackson began a new era in 
American politics. His was the age of “ Jacksonian Democracy,” 
the rule of the people. Former Presidents, even Jefferson himself, 
had been chosen from the more learned, aristocratic class. In 
the early years of the Repub¬ 
lic it was understood that 
this favored class should 
take the lead in managing 
public affairs, while the 
masses were to follow and 
obey. But with the election 
of Jackson, the people came 
into their own. Himself a 
sturdy frontiersman who 
could not spell correctly or 
write good English, “ Old 
Hickory ” was one of the 
plain common people; and 
they gave him their confi¬ 
dence and trust more fully 
than to any other President. 

Victor in two Indian cam¬ 
paigns and hero of New 
Orleans, men admired Jack- 
son for his proven courage, his energy and directness in accom¬ 
plishing results, for his honest sincerity of purpose, his warm, 
sympathetic heart. Perhaps, too, they loved him for his very 
faults, — the hasty judgments that sometimes led him astray, 
the imperious will that could brook no opposition, the quick 
temper which involved him in many quarrels and not a few duels. 

327 



Andrew Jackson 


From the original portrait by Thomas 
Sully in the Historical Society of Penn¬ 
sylvania, Philadelphia. 




328 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


Jackson’s Inauguration, March 4,1829. Washingtonwas the 
scene of wild enthusiasm on the day of Jackson’s inauguration. 
The streets were filled with a motley throng of office seekers, 
friends, and visitors, all shouting and hurrahing for the “old 
hero.” It was the people’s day and the people’s President. “A 
monstrous crowd of people is in the city,” wrote Webster. “ I 
never saw anything like it before. Persons have come five 
hundred miles to see General Jackson, and they really seem to 
think that the country is rescued from some dreadful danger.” 
Confusion and disorder marred the reception at the White 
House. In their eagerness to see the President, the crowd upset 
the pails of orange punch, broke the glasses, and stood with 
muddy boots on the satin-covered chairs. At one time the 
crush around Jackson was so great that he was in danger of 
being hurt; but prudent persons carried tubs and buckets filled 
with punch out on the lawn, the windows were thrown open, 
and the mob made a quick exit. 

The Spoils System. Worse than the scramble for refresh¬ 
ments was the scramble for office. Hundreds of party workers 
remained after the inauguration, eager to claim their expected 
reward. They swarmed “ a great multitude,” wrote Webster, 
“ too many to be fed without a miracle.” Until Jackson’s time, 
few office holders had been removed for party reasons. In 
forty years, the six Presidents had made only seventy-four 
removals. But the new President acted on the maxim, “ To the 
victor belong the spoils.” Within a year, hundreds of post¬ 
masters, customs officials, clerks, and other federal officers 
were dismissed to make room for Jackson men. In this way 
the vicious Spoils System was introduced into our national 
administration, a system which makes party loyalty, rather than 
fitness, the chief qualification for office. For more than half a 
century, succeeding Presidents followed the example set by 
Jackson, until at last public opinion compelled the adoption of 
Civil Service Reform. 

The South Opposes the Tariff. When Jackson took office, 
the South was a unit against the high tariff duties intended to 
protect American industries. The planters were especially bitter 


JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY 


329 


over the tariff act of 1828, which they denounced as an outrage. 
In earlier years, southern leaders had favored a protective tariff, 
hoping that cotton factories might be built at the South. But 
the slave lacked the intelligence and skill to operate machinery; 
moreover, the capital needed for factories was already invested 
in plantations and slaves. So the South remained an agricultural 
section, and her people 
came to regard the tariff 
as an unjust tax levied 
upon southern industry 
for the benefit of the 
North. Had it not been 
for the high tariff duties, 
the southern planter 
could have purchased 
cotton and woolen goods 
made in Europe at lower 
prices than he paid for 
the product of New Eng¬ 
land’s looms. 

South Carolina took 
the lead in opposing the 
“ tariff of abominations.” 

Her foremost statesman, 

John C. Calhoun, had 
favored a strong national 
policy up to this time; but he now joined the state rights party 
in the movement against the protective tariff. In the very 
year that he was elected Vice President of the United States 
(1828), Calhoun wrote for the legislature of his state a paper 
known as the South Carolina Exposition. This revived the 
doctrine of nullification, first put forward in the famous Virginia 
and Kentucky Resolutions. How could a state protect itself 
against a law of Congress that it knew to be harmful, and be¬ 
lieved to be unconstitutional? Calhoun’s answer was, that any 
state might declare such a law null and void, and refuse to 
obey it. The legislature of South Carolina adopted Calhoun’s 





330 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


views, and passed resolutions denouncing the tariff as unconsti¬ 
tutional, as an abuse of power, and a menace to the welfare of 
South Carolina. 

The Webster-Hayne Debate. Early in the year 1830, the 
question of nullification was argued before the United States 
Senate in the greatest debate ever held in Congress. On this 

occasion, Senator Robert 
Hayne of South Carolina 
was the champion of the 
South Carolina idea. Hayne 
declared that if Congress 
passed a law which violated 
state rights, “ any state 
would be justified, when her 
solemn protest failed of 
effect, in resisting the efforts 
of the federal government 
to execute the measure.” 
Hayne pointed to the Vir¬ 
ginia and Kentucky Reso¬ 
lutions as his authority for 
this doctrine, resolutions 
Daniel Webster drafted by “ the fathers of 

From the original portrait by Alexan- the faith, maintained by 
der Pope in the Administration Building, Virginia and Kentucky in 

the worst of times. 

Northern men felt that the doctrine of nullification threatened 
the very existence of the Union. Anxiously they looked to the 
speaker who was to reply to Hayne. For this task no man in 
America was so well fitted as Daniel Webster of Massachusetts, 
the ablest constitutional lawyer of his day and the greatest of 
American orators. All of Webster’s splendid powers of logic and 
eloquence were drawn upon in the famous speech which won for 
him the title, “ Defender of the Constitution.” 

Webster’s Argument for Union. Webster denied that a 
state might annul a law of Congress and refuse to obey it. This 
would make the Union “ a rope of sand.” There can be no 





JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY 


331 


middle course “ between submission to the laws on the one 
hand, and open resistance, which is revolution or rebellion, on 
the other.” The Union is the agent, not of the states, but of the 
people. The national constitution and government “ were made 
for the people, made by the people, and answerable to the 
people.” Webster heaped ridicule on the idea that the United 
States was “ servant of four and twenty masters, of different 
wills and different purposes, and yet bound to obey all. . . . 
It so happens that at the very moment when South Carolina 
resolves that the tariff laws are unconstitutional, Pennsylvania 
and Kentucky resolve exactly the reverse. . . . Does not 
this approach absurdity?” Instead of such an absurd plan, 
“ the people, in their constitution, have provided the means of 
settling questions of constitutional law, namely, through the 
Supreme Court of the United States.” 

Nullification, said Webster, meant disunion; and in the 
grandest flight of eloquence ever heard in this country, Webster 
pleaded for the Union. For himself, at least, there should be 
“ no cool weighing of the chances of preserving liberty, when the 
bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder”; no 
hanging over “ the precipice of disunion in the effort to fathom 
the depth of the abyss below.” That for which he lived should be 
“ Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable! ” 
“The Federal Union: It Must be Preserved.” Webster’s 
logic did not convince the men of Squth Carolina. They deter¬ 
mined to seek the aid of President Jackson, who was thought 
to be against high tariff duties. What a victory for the nullifiers 
if Old Hickory gave them his support! A great dinner was 
arranged in celebration of Jefferson’s birthday. The President 
was the chief guest, and “ State Rights ” the favorite toast of 
the evening. When President Jackson was called upon, imagine 
the dismay of the nullifiers! His toast was: “The Federal 
Union: it must be preserved ! ” 

South Carolina and Nullification. Congress passed a new 
tariff act in 1832 which lowered the duties, but not enough to 
please the South. South Carolina then determined to put her 
nullification theory into practice. Delegates were elected to a 


332 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


state convention, which met at Columbia, South Carolina. This 
convention declared that the tariff acts passed by Congress were 
“ null, void, and no law, nor binding upon the state, its officers or 
citizens.” Payment of tariff duties was forbidden. In case the 
federal government attempted to collect the duties by force, 
South Carolina would secede from the Union, and “ proceed to 

organize a separate govern¬ 
ment.” 

The old military chieftain 
in the White House was 
not slow to take up the 
gauntlet. Six days later 
came Jackson’s answer, a 
ringing proclamation to the 
people of South Carolina. 
The President declared that 
the doctrine of nullification 
was opposed to the very 
existence of the Union, and 
“ destructive of the great 
object for which it was 
formed.” In earnest words, 
he warned the people of 
South Carolina of the dan¬ 
ger that they would incur 
by resisting the collection 
of the tariff duties. As chief executive of the nation, he would 
enforce the laws in every part of the Union. South Carolina 
and every other state must obey them. To a member o. Con¬ 
gress from South Carolina, Jackson spoke still more pit nly. 
“ Please give my compliments to my friends in your state, and 
say to them that if a single drop of blood shall be shed there in 
opposition to the laws of the United States, 1 will hang the 
first man I lay my hands on engaged in such treasonable conduct 
upon the first tree I can reach.” 

Clay’s Compromise Tariff, 1833. At the President’s request, 
Congress passed a law giving him full power to employ the army 



- 


Henry Clay 

From a photograph in the Brady Collec¬ 
tion, the War Department, Washington. 




JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY 


333 


and navy to collect the tariff duties. At the same time, Congress 
extended the olive branch to South Carolina in the form of a com¬ 
promise tariff measure, suggested by Henry Clay. Tariff duties 
were to be gradually reduced, until by 1842 the rate would be a 
very moderate one. South Carolina promptly repealed her nul¬ 
lification ordinance, and the contest was ended. Both sides 
claimed the victory, but it was really a drawn battle. The su¬ 
premacy of the Union had been maintained, the threatened resist¬ 
ance by a state defeated. On the other hand, South Carolina’s 
action had compelled Congress to reduce the tariff duties. The 
spirit of disunion was checked, not conquered. In Jackson’s time, 
South Carolina stood alone when she threatened secession. Thirty 
years later, she was again to array herself against the Union, this 
time on the issue of slavery; and on this issue her cause was the 
cause of the South. Unfortunately, the President of those later- 
days, in the face of threats of disunion, failed to follow Jackson’s 
vigorous example. 

Jackson’s War on the United States Bank. Jackson’s contest 
with the United States Bank began during his first term. This 
institution had been chartered in 1816, for a term of twenty 
years. The national government owned part of its stock, and 
deposited its surplus revenue with the bank. Congress voted 
in 1832 to grant the bank a new charter, but President Jackson 
vetoed the bill. He declared that the bank was unconstitutional; 
that it gave a valuable monopoly to a few rich men; that the 
bank had too much power over the business of the country, 
and that its officers meddled in politics. 

Clay had forced the bank charter through Congress in order to 
make it an issue in the presidential campaign of 1832. He 
thought that if Jackson vetoed the bill, he could defeat him on 
this issue. Clay was the idol of Kentucky, an orator second only 
to Webster, and a born leader of men. He favored a strong 
national government, and came forward as the champion of the 
protective tariff, a national bank, and internal improvements at 
the expense of the nation. But with all his splendid gifts, Clay 
was no match for Old Hickory in a political contest. The 
election resulted in an overwhelming triumph for Jackson and 


334 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


the Democratic party. Van Buren, already Jackson’s choice 
as his successor four years later, became Vice President. 

Withdrawal of the Government Deposits. Jackson’s victory 
in the election meant to him that his veto was approved by the 
voice of the people. He determined to destroy the bank at once 
by depositing no more government funds with the hated 
monopoly. He ordered the Secretary of the Treasury to place 
the public funds in various state banks throughout the country, 
called by his enemies the “pet banks.” The deposits already 
held by the United States Bank were to be drawn on for current 
expenses, so that the bank would soon hold no money belonging 
to the government. 

The loss of the government deposits spelled ruin for the Bank 
of the United States. Jackson’s policy compelled it to call 
in its loans, that is, to ask the men who had borrowed money to 
repay it at once. Soon the business world was face to face with a 
money famine. Building operations stopped in the cities, facto¬ 
ries closed their doors, and thousands of workingmen were thrown 
out of employment. Business men all over the country begged 
Congress to revoke Jackson’s order, committees besieged the 
President with protests, and the Senate passed resolutions 
censuring him for his action. But Jackson stood firm, protests 
and censure only making him more determined than ever. The 
strongest of his enemies was at last overthrown; and soon 
afterwards Jackson retired to the Hermitage, leaving his suc¬ 
cessor to face the dark days that were to follow. 

The Panic of 1837. President by the grace of Andrew Jack- 
son, Van Buren declared in his inaugural address that he “ would 
tread in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor.” But his 
path was not to be a smooth one, for be inherited from his 
sponsor the conditions which brought on the panic of 1837. Jack¬ 
son’s war on the bank was partly responsible for this trouble. So 
too was his Specie Circular of 1836, an order that required 
buyers of public lands to pay for them in gold or silver coin, 
instead of in bank paper money. But the chief cause was the 
fever of speculation that spread over the entire country. The 
states were plunging into debt for internal improvements of 


JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY 


335 



every kind, especially canal and railroad projects. They were 
encouraged in this extravagance by an unwise act of Congress. 
In January, 1835, the national debt was paid off; and Congress 
decided to distribute to the states, on the basis of their popula¬ 
tion, $30,000,000 of surplus revenue. The national government 
withdrew this money from the “ pet ” banks where it had been 
deposited, and paid it over 
to the states. These banks 
were crippled by the with¬ 
drawal of the government 
deposits; they had loaned 
out the money, and now had 
to call on their borrowers 
to repay. 

Speculation in Western 
Lands. This was a fatal 
blow to the wildcat bank¬ 
ing which had been going on 
for years. The state banks 
were issuing immense quan¬ 
tities of paper notes, known 
as wildcat money because of 
its uncertain value. In the 
vaults of the banks there 
was very little gold or silver coin with which to redeem their 
notes. The notes circulated only because the people had faith 
in the local bank, and because the United States government 
took its notes in payment for public lands. Money so easily 
issued was easy to borrow, and large sums were unwisely in¬ 
vested. Speculation in western lands became the order of 
the day. Men bought public lands with borrowed money, 
not for cultivation as farms, but to hold for future sale at 
higher prices. “ Boom ” towns sprang up all over the West; 
and even in eastern cities real estate values soared at an 
alarming rate. The South, too, caught the fever. In 1835, 
cotton rose to sixteen cents a pound. The planters bought 
thousands of negroes on credit, expecting to pay for them out of 


Martin Van Buren 




336 


THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


the next cotton crop; but in the following year, cotton fell to 
ten cents. 

Results of the Panic. All the conditions were ripe for a 
crash; and the panic began at the South when the price of cotton 
fell. The New York banks were soon obliged to suspend specie 
payments, that is, payments in coin; and the banks every¬ 
where followed suit. Since the national government would no 
longer accept bank paper money in payment for the public 
lands, the people lost all confidence in the wildcat currency. 
Holders of these notes sent them back in floods to the banks 
which issued them, demanding that they be redeemed in coin. 
Unable to do this, the banks were forced to close their doors, 
and their depositors were ruined. In the West, the craze 
for internal improvements at the expense of the states came to a 
sudden end. Several states went into bankruptcy and repudi¬ 
ated their debts, millions of which were owed to creditors in 
Europe. As a result, our credit abroad was seriously impaired. 

Conditions at home were even more alarming. Business all 
over the country was paralyzed, factories shut down, and men 
tramped the streets looking for work. The price of flour rose to 
eleven dollars a barrel, and bread riots terrorized New York and 
other cities. Speculation had sown the wind, and the people 
were reaping the whirlwind. The country laid the blame for the 
panic on the Specie Circular, and there were loud demands for 
its repeal. This Van Buren refused, for he was a firm believer 
in Jackson’s policies. Then too, he realized that the panic was 
really the result of extravagance and speculation. Only time and 
suffering could remedy the mischief. After six months of terrible 
distress, the panic spent its force. By degrees the country 
recovered, but public confidence in the new administration was 
destroyed. 

The Independent Treasury System. One result of the panic 
was to prove that in order to circulate at par, paper money must 
have something of real value back of it, such as gold or silver 
coin, or government bonds. Another lesson was that the United 
States government ought not to deposit its money in reckless 
private banks. At President Van Buren’s suggestion, Congress 


JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY 


337 


passed a law providing that in the future our government should 
keep its money in its own vaults. A national treasury was built 
at Washington, with subtreasuries in the larger cities of the 
country. For the next eighty years, our government kept its 
own surplus funds under this Independent Treasury System. 



The William Henry Harrison House, Vincennes 


Harrison served first under Anthony Wayne in the Ohio campaign against the 
Indians, 1791, and commanded Fort Washington, which is now Cincinnati. As 
Governor of Indiana Territory, Harrison fron 1800 to 1813 wielded autocratic 
powers fairly in dealing with Tecumseh and the Indian land claims. 

He built this house as the seat of government in 1804, the first structure west 
of the Allegheny Mountains built of burnt brick. A tunnel six hundred feet 
long runs from the cellar to the bank of the Wabash River as a possible escape 
from attack and siege by the Indians. 


Within recent years, a plan has been adopted by which the 
government deposits part of its surplus with the banks, on good 
security. This it can do with more safety than in Jackson’s 
time, for the banks are now carefully regulated by law. 

The Whig Party and Its Leaders. The men who followed 
Clay and Webster in opposing Jackson’s policies at first called 











338 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


themselves National Republicans. As the contest with Jackson 
became more bitter, a South Carolina paper suggested that those 
opposed to his tyranny call themselves Whigs. So the name 
applied to the Revolutionary patriots who fought against King 
George III was adopted by the men who were fighting “King 
Andrew.” About the same time, the followers of President 
Jackson took the name of Democrats. Never popular with the 
masses, who accepted him only as Jackson’s heir, Van Buren’s 
chances of reelection were destroyed by the panic of 1837. The 
Whig party approached the presidential election of 1840 in high 
spirits. Passing over their great leaders, Clay and Webster, the 
Whigs nominated William Henry Harrison, of Ohio. Like 
Jackson, Harrison was a frontiersman and Indian fighter, a 
hero of the War of 1812, and a plain man of the people. For 
Vice President, their candidate was John Tyler of Virginia. 

The Log Cabin Campaign of 1840. Then came the noisy and 
picturesque campaign of 1840. A Democratic paper in Baltimore 
made the sneering comment that Harrison would be more at 
home “ in his log cabin, drinking cider and skinning coons, than 
living in the White House as President.” The Whigs caught up 
the sneer, and turned the taunt into an emblem of victory. 
“ Old Tippecanoe ” became the log-cabin candidate. The 
Whigs made much of the fact that Harrison was a man of the 
people, of simple tastes and homely virtues. Whig orators 
said that while the country was suffering from the terrible panic, 
Van Buren was living in splendor at the White House, eating 
from plates of gold and drinking choice wines. The Whigs 
adopted the log cabin as their campaign emblem, and hard 
cider was the beverage on tap at political meetings all over the 
land. Never before had the people shown so much enthusiasm 
over a presidential campaign. For the first time, immense out¬ 
door meetings or campaign rallies were held, a prominent feature 
of which was a log cabin, wheeled along amid enthusiastic shouts 
for “ Tippecanoe and Tyler too ! ” When the votes were counted, 
it was found that the Whig candidates had swept the country. 
Clever politician though he was, Van Buren did not even carry 
his own state of New York. 


JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY 


339 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, chs. XVIII-XX. 
Dewey, D. R., Financial History of the United States, ch. IX. 

Dodd, W. E., Expansion and Conflict (Riverside History), chs. I-VI. 
Harding, S. B., Select Orations Illustrating American History: Web¬ 
ster’s Reply to Hayne, pp. 212-241. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, ch. 
XXIV. 

Hart, A. B., Slavery and Abolition (American Nation Series), ch. XX. 
Macdonald, William, Jacksonian Democracy (American Nation 
Series). 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification, pp. 329-333 ; 
Jackson’s Proclamation to South Carolina, pp. 333-340 ; Specie 
Circular, pp. 359-360. 

McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, V, chs. 
LIII; VI, chs. LIV-LV, LVII-LIX, LXIII-LXV. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The Protective Tariff. Callender, G. S., Economic History 
of the United States, ch. X ; Dewey, D. R., Financial History of the 

United States, chs. VIII-XI. 

2. The Whigs and Jacksonian Democrats. Guitteau, W. B., 
Government and Politics in the United States, p. 457 ; Woodburn, 
J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems in the United States, ch. IV. 

3. The Spoils System. Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and 
Party Problems in the United States, ch. XVIII. 

4. Andrew Jackson. Sumner, Wm. G., Andrew Jackson (Amer¬ 
ican Statesmen Series). 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Great Epochs in American History, VI, pp. 178-190. 

Long, A. W., American Patriotic Prose, pp. 153-161. 

Nicolay, Helen, Our Nation in the Building, ch. VIII. 

Wilson, Woodrow, Division and Reunion (Epochs of American His¬ 
tory), ch. IV. 

Wilson, J. G., The Presidents, II, ch. I. 



HENRY W. LONGFELLOW 
1807-1882 

Our most popular poet 


OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES 
1809-1894 
Essayist and poet 



JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER 
1807-1892 



JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL 
1819-1891 



Anti-slavery poet 


Poet, essayist, and critic 






















CHAPTER XXVII 


HOW DEMOCRACY CHANGED AMERICAN LIFE 

New Ideas in Politics. The democratic movement that 
resulted in the election of Andrew Jackson brought about many 
changes in our national life. When Jefferson became President, 
scarcely one man in five could vote. In many states, men were 
denied the ballot unless they owned a certain amount of property; 
in others, because they were Jews or Roman Catholics. By 
Jackson’s time these restrictions were swept away; most of the 
states gave the right to vote to all men over twenty-one years, 
and a few radical persons even talked of giving the ballot to 
women. The people also seemed inclined to keep more power 
in their own hands, and to place less trust in their officials. 
Shorter terms of office were adopted, and many officials formerly 
appointed by the governor or legislature were chosen by popular 
vote. Instead of nominating candidates by a legislative caucus, 
political parties adopted the plan of nominating by party 
conventions. This method of nominating candidates was at 
first used for state offices, but beginning in 1832, presidential 
candidates were also nominated by party conventions. 

Social Reforms. On social questions, too, the new spirit of 
democracy was making itself felt. Men began to pay more 
attention to the unfortunate classes, to the blind, the deaf and 
dumb, and the insane. Soon after the War of 1812, the first 
state asylum for the insane was built, and by 1840 there were 
fourteen of these asylums. This result was due chiefly to the 
noble work of Dorothea Dix. She traveled thousands of miles 
throughout the Union, pleading with state legislatures, and 
arousing public sentiment to a point where it would no longer 
tolerate the abuse and neglect of the unfortunate insane. 

341 


342 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


Massachusetts built the first asylum for the blind in 1833, and 
her example was soon followed by a,score of other states. Many 
states also began to build asylums for the deaf and dumb, 
so that, like the blind, they might be properly cared for, and 
educated to become useful and self-supporting members of the 
community. As a result of the democratic spirit of the early 
thirties, the custom of putting persons in prison for debt was 

abolished. About this time, 
too, the temperance reform 
movement had its beginning, 
and in 1851 the first state 
prohibition law was adopted 
by Maine. In many ways 
the people showed that they 
were taking more interest 
in the weak and unfortu¬ 
nate members of society, and 
that they were anxious to 
make the conditions of life 
more favorable for all. 

New Ideas in Education. 
Free public education be¬ 
came an American ideal un¬ 
der the influence of the new 
democracy. A great educational awakening had its origin in 
Massachusetts in 1837. Horace Mann, one of the world’s fore¬ 
most educators, urged the people to build better schoolhouses, 
to employ well-trained teachers, and to spend more money upon 
the public schools. As a result of his labors, Massachusetts or¬ 
ganized a state system of education along modern lines. This 
meant a uniform system of schools throughout the state, with a 
definite course of study and better textbooks. The first public 
high school appeared in Boston in 1821; after 1850 the number 
of such schools increased rapidly, taking the place of the earlier 
academies whose advantages were enjoyed only by the few. 
The example of Massachusetts was followed throughout New 
England and the Middle States; and by 1860 every northern 







HOW DEMOCRACY CHANGED AMERICAN LIFE 343 

state had a well-organized school system, beginning with the 
first grade and ending with the senior year of the high school. 
At the South, less progress was made. Not until after the Civil 
War did the southern states establish complete systems of free 
public schools. 

To aid the common schools, the national government made 
large gifts of public lands. Beginning with Ohio in 1802, each 
state admitted to the Union received one section of land in every 
township for the support of its public schools. After 1848, each 


University Hall, University of Michigan 

new state received two sections in every township for this pur¬ 
pose. These lands were usually sjld by the states to private 
investors, the proceeds being placed in a permanent fund for the 
support of the schools. 

State Universities and Agricultural Colleges. Liberal grants 
of land were also made for the support of state universities and 
agricultural, colleges. Since 1800, each new state (except Maine, 
Texas, and West Virginia) has received at least two townships of 
public land for a state university. In 1817 in Michigan and in 
1820 in Indiana, schools were founded which later became the 
first mid-western state universities. From this time on, the estab- 










344 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


lishment of state universities kept pace with the stars on the flag. 
Nearly every state now maintains a university, open on equal 
terms to both boys and girls. Graduates of high schools in good 
standing are admitted without examination, and tuition is 
practically free. The establishment of the state universities 
completed the ideal of our American system of education; 
that ideal is, to make it possible for every boy and girl in the 
land to receive an education at public expense, beginning at the 
kindergarten and ending with graduation from the university. 

Many special schools for the education of students in law and 
medicine were established during the period from 1840 to 1860. 
Higher industrial education began in 1835 with the opening of 
the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute at Troy, New York, fol¬ 
lowed about ten years later by the Sheffield Scientific School at 
Yale, and the Lawrence Scientific School at Harvard. The 
first normal school for the training of teachers was opened in 
1839 at Lexington, Massachusetts. By 1850, twenty normal 
schools were in existence. 

Our Three Pioneer Authors. Early in the nineteenth century, 
three great American writers began to produce books that were 
read all over the world. In 1809, Washington Irving published 
his Knickerbocker's History of New York , a humorous account 
of the early Dutch settlers. Next came his Sketch Book , with the 
classic tale of Rip Van Winkle. About the same time, James 
Fenimore Cooper wrote The Spy, our first great American novel, 
soon followed by his fascinating Leather-stocking Tales of Indian 
fife. The editors of the North American Review had never read a 
great poem by an American author. Imagine their astonishment 
when they learned that Thanatopsis, one of the world’s master¬ 
pieces, was written by an American youth of seventeen years, 
William Cullen Bryant. Each of these pioneer authors was a 
master in his own field of literature: Irving in the writing of 
short stories and sketches, Cooper as a novelist, Bryant in the 
realm of poetry. 

Five Great American Poets. Longfellow and Whittier, the 
two poets who stand highest in our literature, were both born in 
the year 1807. Longfellow loved children, and he is above all 


HOW DEMOCRACY CHANGED AMERICAN LIFE 345 


the poet of childhood. Hiawatha and Evangeline place him in 
the front rank of the world’s masters of verse, but The Children’s 
Hour is perhaps his most beautiful poem. Whittier is the great 
anti-slavery poet, although his masterpiece, Snowbound , is a 
simple epic of winter life on a New England farm. When the 
old frigate Constitution was about to be broken up as useless, 
Oliver Wendell Holmes saved the ship from destruction by his 
stirring poem Old Ironsides. James Russell Lowell wrote the 
beautiful Vision of Sir Launfal, and painted a noble picture of 
Lincoln in his Commemoration Ode. Edgar Allan Poe, in some 
respects our most gifted author, wrote weird and wonderful 
poems like The Raven. 

Prose Writers. In prose, too, American authors were pro¬ 
ducing work of the highest rank. Nathaniel Hawthorne’s 
Scarlet Letter is perhaps our greatest American novel, written by 
a master of faultless English. Poe’s Gold Bug and other short 
stories gave him first place among the world’s writers of mystery 
tales. No less an authority than Dickens pronounced Dana’s 
Two Years Before the Mast “ about the best sea-book in the 
English tongue.” Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote Uncle Tom’s 
Cabin , a novel that stirred the world, and helped bring on the 
Civil War. 

Among our essayists and philosophers, first rank must be given 
to Ralph Waldo Emerson, whose writings “ cut the cable that 
bound us to English thought.” Thoreau wrote Walden and 
other works on nature; Lowell produced a brilliant series of 
literary and political essays; and Oliver Wendell Holmes, “ the 
sunlight of American literature,” gave us The Professor at the 
Breakfast Table. Among scientific writers, there were Benjamin 
Rush in the field of medicine, James Kent in law, Noah Webster, 
who published an American dictionary, Audubon, who gave us an 
account of the birds of North America, and Agassiz, our foremost 
naturalist. 

American Orators and Historians. Of the orators whose 
speeches were read all over the country, two names stand before 
all others, Webster and Clay. Webster is by common consent 
our greatest orator, our Demosthenes and our Burke. More 


346 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 


than any other man, he created a national feeling, a desire for 
“ Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable.” 
In later years, the struggle over slavery brought to the front a 
group of eloquent speakers, Wendell Phillips, William Lloyd Gar¬ 
rison, Henry Ward Beecher, and last, but greatest of all, Abra¬ 
ham Lincoln. Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address and his Second In¬ 
augural Address are two of the best public speeches ever written. 

The stirring events of our early history were well told by 
George Bancroft, whose History of the United States covers the 
period from the discovery of America to the adoption of the 
Constitution. Two other great historians began their work 
shortly before the Civil War. Prescott wrote of the Spanish 
conquests in Mexico and Peru, while Motley immortalized the 
struggle of Holland against the tyranny of Spain. 

Religious Activities. In our country, the churches have no 
connection with the government ; in other words, there is a 
complete separation of church and state. This principle is 
emphasized in the first amendment to the federal Constitution, 
which provides that “Congress shall make no law respecting 
an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof.” In the early part of the nineteenth century, many new 
denominations were established. Most of these were offshoots 
of the older churches, and resulted from the American spirit of 
liberty and independent thought. Christianity was gaining 
many converts, both at home and abroad. The churches began 
to exert a powerful influence against intemperance. From north¬ 
ern pulpits also came prophetic warnings against slavery, the 
issue which soon was to divide the churches as well as the nation 
along sectional lines. But the greatest single achievement of the 
churches during this period was the missionary movement. 
Charitable and religious work was carried on among the Indians 
of the West and the negroes of the South. Foreign missions 
were encouraged, and in 1812 the first American missionaries 
to a foreign country sailed for India. 

New Ideas on Slavery. Early in the nineteenth century the 
northern states had freed their own slaves, for slave labor was 
not suited to northern climate or industry. Beginning about 


HOW DEMOCRACY CHANGED AMERICAN LIFE 347 


1830, the democratic spirit of the time gave rise to a movement 
in favor of forcing the southern states to emancipate their 
slaves. Thousands of men at the North now looked upon 
slavery as a great evil. This result was largely the work of the 
abolitionists, of such bitter enemies of slavery as William Lloyd 
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and Theodore Parker. Eloquent 
speakers and gifted writers took up the cause of emancipation. 
Whittier, Lowell, and Emerson brought the pen of genius to its 
aid ; Wendell Phillips and Theodore Parker denounced slavery in 
words of fire. “Slavery is a sin,” said the abolitionists; “destroy 
it, or break up the Union.” In 1831, Garrison published the 
first number of his famous Boston journal, The Liberator. In 
words of terrible earnestness, he wrote: “I will be as harsh as 
truth, and as uncompromising as justice. I am in earnest — I 
will not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a 
single inch — and i will be heard ! ” 

Results of the Abolition Movement. That Garrison was 
heard is proven by the rapid increase of the abolition societies. 
There were two hundred of these in 1835, while five years later 
they numbered two thousand. Conservative men at the North 
looked upon the abolitionists as fanatics. Garrison was mobbed 
on the streets of Boston; Birney’s newspaper office at Cincinnati 
was wrecked; Lovejoy was shot by an Illinois mob. The South 
regarded the abolitionists as criminals, and offered rewards for 
the arrest of their leaders. Some Virginia slaves, led by a negro 
preacher, Nat Turner, rose in revolt in 1831, and killed sixty 
white persons, mostly women and children. The South blamed 
Garrison and his paper for this horrible massacre. After this 
event, no abolition leader dared venture south of Mason and 
Dixon’s line. “ Let us alone,” cried the angry southerners; 
“ keep out your Liberator and the other abolition papers from 
our mails; it is they that are arousing the slaves to revolt. 
Prevent the spread of your abolition ideas; put Garrison in 
prison, and stop the publication of his paper.” 

Denial of the Right of Petition, 1836-1844. Still the 
abolitionists kept up their work, and gradually their influence 
began to tell. They formed the American Anti-Slavery Society, 


348 THE RISE OF AMERICAN NATIONALITY 

made up of men who demanded immediate emancipation; they 
sent out agents to organize local anti-slavery societies; they 
flooded Congress with petitions against slavery, circulated tracts 
and pamphlets, and tried to enlist the pulpit and the press in the 
cause of the slave. Petition after petition was presented in 
Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. 
Ex-President John Quincy Adams, an uncompromising foe of 
slavery, took the lead in presenting these petitions. Provoked 
at last by the stubborn persistence of Adams, the House adopted 
its famous gag rule (1836). Under this rule, all petitions and 
resolutions relating in any way to the subject of slavery were 
laid upon the table, without being read, printed, or acted on 
in any way. The abolitionists could now say that the right of 
petition, the ancient bulwark of liberty, was denied to them. 
More memorials than ever were sent to Congress; Adams 
continued to present them, and on each occasion the Speaker 
would declare him out of order. At last the slavery men realized 
that the gag rule was only strengthening the cause of the ab¬ 
olitionists, and it was repealed in 1844. 

An Anti-Slavery Party Formed. Since neither the Whigs 
nor the Democrats would take sides on the slavery question, the 
anti-slavery men determined to form a political party of their 
own. They nominated James G. Birney for President in 1840, 
but he received only about seven thousand votes. Four years 
later, Birney was again the candidate of the Liberty party, as 
the anti-slavery men now called themselves. This time his popu¬ 
lar vote was sixty-two thousand, and the support given him 
in New York State defeated Henry Clay for the presidency. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Dodd, W. E., Expansion and Conflict, ch. IX. 

Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. XVI. 
Hart, A. B., Slavery and Abolition. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, ch. XXIII. 
McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, V, chs. 

XLVII-XLIX ; VI, ch. LXI. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, II, ch. VI. 



GEORGE BANCROFT 
1800-1891 

Historian, statesman, and diplomat 


WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT 
1796-1859 

Historian and essayist 


RALPH WALDO EMERSON 

1803-1882 

Philosopher, essayist, and poet 


NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE 

1804-1864 

Our foremost novelist 
























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350 





CHAPTER XXVIII 


OUR GREAT WESTWARD EXPANSION 

Inauguration and Death of Harrison. On March 4, 1841, the 
first Whig President was inaugurated. It was a cold, windy day; 
but for two hours President Harrison rode with bared head in 
the procession along Pennsylvania Avenue. Already weakened 
by the long and tiresome journey from his farm in Ohio, the 
President caught a severe 
cold. During the following 
weeks, when the old Indian 
fighter most needed rest and 
quiet, he was besieged by a 
horde of eager office seekers. 

The cold developed into 
pneumonia; and just one 
month after the inaugura¬ 
tion, the brave, upright, 
kindly Harrison passed away, 
the first of our Presidents to 
die in office. 

Tyler’s Quarrel with the 
Whigs. The Whigs were 
dismayed at the death of 
their chief, and with good 
reason. Our Constitution 
provides that when the President dies, the V ice President shall 
succeed him. Harrison’s death placed John Tyler of Virginia 
in the presidential chair; and Tyler was at heart a Demo¬ 
crat, allied with the Whigs only because of his opposition to 
Jackson. Within six months, there was a bitter quarrel be¬ 
tween President Tyler and the Whig Congress. Under Clay s 

351 





352 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


direction, Congress passed a bill creating a new Bank of the 
United States. This measure the President promptly vetoed. 
When the Whigs amended the bill so as to meet his objections, 
they were staggered by a second veto. Henceforth, it was to 
be war to the death between Tyler and the party which had 
placed him in office. 

Two days after the veto, every member of the Cabinet except 
Webster resigned office. Seventy Whig Congressmen met in a 

caucus, and prepared an ad¬ 
dress to their fellow Whigs 
which read Tyler out of the 
party. They denounced the 
President as a man who 
had betrayed his party, 
even as Benedict Arnold be¬ 
trayed his country. Tyler’s 
vetoes, they said, had 
wrested from the Whigs the 
fruits of a victory crowning 
twelve years of effort to se¬ 
cure control of the govern¬ 
ment. For the remaining 
three and a half years of his 
term, Tyler stood alone, a 
President without a party. 
Over Congress he could ex¬ 
ercise no control, for the 
Whig majority opposed him in a solid phalanx, Henry Clay at 
their head. The chasm between Tyler and the Whigs could 
scarcely be widened, even when the President sent in another 
veto, this time against a Whig tariff law. 

The Webster-Ashburton Treaty. Webster did not resign his 
office as Secretary of State until after he had concluded an im¬ 
portant treaty on which he was engaged. For years there had 
been a controversy between Great Britain and the United 
States over the northeastern boundary of our country, the 
territory in dispute lying along the Maine border. The peace 



John Tyler 

From an old print after the portrait by 
Thomas W. Sully, Jr. 








OUR GREAT WESTWARD EXPANSION 


353 


treaty of 1783 had established a boundary line between Canada 
and the United States, but the maps used were inaccurate, and 
it was hard to tell just what line was meant. Every attempt 
to settle the dispute had ended in failure, but at last Webster 
succeeded where other men had failed. The Webster-Ashburton 
Treaty adopted a compromise line which gave the United 
States about seven twelfths of the area in dispute, while Great 
Britain secured the remainder. The two nations also agreed 
to cooperate in putting down the African slave trade, and to 
surrender fugitives from justice escaping from one country to 
the other. 

Texas Declares Her Independence, 1836. Soon after Mexico 
became independent of Spain (1821), the Mexican government 
passed a law to encourage colonization in the province of Texas. 
Attracted by the offer of cheap lands, thousands of pioneers 
from the southwestern part of the United States crossed the 
Sabine River, taking their slaves with them. At last when 
twenty thousand Americans were living in Texas, Mexico 
became alarmed and forbade any more of our citizens to enter 
that country. No attention was paid to this order, for Texas 
was no longer a Mexican province except in name. Texas was in 
fact an American community, awaiting the favorable moment 
to throw off the Mexican yoke. The opportunity came in 1835, 
when General Santa Anna made himself ruler of Mexico by the 
familiar process of heading a successful revolution. Santa Anna 
set aside the constitution of Mexico, and ruled the country as a 
military dictator. The petition of the Texans for a separate 
state government was rejected, and four thousand troops were 
ordered into Texas. Nothing now remained for the Texans 
except submission to military despotism, or a war for liberty. 
They chose to fight, and a convention which met in March, 1836, 
declared that henceforth Texas was a free and independent 
republic. 

In the city of San Antonio an old mission fort, the Alamo, 
stands to-day as a revered landmark in the struggle for Texan 
independence. Here in the spring of 1836, a little band of 183 
Texans made a heroic stand for ten days against 1000 Mexicans. 


354 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


When the Mexicans finally captured the fort, they promptly 
murdered the few survivors among its garrison. The Alamo was 
avenged two months later. In the battle of San Jacinto, 800 
Texans under General Sam Houston routed President Santa 
Anna’s Mexican army of 5000 men, and took him prisoner. 



The Alamo, San Antonio, Texas 


The Alamo or “Poplar Church” was built in 1757 by the Spanish as a chapel 
and fort. 

When Santa Anna imprisoned Stephen F. Austin, the “Father of Texas,” the 
Texans made Sam Houston commander in chief of the local forces to resist inva¬ 
sion. Santa Anna attacked the Alamo February 22, 1836. The defenders were 
commanded by Colonel James Bowie, Lieutenant Colonel William B. Travis, 
and David Crockett, the famous Indian fighter. The fort did not fall until 
every man had been killed or disabled before the final assault of the Mexicans. 
“Thermopylae had her messenger of defeat: the Alamo had none.” 

Texas became an independent state, the “ Lone Star State,” it 
was popularly called, since its flag contained a single star. Texas 
was recognized by the United States and other powers, but its 
independence was not conceded by Mexico. 

Texas and the Slavery Issue. With independence won, 
Texas at once asked to be annexed to the United States. An- 








OUR GREAT WESTWARD EXPANSION 


355 


nexation was favored by the South; for with her 371,000 square 
miles of slave territory, Texas seemed to be the promised land 
for the southern planter. Northern men were alarmed at the 
prospect; for this immense territory, more than eight times as 
large as Pennsylvania, might some day be cut up into half a 
dozen slave states. The New York Evening Post declared that 
the question at issue was whether our government “ shall devote 
its whole energies to the perpetuation of slavery.” On the other 
hand, southern leaders like Calhoun insisted that annexation was 
necessary “ to guarantee the protection of the slave system.” 
Thus the issue between slavery and freedom was drawn even 
more sharply than in the days of the Missouri Compromise. 

Because of the opposition of the anti-slavery men, Texas for 
seven years knocked in vain at the door of the Union. Presi¬ 
dent Tyler, himself a Virginian, was strongly in favor of annexa¬ 
tion. “ No civilized government on earth,” said he, “would 
reject the voluntary tender of a domain so rich and fertile, so 
replete with all that can add to national greatness and wealth, 
and so necessary to its peace and safety.” The President laid 
before the Senate an annexation treaty made with Texas by his 
Secretary of State, John C. Calhoun. To every one’s surprise, the 
Senate by a decisive vote refused to ratify the treaty. Anxious 
as they were for annexation, even the southern Senators would 
not aid Tyler’s political fortunes by voting for his pet measure. 
With the presidential election of 1844 so near at hand, the Texas 
question became a leading issue in the campaign. 

The Presidential Campaign of 1844. After a hard fight in 
the Democratic convention at Baltimore, the friends of annexa¬ 
tion won the day. They nominated James K. Polk of Tennessee 
for President, and declared for the annexation of Texas, as well 
as the occupation of the whole of Oregon. This platform was an 
appeal to the expansion sentiment of both North and South — 
Oregon for the North, Texas for the South. 

For the third and last time, Henry Clay was chosen by 
the Whig party as its standard-bearer. Clay’s position was a 
difficult one. If he declared for annexation, he would lose the 
votes of the northern Whigs; if he opposed it, he could not hope 


356 SLAVERY AND THE WEST' 

to carry the South. Clay started out by opposing annexation, 
but during the campaign he came out with a letter in which he 
tried to please both sides. “ I should be glad to see it,” he wrote 
of the annexation, “ without dishonor, without war, with the 
common consent of the Union, and upon just and fair terms. I 
do not think that the subject of slavery ought to affect the 
question one way or the other.” This attempt to “ straddle ” 
lost Clay the anti-slavery vote in New York and Michigan, and 
with it, the Presidency. 

Texas Annexed as a Slave State, 1845. Polk's victory in the 
presidential race meant that Texas would be annexed; so Tyler 
hastened to secure the prize before he went 
out of office. Congress passed a resolution 
in favor of annexing Texas, which was 
signed by President Tyler just three days 
before his term ended. News of the an¬ 
nexation resolution was received by the 
Texans with wild enthusiasm. They 
promptly adopted a state constitution, and 
in December, 1845, Texas was admitted 
into the Union as a slave state. The annex¬ 
ation was not likely to prove a peaceful 
one. Mexico had not recognized the inde¬ 
pendence of Texas, and had warned our government that she 
would regard annexation as equivalent to a declaration of war. 
When Congress voted to annex Texas, Mexico at once broke off 
diplomatic relations with the United States; that is, she recalled 
her minister from Washington, and began to prepare for war. 

Expansion to the Pacific. Our history during the next three 
years, from 1845 to 1848, is the story of that wonderful westward 
expansion which carried the American flag to the Pacific Ocean. 
Just as Jefferson in 1803 had pushed the western limits of the 
United States from the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains, 
so Polk’s administration carried that boundary to the shores of 
the Pacific. Oregon, California, and New Mexico added to the 
Union 810,000 square miles of territory, an area nearly equal to 
the Louisiana Purchase. The larger part of this westward 



Flag of “ The Lone 
Star State” 




OUR GREAT WESTWARD EXPANSION 


357 


expansion — New Mexico and California — came as the result 
of war with Mexico; but in the Northwest, Oregon was secured 
by a peaceful compromise with Great Britain. 

The Oregon Question. The Oregon that we secured was not 
the Oregon claimed in the presidential campaign of 1844. In 
the early forties, Oregon was the name given to the whole 
region west of the Rockies, between Spanish America at 42°, and 
Russian America (or Alaska), which extended south to 54° 40'. 
Great Britain as well as the United States claimed the Oregon 
country, and it was hard to settle the dispute. The Democratic 
convention that nominated James K. Polk took a strong stand 
in support of our claim to the entire region. “ The whole of 
Oregon or none ” was the campaign cry of the Democrats; while 
“ Fifty-four-forty or fight ” was another, still more defiant. 

Our claim to Oregon was based on four grounds: 

(1) Discovery. In 1792, Captain Robert Gray, a Boston fur- 
trader, discovered the river which he named after his ship, the 
Columbia. 

(2) Exploration. In 1805, Lewis and Clark passed down the 
Columbia River from its headwaters to the ocean, spending the 
winter in a camp near its mouth. 

(3) Treaty. In 1819, Spain signed a treaty with the United 
States, giving up in our favor her claims on the territory north 
of the parallel of 42°. 

(4) Settlement. In 1811, the fur-trading post of Astoria was 
established at the mouth of the Columbia by John Jacob Astor. 
More important still, thousands of American settlers had gone 
to Oregon, taking their families with them. By 1845 there were 
six thousand American settlers in Oregon, most of whom lived 
south of the forty-ninth parallel. 

On her part, Great Britain claimed title to that part of Oregon 
between Alaska and the Columbia River. Her claim was based : 

(1) On Drake's voyage along the Pacific coast in 1579, 
also upon the explorations of Cook, Vancouver, and Mackenzie. 

(2) The British Hudson Bay Company had established a 
number of fur-trading posts in Oregon, and north of the Colum¬ 
bia River many Canadian settlers had found homes. 


358 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


\ 


The Oregon Dispute Compromised. The United States and 
Great Britain had signed a treaty in 1818, agreeing that both 
countries might occupy the disputed territory west of the Rocky 
Mountains, leaving the settlement of the boundary for the 
future. This agreement for joint occupation could be ended by 
either country on giving a year’s notice to the other. President 
Polk was elected on a platform which demanded that the United 
States secure the whole of Oregon. With the approval of 
Congress, he served notice on Great Britain that the agreement 
for joint occupation should end after twelve months. 



Courtesy of the Oregon Historical Society. 


The Hudson Bay Company’s Fort Vancouver, 1845 

This trading post was located within what is now the United States military 
reserve of Fort Vancouver, Washington, near Portland, Oregon. 

How was the boundary dispute to be settled ? The line of 
54° 40' would shut Canada off from the Pacific, and to this Great 
Britain would never consent. On the other hand, the quiet forces 
of settlement and industry had made the region south of the 
Columbia an American community. The United States was al¬ 
ready at war with Mexico; and President Polk wisely decided 
that one war at a time was enough. So a treaty was signed in 
June, 1846, by which each country gave up a part of its claims. 
It was agreed that the forty-ninth parallel of latitude should be 
the northern boundary of the United States, from the Rocky 





OUR GREAT WESTWARD EXPANSION 359 

Mountains to the Pacific. This gave us the territory between 
the parallels of 42° and 49°, from which the states of Oregon, 
Washington, and Idaho have sinced been formed, together with 
portions of Montana and Wyoming. Great Britain secured the 
splendid domain now the province of British Columbia. 

The Oregon Trail. The settlement of Oregon is one of the 
most romantic chapters in our history. The year 1832 marked 
the beginning of the American advance into the Oregon country. 


Copyright and Courtesy of the Ladies' Home Journal. 

A Far Western Trading Post 

Among the earliest settlers were the missionaries, who went to 
the banks of the Columbia in answer to the request of the 
Indians for the white man’s Bible. An army of settlers was 
soon making its way over the Oregon trail. This emigration was 
partly due to the panic of 1837, and the hard times that followed. 
Another .motive was the excitement of a journey beyond the 
great mountains into a new country. The “ Oregon fever ” 
seized upon thousands of settlers in the Middle West, who 
hastened to set out over the Oregon trail. This trail extended 
two thousand miles across plains and mountains, from Inde- 





360 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


pendence, Missouri, through the South Pass to the valley of the 
Columbia. It took from three to five months to make the 
journey, the settlers traveling in caravans for mutual aid and 
protection. 

In the year 1843, a thousand emigrants of all ages collected 
at Independence, Missouri, for the journey to Oregon. Then- 
caravan included 120 wagons and 5000 horses and cattle. 
The women, children, and household goods were carried in 
large wagons with canvas tops, called “ prairie schooners.” 
The men and older boys walked or rode alongside on horse¬ 
back, driving herds of cattle, and holding their guns ready 
for a sudden Indian attack. At night the wagons were 
drawn up in a great circle, and securely fastened together. 
The teams were unyoked and driven out to pasture, fires 
were lighted to cook the evening meal, tents were pitched for 
the men, and the guard mounted. The watches began at 
eight o’clock in the evening, ending at four the next morning. 

Government of the New Territory. No hardship of drought 
or tempest or Indian attack could check the tide of settlers 
which was pouring into the Willamette Valley; and by the 
year 1846, Oregon was the home of six thousand American 
pioneers. These settlers formed a voluntary association 
for their government, elected officers, and adopted a code 
of laws. Pride in their settlement and confidence in its 
future were even then characteristic of the West. “A few 
months since,” wrote Elijah White in 1841, “at our Oregon 
lyceum, it was unanimously voted that the colony of Willa¬ 
mette held out the most flattering encouragement to im¬ 
migrants of any colony on the globe.” In 1846, as we have 
seen, the boundary dispute with Great Britain was settled 
by a compromise. Two years later, Congress passed an act 
for the government of Oregon Territory, one clause of which 
forever prohibited slavery in this region. 


OUR GREAT WESTWARD EXPANSION 


361 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 428-441. 

Dodd, W. E., Expansion and Conflict, ch. VII. 

Garrison, G. P., Westward Extension (American Nation Series), chs. 

I-XI. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Webster-Ashburton Treaty, pp. 361-368 ; Joint Resolution 
for Annexation of Texas, pp. 368-370. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Oregon. McLaughlin, Readings in the History of the Amer¬ 
ican Nation, ch. XXXI ; Mowry, W. A., Territorial Growth of the 
United States. 

2. The Annexation of Texas. Hart, A. B., American History 
Told by Contemporaries, III, ch. XXIX ; Mowry, W. A., Territorial 
Growth of the United States, ch. V. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Annexation of Texas. Bruce, H. A., The Romance of 
American Expansion; Great Epochs in American History, VII, pp. 
3-9 ; Long, A. W., American Patriotic Prose, pp. 165-167 ; Sparks, 
E. E., Expansion of the American People, ch. XXVI ; Wright, H. C., 
American Progress, ch. XIII. 

2. Oregon. Bruce, H. A., The Romance of American Expansion, 
ch. V ; Drake, S. A., The Making of the Great West, pp. 215-240 ; 
Faris, J. T., Real Stories from Our History, ch. XXVI ; Great Epochs 
in American History, VII, pp. 10-13, 26-35 ; Paxson, F. L., The Last 
American Frontier, ch. V ; Wright, H. C., American Progress, ch. XV. 


CHAPTER XXIX 


OUR WAR WITH MEXICO 

Causes of the War. The annexation of Texas alone might 
not have brought on war with Mexico, but there were other 
causes of friction between that country and the United States. 
In the first place, Mexico’s repeated refusal to sell Texas was 

exasperating to the south¬ 
ern statesmen in control 
of our government. Bent 
on securing more slave 
territory, these leaders 
felt aggrieved because 
Mexico stood in their 
way. Then too, Mexico 
refused to pay the claims 
of our citizens whose 
property had been seized 
during the frequent Mex¬ 
ican revolutions. It is 
true that the Mexican 
government was bank¬ 
rupt, and unable to pay 
these or any othef claims ; 
but this fact seemed to 
President Polk only an¬ 
other reason why Mexico 
ought to accept our offer 
to purchase California and New Mexico. On her part, Mexico 
resented the aid given by our citizens to the Texan revolu¬ 
tionists. The final grievance, so far as Mexico was concerned, 
was our annexation of Texas, even though this event came nine 
years after the “ Lone Star State ” had won her independence. 

362 




OUR WAR WITH MEXICO 


363 


President Polk came into office determined to secure Cali¬ 
fornia and New Mexico, in addition to Texas, from our resentful 
neighbor. California was already on the point of declaring her 
independence; and President Polk believed that in spite of our 
Monroe Doctrine, Great Britain meant to possess that country 
if she could. Accordingly, Polk sent a commissioner to the City 
of Mexico with an offer of forty million dollars for California 
and New Mexico. Popular feeling compelled the Mexican 
government to decline to receive our commissioner. Apparently 
the differences between the two countries could be settled only 
by an appeal to arms. 

Outbreak of War. Besides her resentment over the annexa¬ 
tion itself, Mexico had another grievance. Texas claimed that 
her southwestern boundary was the Rio Grande; Mexico in¬ 
sisted that it was the Nueces River. Adopting the Texan claim, 
President Polk ordered General Zachary Taylor to advance to 
the Rio Grande. Taylor’s advance meant war. On April 24, 
1846, a party of American dragoons was ambushed by a large 
force of Mexicans who had crossed to the east side of the Rio 
Grande. When this news reached Washington, President Polk 
sent a war message to Congress declaring : “ Mexico has passed 
the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, 
and shed American blood upon the American soil.” Congress 
promptly voted to enlist fifty thousand men for “ the war which 
exists by the act of the Republic of Mexico.” 

Three campaigns were planned against Mexico. First, Gen¬ 
eral Taylor’s army of occupation was to march across the Rio 
Grande to Monterey, striking against the northern provinces 
of Mexico. Second, California and New Mexico were to be 
occupied and held, for President Polk meant to claim this 
territory as the price of peace. Third, General Scott was to 
seize the port of Vera Cruz on the southeastern coast, and from 
this point march directly upon the City of Mexico. 

The Campaign in Northern Mexico. General Taylor’s 
campaign in northern Mexico was a series of victories. The 
Mexican soldiers made a brave, desperate defense against the in¬ 
vader ; they had always the advantage of numbers, and, usually, 


364 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


of position. But in training, equipment, and leadership, they 
were hopelessly inferior to our troops. Driving the Mexicans 
before him, General Taylor crossed the Rio Grande and ad¬ 
vanced westward. After an attack lasting three days, he 
captured the strongly fortified town of Monterey. Northern 
Mexico was in the hands of our army of occupation by the end 
of the year 1846. 

Many of Taylor’s men were now sent to aid in the attack on 
Vera Cruz; and General Santa Anna planned to retrieve Mex¬ 
ico’s cause by crushing Taylor’s weakened army. Near the 
village of Buena Vista, a narrow mountain defile offered our 
troops a splendid position for defense against superior numbers. 
Here, on February 22, 1847, General Taylor’s army of 5000 men 
met the charges of 20,000 Mexicans. The field was stubbornly 
contested for two days, but the battle ended in the greatest 
victory won by our forces during the war. His work over, 
“ Old Rough and Ready,” as the soldiers loved to call General 
Taylor, left for his Louisiana plantation. He was not to remain 
there long, for Buena Vista gave the United States another 
military hero, and soon afterwards, another soldier-President. 

Conquest of New Mexico and California. The second 
campaign against Mexico was the seizure of her northern 
possessions, California and New Mexico. This was accomplished 
in a few months, almost without a blow. Starting from Fort 
Leavenworth, Kansas, a little army under Colonel Stephen 
Kearny made the difficult march of nine hundred miles to 
Santa Fe. Without the loss of a man in battle, Kearny raised 
the Stars and Stripes over the capital of New Mexico. Hence¬ 
forth, he declared, this entire territory was to form part of the 
United States. 

The first prize of the war was won, but a greater remained. 
From Santa Fe, Kearny pushed westward towards the Pacific. 
Imagine his disappointment on learning from the scout, Kit 
Carson, that California was already conquered ! At the first news 
of war, the American settlers in California declared their 
independence of Mexico. That result was due chiefly to John C. 
Fr&nont, the “ Pathfinder,” who in 1845 had led a band of 


OUR WAR WITH MEXICO 


365 



Showing Kearny’s route to New Mexico and California; General Taylor’s cam¬ 
paigns in northern Mexico; and General Scott’s campaign against the capital. 

explorers to California. As soon as war broke out, Fremont, 
aided by Commodore Stockton of the navy, took possession of 
the country. General Kearny’s forces arrived in time to 
complete the task. California was easily won. “We simply 
marched,” said one of Fremont’s soldiers, “ all over California 
from Sonoma to San Diego, and raised the American flag with¬ 
out opposition or protest. We tried to find an enemy, but we 
could not.” 

General Scott Captures the City of Mexico. Mexico was not 
yet ready to yield, so the third campaign was begun. General 

























366 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


Winfield Scott landed his army of twelve thousand men at Vera 
Cruz in March, 1847. Two hundred miles away was the capital 
of Mexico; this time it was to be a blow at the heart. Sixty 
miles from Vera Cruz, at the mountain pass of Cerro Gordo, the 
Mexicans made a desperate stand. On the second day of the 
combat, the Americans swept through the pass with impetuous 
force, crushing Santa Anna’s army. Four months of inaction 
followed, while vain efforts were made to persuade the Mexicans 
to accept President Polk’s olive branch; in other words, to cede 
California and New Mexico. At last General Scott’s army 



San Francisco, 1849 

Thirty American trading vessels lie in the harbor. 


again advanced, and repeated victories opened the way to 
Mexico City. Storming the heights of Chapultepec, the power¬ 
ful fortress that guarded the capital, our soldiers entered the 
City of Mexico and raised the Stars and Stripes over the National 
Palace. Santa Anna had fled, and Mexico lay prostrate before 
the invader. 

The treaty of peace was signed in February, 1848. Mexico 
gave up her claim to the disputed territory in Texas, and ceded 
Upper California and New Mexico. In return, the United States 
paid Mexico $15,000,000, and agreed to pay claims held by our 
citizens against Mexico to the amount of $3,500,000. 

Results of the War. (1) An immense territory won. The ces¬ 
sion of California and New Mexico added 529,000 square miles 
of territory to the United States, from which have been formed 






OUR WAR WITH MEXICO 


367 


the states of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, Utah, 
and parts of Colorado and Wyoming. Because of a dispute over 
the southern boundary of the cession, the United States in 1853 
paid Mexico $10,000,000 for a strip of land in the southern parts 
of New Mexico and Arizona, known as the “ Gadsden Purchase.” 

(2) A spirit of distrust created. The surrender of this territory 
was the logical result of the war, but Mexico has never forgiven 
the United States for the seizure of her provinces. Moreover, 
the other republics of Central and South America became sus¬ 
picious of the aims and policies of the United States, fearful lest 
this country might again expand toward the south. This distrust 
for many years prevented the close friendship that should exist 
between the United States and her sister republics on the 
American continents. 

(3) A new westward movement begins. Gold was discovered 
in the Sacramento Valley one week before the peace treaty was 
signed. The next year, one hundred thousand people started 
for California, beginning another great westward movement. 

(4) The United States becomes a power in the Pacific. The 
annexation of California and Oregon gave us an unbroken coast¬ 
line of more than one thousand miles on the Pacific, with one of 
the finest harbors in the world at San Francisco Bay. From this 
time on, the United States became vitally interested in the 
trade of the Pacific. American ships had been carrying on an 
important trade with China for many years. When that country 
was finally opened up to the outside world in 1858, we secured the 
same privileges that were granted to a number of European 
nations. By this treaty, a number of Chinese ports were 
opened to our trade, and China agreed to receive a diplomatic 
representative from the United States. 

About this time, too, Commodore Matthew Perry, a brother 
of the hero of Lake Erie, made a treaty with Japan which opened 
two of her ports to our commerce. The United States became 
more interested than ever in Hawaii, where hundreds of our 
whaling vessels had been stopping every year. We recognized 
the independence of Hawaii in 1843, and this action probably 
prevented the seizure of the islands by some European power. 


368 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


(5) An ocean-to-ocean route planned. The United States made 
a treaty with Colombia in 1846 which gave us a right of way 
across the Isthmus of Panama. American capital built a railroad 
across the isthmus during the next seven years, and this route 
aided the “ Forty-Niners ” who were flocking to the gold fields 
of California. Soon afterwards we made a treaty with Nicaragua 
giving the United States important rights in the construction 
of a canal through that country. At the same time we agreed to 
take Great Britain into partnership if we built a canal in 
Nicaragua; while in return, Great Britain promised that she 
would never attempt to plant a colony in Central America. The 
United States also promised that if a canal or railroad should 
be built at Panama, it would be “ open to the citizens and sub¬ 
jects of the United States and Great Britain on equal terms.” 

(6) The slavery contest reopened. Many northern men op¬ 
posed the war with Mexico, believing that its real object was to 
secure more slave territory. Even before the treaty of peace 
was signed with Mexico, the contest over slavery was renewed 
in Congress. From that time until the Civil War, slavery was the 
one supreme issue before the country. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 445-450. 
Garrison, G. P., Westward Extension, chs. XII-XVI. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, ch. II. 
McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, VII, 
chs. LXXX, LXXXII. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, II, ch. VIII. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Great Epochs in American History, VII, pp. 77-87. 

Griffis, W. E., The Romance of Conquest, chs. XVIII-XX. 

Nicolay, Helen, Our Nation in the Building, ch. XVII. 

Wright, H. C., American Progress, ch. XIV. 


CHAPTER XXX 


SHALL THE NEW TERRITORY BE SLAVE OR FREE? 



Thomas H. Benton 

The senator from Missouri who ad¬ 
vised the people of California to form a 
simple government, and to take care of 
themselves until Congress could provide 
for them. 


Proviso passed the House of 
Representatives, but failed 
in the Senate where the 
slave states were in the ma¬ 
jority after the annexation 
of Texas. The debates in Congress were carried on in a tone 
more and more bitter. Northern men frankly declared that 
they would permit no more slave states to enter the Union. The 
legislatures of the free states, and even of Delaware, declared 
that slavery must be excluded from the territories. 

369 


The Wilmot Proviso. The cession of California and New 
Mexico again raised the question of what to do about slavery in 
the territories. When President Polk asked Congress for an ap¬ 
propriation to carry out his annexation policy, David Wilmot, a 
Congressman from Pennsyl¬ 
vania, offered a startling 
amendment. He moved to 
add a declaration that slav¬ 
ery should never exist in 
any territory acquired from 
Mexico. This famous Wil¬ 
mot Proviso was a bugle 
call rousing to action the 
friends and foes of slavery. 

Since the Missouri Compro¬ 
mise of 1820, the politicians 
had tried to avoid the slav¬ 
ery question, but in spite of 
their efforts it had become a 
national issue. The Wilmot 



370 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


Southern leaders, on the other hand, insisted that the South 
had a right to share in the territory which its own blood and 
treasure had helped to win. Calhoun refused to accept President 
Polk’s suggestion that the Missouri Compromise line be ex¬ 
tended across the Rockies to the Pacific, excluding slavery north 
of that line in the Mexican lands as in the Louisiana country. 
Southern leaders now denied that Congress had any right to 
exclude slavery from the territories. The Constitution protects 
property; slaves are property, they said, hence the Constitution 
protects the right to own slaves in any territory just as it 
protects the right to own horses and cattle there. Slavery could 
not be excluded until the territory became a state, and then 
only in case its people chose to adopt a free constitution. 

Worst of omens, the division on the Wilmot Proviso was not 
between parties, but between sections. At the North, Democrats 
and Whigs were opposing slavery, just as southern Whigs and 
Democrats were united in its defense. Plainly, slavery would 
soon break down old party lines. Already it was dividing the 
churches; in 1844 the Methodist Church split into a northern 
and a southern body, the question at issue being the right of a 
bishop to own slaves. Shortly afterwards, the Presbyterians 
divided on the question whether a slaveholder might be a 
member of their church. Slavery seemed to be a wedge splitting 
apart churches and political parties. How long could the Union 
itself endure, as the wedge sank deeper and deeper ? 

Slavery in the United States in 1850. With the admission of 
Wisconsin in 1848, the Union was made up of fifteen free states 
and fifteen slave states. The population of the free states was 
13,000,000; that of the slave states 9,500,000, of whom 3,200,000 
were slaves. We must not think of every Southerner as a slave 
owner. On the contrary, less than one third of the white popula¬ 
tion of the South owned slaves. Then, too, many slave owners 
owned only a few slaves each. This was especially true of Vir¬ 
ginia and the border states, Maryland, Kentucky, and Tennes¬ 
see. Many of the slaves in these states were household servants. 
If employed in the field, they worked under the personal 
direction of the master. Hence slavery in the border states 



Cj ain>ed 

Hfit/i 


-"'Ceded to'-. ... 

G t.Britain 1*1SV *«. 

~'British iViuttf Vi 


■-- 

el84t!< 


F tle 3r u fi E Q 

[Discovered 1792: Ex] 

a 

■oouver Joint Occupat/o r 
J Great Britain/is 
l ; j United States/n 0S c 
^ aoknowled^ j 

® y u%n\t 

— 184(j 


^Vcht-1818\. f 
'A I *. ; 

»\ % vj 
= 1 «S>, /iV 

TP’W 


Onm'ia 




J • Denver 




i Bent’s Fort f' 

• Claimed by I ^ 
J Texas 1836-1850 Jx 


* > t~l<rtni'cTrirll °- 


Gadsden 

purchase 

‘‘*>^.1858 


llouetoi 


THE OREGON COMPROMISE 
AND MEXICAN CESSIONS 


Scale of M : les 


Longitude We6t of Greenwich 









































SHALL THE NEW TERRITORY BE SLAVE OR FREE? 371 

was very different from the same institution in the cotton states, 
where a few planters owned large numbers of negroes. On the 
large plantations of the lower South the slaves usually worked 
under overseers. The chief concern of many of these men was 
to get as much work as possible out of each hand for the slave¬ 
holder. 

Slaves were personal property, and were sold in the same 
way as horses and cattle. One of the worst evils of the system 
was the separation of families by a sale to different owners. The 
more humane planters tried to avoid this by refusing to sell the 
husband apart from the wife, or the mother away from her very 
young children. Slave auctions were common in the larger 
cities of the South, and every southern newspaper carried 
advertisements of “likely young negroes’’ for sale, or “negroes 
wanted.” About twenty-five thousand slaves from the border 
states were sold each year to be taken farther south, into the 
cotton states. Nothing was more dreaded by the Virginia 
slave than the threat that he would be sold down South. The 
price of cotton and of slaves generally went hand in hand. In 
the years from 1850 to 1860, a good field hand was worth from 
$1000 to $1500. 

A few southern states permitted the owner to instruct 
his own slaves in reading or writing, but as a rule, the negro 
was kept in darkest ignorance. The South realized that 
education would make the slaves discontented with their lot. 
Slaves were generally instructed in religion; they were taught to 
believe in God, and that slavery was in accord with His will. 

Parties and Candidates in 1848. So far as possible, both the 
Democratic and Whig parties avoided the slavery question in the 
campaign of 1848. The Democrats put forward as their pres¬ 
idential candidate Lewis Cass of Michigan, “ a northern man 
with southern principles.” The Democratic platform con¬ 
demned every effort by the abolitionists or others to induce 
Congress to interfere with the slavery question. Cass tried to 
please both sides in the slavery dispute by his doctrine of 
squatter sovereignty; that is, letting the settlers in the 
territories decide for themselves whether or not they would have 


372 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


slavery. The Whigs nominated General Zachary Taylor of 
Louisiana for President, and Millard Fillmore of New York 
for Vice President. They adopted no platform, relying for 
victory on Taylor’s military record. 

There were many Democrats and Whigs who did not like 
this dodging of the slavery question. These men formed a Free 

Soil party, with ex-Presi- 
dent Van Buren as their 
candidate. The platform 
of the Free Soil party de¬ 
clared against slavery in 
the strongest terms : “We 
accept the issue which the 
slave power has forced up¬ 
on us ; and to their demand 
for more slave states and 
more slave territory, our 
calm but final answer is, 
no more slave states and 
no more slave territory.” 
The voters of the North 
were not yet ready to sup¬ 
port an anti-slavery party. 
General Taylor had made a splendid record as a fighter; and 
again, as in the case of Jackson and Harrison, the country chose 
a soldier-President. 

The Discovery of Gold in California. Nine days before 
California became ours by the peace treaty with Mexico, gold 
was discovered near Fort Sutter, in the beautiful Sacramento 
Valley. The attempt to keep the precious discovery a secret 
was in vain; the news soon leaked out, and from all parts of 
California men rushed to the gold fields. Business came to a 
standstill, stores and newspaper offices closed down, towns were 
left almost uninhabited. Sailors deserted from incoming ships, 
soldiers left their garrisons, prisoners broke jail and fled to the 
mines, followed by their jailers. “ The whole country,” exclaims 
the California Star , “ from San Francisco to Los Angeles, re- 





SHALL THE NEW TERRITORY BE SLAVE OR FREE? 373 


sounds to the sordid cry of Gold ! Gold !! Gold !!! ” The tidings 
reached the Atlantic seaboard in September, 1848. Then began 
a westward movement such as the world had never seen. 
Merchants and mechanics, farmers and professional men, 
gamblers and thieves, all started on a mad rush for the land of 
gold, where fortunes were made in a day. 

How the Forty-Niners Reached California. There were 
three routes by which men from the East could reach the gold 
fields. One was 
the long and 
dangerous ocean 
voyage around 
Cape Horn. The 
second route was 
by steamer to 
the Isthmus of 
Panama. Here 
the passengers 
had to disem¬ 
bark, and travel 
across the pesti¬ 
lence-laden isth¬ 
mus on mule- 
back and in rude native boats. Arriving at Panama on the Pacific 
coast, they often had to wait for weeks before securing passage 
on a steamer for San Francisco. But most of the gold seekers 
chose the overland route, either by way of Santa Fe, or over the 
Oregon Trail to the Humboldt River, then southwest across the 
Sierra Nevada Mountains. This meant a wagon journey of 
some 2700 miles through swamp and desert, across mountain 
barriers and flooded lowlands. There was terrible suffering from 
heat and cold, from thirst and starvation. The slow-moving 
caravans were scourged by cholera and menaced by Indian 
attacks. Still the hardy Forty-Niners pressed on, although 
5000 of their number found their graves along the way. 

California Forms a State Constitution. Within the single 
year of 1849, the population of California leaped from 6000 to 



Sutter’s Mill 





374 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


85,000. It was such a population as the discovery of gold always 
brings. Every nationality of the world was represented, as well 
as every type of American, — honest laborers and adventurers 
for the most part, together with many gamblers, thieves, and 
desperadoes. Thefts, drunken brawls, and murders were an 
everyday affair. Disputes over mining claims were usually settled 
by the pistol or bowie knife. At length the American instinct 
for law and order began to assert itself. Numerous vigilance 



From a contemporary lithograph in the Library of Congress. 

The Way They Go to California 

The imagination of the cartoonist developed a rocket and an airship line 
to carry the “Forty-Niners” to California. 


committees were formed to hunt down and punish men guilty 
of theft or murder. Their justice was crude but swift, and lynch 
law became the terror of the criminal. The law-abiding settlers 
were anxious to form a permanent, legal government, like the 
one they had left in the states. So they elected a convention 
which drew up a constitution forbidding slavery. The people 
adopted this constitution in November, 1849, elected a governor 
and legislature, and asked Congress for statehood. Without 
waiting to be organized as a territory, California was knocking 
at the door of the Union. 





SHALL THE NEW TERRITORY BE SLAVE OR FREE? 375 


California Seeks Admission as a Free State. “ Shall Cali¬ 
fornia be admitted as a free state?” was the burning question 
when Congress met in December, 1849. The people of California 
had forced this issue upon the country. Their demand again 
opened up the dreaded slavery issue. A free California would 
mean that slavery was to be shut out from a large part of the 
region wrested from Mexico, from the land which the South had 
done so much to win. It would mean, too, that the North would 
have control of Congress; for with California, there would be 
sixteen free states and only fifteen slave states. The South was 
a unit against the admission of California. Southern Congress¬ 
men declared that they would choose secession, rather than a 
Union in which slavery was no longer safe. 

Henry Clay as Peacemaker. A crisis was at hand. Who so 
fitted to meet it as the “ Great Compromiser,” Henry Clay of 
Kentucky? After forty years of active public life, Clay had 
retired, broken in health, to his home near Lexington. As the 
political storm gathered, the legislature of Kentucky, by unan¬ 
imous vote, sent him back to the United States Senate. There 
for the last time we see those three mighty leaders, Clay, Web¬ 
ster, and Calhoun, whose places were soon to be filled by younger 
statesmen. 

“ If any one desires to know the leading object of my life,” 
said Clay, “ the preservation of this Union will furnish him the 
key.” To save the Union in 1850, as in the days of the Missouri 
Compromise, Clay advised compromise and conciliation. Both 
North and South, he declared, must make concessions. Men 
traveled hundreds of miles to hear that wonderful appeal for a 
“ Union of hearts,” and they were not disappointed. For two 
days Kentucky’s great orator, then in his seventy-third year, his 
body racked with a severe cough, cast the spell of his eloquence 
over the Senate. His plea was for compromise, for good will and 
friendliness, for mutual concession and forbearance, and above 
all, for union. 

The Compromise of 1850. What was Clay’s plan? With 
some changes, his proposals were finally adopted as the Compro¬ 
mise of 1850, popularly called the “ Omnibus Bill.” 


376 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


(1) The admission of California as a free state. 

(2) The organization of New Mexico and Utah as territories, 
the question of slavery to be decided by the settlers when their 
territories became states. 

(3) Payment of $10,000,000 to Texas for giving up to the 
United States the land which she claimed in New Mexico. 

(4) The slave trade (but not slavery) prohibited in the 
District of Columbia. 

(5) A strict fugitive slave law. 

The Great Debate in the Senate: Calhoun’s Speech. The 

Senate listened on March 4 t.g a solemn protest against the 
compromise from John C. Calhoun, the dying leader of the 
South. Calhoun was too feeble to deliver his carefully written 
speech, so it was read for him by another Senator. Calhoun’s 
speech was a message of despair. No compromise would save 
the Union, for the balance of power between the North and the 
South had already been destroyed. There was no hope of saving 
the Union unless the North should agree : (1) to give the South 
an equal right in the territory acquired from Mexico; (2) to ful¬ 
fill its duty to return fugitive slaves; (3) to put a stop to the 
anti-slavery agitation. “ If you of the North will not do this, 
then let our southern states separate and depart in peace.” 

Webster’s Seventh of March Speech. The greatest orator in 
the Senate had not yet spoken; but on the seventh of March, 
Webster delivered his famous speech in support of the Com¬ 
promise. Webster’s dislike of slavery was strong, but his love 
for the Union was stronger. With Clay, he believed compromise 
necessary to save the Union. Webster began : “1 wish to speak 
to-day, not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a northern man, but 
as an American. ... I speak to-day for the preservation 
of the Union.” He said that it was unnecessary to prohibit 
slavery in New Mexico; nature, the climate and the soil of the 
country, had made slavery impossible there. “I would not 
take pains to reaffirm an ordinance of Nature, nor to reenact 
the will of God. And I would put in no Wilmot Proviso, for 
the purpose of a taunt or a reproach.” The North, continued 
Webster, had failed to perform its duty to return fugitive slaves; 


SHALL THE NEW TERRITORY BE SLAVE OR FREE? 377 


and in this matter “ the South has a right to complaint He 
condemned the abolition societies; in twenty years “ they had 
produced nothing good or valuable.” 

The North was stunned at Webster’s speech. The anti¬ 
slavery men thought that he had deserted their cause; the 
abolitionists were enraged. Horace Mann wrote: “Webster is 
a fallen star! Lucifer de¬ 
scending from Heaven! ” 

Theodore Parker said : “I 
know no deed in American 
history done by a son of 
New England to which I 
can compare this but the 
act of Benedict Arnold. 

The only rea¬ 
sonable way in which we 
can estimate this speech 
is as a bid for the Presi¬ 
dency.” Whatever Web¬ 
ster’s motive, his Seventh 
of March speech made it 
impossible for him ever to 
become President. 

The anti-slavery cause 
found new champions in two men who had just entered the 
Senate, William H. Seward of New York, and Salmon P. Chase 
of Ohio. Both Seward and Chase opposed Clay’s plan; they 
demanded that slavery be prohibited in the territories, and they 
denounced the Fugitive Slave Law. Against the Compromise, 
too, was the new leader of the South, Jefferson Davis. “ Under 
Clay’s plan,” asserted Davis, “the South came away with 
empty hands, while the North took everything.” 

The Compromise Adopted. Thus the bitter debate dragged 
on for nine months, until finally Clay’s proposals were referred 
to a committee of thirteen Senators. Meantime, President 
Taylor, who was opposed to the compromise, suddenly died, 
and Vice President Fillmore became President. Congress at last 








378 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


passed the compromise measures in four separate acts, which 
were signed by President Fillmore. The country seemed pleased 
with the result. Excitement gave way to a general feeling of 
relief that the vexed slavery question was at last settled. En¬ 
thusiastic Union meetings at New York City, Philadelphia, 
Cincinnati, and New Orleans approved the action of Congress. 
The Missouri Compromise had brought peace for thirty years; 
was it not reasonable to suppose that the new compromise would 
prove equally successful? Might it not create, as Clay and Web¬ 
ster hoped, a Union of hearts as well as a Union of law ? 

The Fugitive Slave Law. The Compromise of 1850 did not 
bring about the hoped-for peace. To the North, the hateful 
feature of that compromise was the new Fugitive Slave Law. 
Our Constitution, indeed, declared that runaway slaves should 
be returned to their owners; and Congress in 1793 had passed 
an act telling how this should be done. But laws depend upon 
the loyalty and good faith of the people to carry them out; and 
the people of the North would not obey a law which made it 
their duty to send men back to slavery. By 1850, thousands of 
fugitive slaves were living in the North; and the South, as 
Webster said, had just cause for complaint. 

V northern opinion had rpade the law of 1793 a dead letter, 
what could be hoped for from the severe act of 1850? Written 
by a slaveholder, the new law left no chance for the negro. There 
was no jury trial, as Clay and Webster had wished. Instead, 
federal officers (known as United States Commissioners) were to 
decide whether the negro claimed by a slaveholder was really 
his property. The negro could not even testify in his own behalf. 
The law made it the duty of all good citizens, if requested, to aid 
in the capture of runaway slaves; while any one who helped a 
fugitive to escape was liable to fine and imprisonment. Worst 
feature of all, negroes who had been living in peace and quiet at 
the North for many years might be arrested and sent back to 
slavery. In alarm, thousands of them fled to Canada, to take 
refuge on the British soil that made men free. 

The fugitive slave act offended the conscience of the North, 
at last strongly aroused on the question of slavery. At Faneuil 





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380 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


Hall, Boston’s cradle of liberty, a monster mass meeting con¬ 
demned the law. From thousands of northern pulpits, ministers 
declared it contrary to the laws of God. A Boston mob took a 
fugitive slave named Shadrach out of the hands of the officers, 
and sent him to Canada, At Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, it cost a 
Virginia slave owner $1450 to secure the return of two slaves 
valued at $1500. As Senator Charles Sumner had predicted, 
the North would not enforce a law that struck at the deepest 
moral convictions of its people. Northern men might tolerate 
slavery at the South; it was quite another matter to expect them 
to aid in dragging some poor runaway back to slavery. 

The Underground Railroad. For many years the abolitionists 
had been helping slaves to escape. The means by which they did 
this was known as the “ Underground Railroad.’’ This was not 
. really a railroad, nor was it underground. It was a chain of the 
homes of abolitionists, where fleeing slaves might find refuge. 
Each house was called a station, and the route stretched from the 
border slave states to Canada, or to some large city in a free 
state. On reaching the first station, the fugitive was clothed, fed, 
and hidden, until he could be taken to the next station, perhaps 
twenty miles north. Even in distant Louisiana, the slaves knew 
that freedom lay in the direction of the north star; but they 
knew, too, that the journey was long and filled with perils. In 
fifty years, nearly fifty thousand slaves made good their escape; 
but three millions of their brothers remained in bondage. The 
Underground Railroad had two important results: (1) The 
South was made more bitter toward the North, where the 
Fugitive Slave Law was held in open contempt. (2) Slavery 
became more hateful to northern men, who heard from the 
escaped slaves sad stories of their sufferings. 

Uncle Tom’s Cabin. It remained for a woman, Harriet 
Beecher Stowe, to deliver the greatest blow yet struck against 
slavery. Her novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, was “ an outburst of 
passion against the wrong done to a race.” Without question, 
it exaggerated the evils of slavery; but thousands of northern 
readers accepted it as a true picture of the slave system. The 
success of the book surprised even its author. In the first year, 


SHALL THE NEW TERRITORY BE SLAVE OR FREE? 381 


1852, three hundred thousand copies were sold; eight printing 
presses running night and day could not keep up with the popu¬ 
lar demand. At once dramatized, the play was an immense 
success. Thousands of spectators thrilled at the escape of Eliza, 
and wept over the tragic fate of Uncle Tom. Well might 
Rufus Choate predict: “ That book will make two millions of 
abolitionists.” The northern boys who read Uncle Tom’s Cabin 
soon became voters, and their votes were cast for the new 
Republican party, formed to oppose the extension of slavery. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S. ; Short History of the United, States, chs. XXI-XXII. 
Garrison, G. P., Westward Extension, chs. XVI-XVII, XIX-XX. 
McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, VII, 
chs. LXXXI, LXXXV ; VIII, ch. LXXXVI. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Fugitive Slave Law, pp. 390-393. 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, I, chs. I-V. 

Smith, T. C., Parties and Slavery (American Nation Series), chs. I—II. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Slavery in 1850 . Bogart, E. L., Economic History of the 
United States, ch. XXI ; Hart, A. B., American History Told by 
Contemporaries, III, chs. IV, XXVI, XXVIII ; McLaughlin, 
A. C., Readings in the History of the American Nation, chs. XXXVI- 
XXXVII. 

2. The Free Soil Party. Guitteau, W. B., Government and 
Politics in the United States, p. 458 ; Woodburn, J. A., Political 
Parties and Party Problems in the United States, ch. VI. 

3. California. McLaughlin, A. C., Readings in the History of 
the American Nation, ch. XXXII ; Mowry, W. A., Territorial 
Growth of the United States, ch. VI. 

4. Henry Clay. Harding, S. B., Select Orations Illustrating Amer¬ 
ican History (Compromise of 1850 Speech), pp. 267-291 ; Schurz, 
Carl, Henry Clay, 2 vols. (American Statesmen Series). 

5 . The Compromise of 1850 . Hart, A. B., American History 
told by Contemporaries, III, ch. Ill ; Sparks, E. E., The United 
States, II, chs. IX-X. 

6. Daniel Webster. Lodge, H. C., Daniel Webster (American 
Statesmen Series). 


382 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. California and the Forty-Niners. Barstow, C. L., The West¬ 
ward Movement, pp. 175-191 ; Bruce, H. A., The Romance of Amer¬ 
ican Expansion, ch. VI ; Drake, S. A., Making of the Great West, 
pp. 271-284 ; Elson, H. W., Side Lights on American History, ch. 
XIII; Faris, J. T., Real Stories from Our History, ch. XXVII; 
Paxson, F. L., The Last American Frontier, ch. VII ; Sparks, E. E.; 
Expansion of the American People, ch. XXVIII ; Wright, H. C., 
American Progress, ch. XVI. 

2. The Underground Railway. Elson, H. W., Side Lights on 
American History, I, ch. XIV ; Great Epochs in American History, 
VII, pp. 110-115. 

3. Daniel Webster. Barstow, C. L., A New Nation, pp. 138- 
159 ; Sparks, E. E., The Men Who Made the Nation, ch. X. 


CHAPTER XXXI 


THE STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS 

The Presidential Campaign of 1852. The Fugitive Slave Law 
of 1850 brought disaster upon the political party in power. 
When the Whigs met in their national convention of 1852, they 
did not dare to nominate President Fillmore, for he had signed 
the measure that was so 
hateful to the North. 

Henry Clay, founder of the 
Whig party, and thrice its 
candidate for the Presi¬ 
dency, lay on his death bed ; 
while Webster’s Seventh of 
March speech made his 
nomination hopeless. The 
Whigs had won two presi¬ 
dential campaigns by nom¬ 
inating successful soldiers; 
they now planned to win 
a third victory by naming 
General Winfield Scott, the 
hero of Mexico. But even 
Scott’s military record 
could not save his party 
from a crushing defeat. 

“ Here lies the Whig party,” said a wit of the times, “ which 
died of an effort to swallow the Fugitive Slave Law.” 

After a long struggle in the Democratic convention, the 
nomination went to General Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire. 
He was a “ dark horse ” candidate; that is, a man not thought 
of or discussed as a possible choice before the convention met. 

383 





384 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


Pierce had won little fame either as a lawyer or statesman; he 
had served in the Mexican campaign, but was not, like Scott, a 
distinguished soldier. The Whigs had a good deal of fun over 
Pierce’s military record. They published a campaign book of a 
half dozen pages, one inch by one half inch in size, printed in 
the smallest type, and entitled: “ The Military Services of 
General Franklin Pierce.” In spite of this ridicule, the “ dark 
horse ” won the presidential race of 1852. Pierce easily defeated 
General Scott as well as the Free Soil candidate, receiving 254 
electoral votes to 42 for Scott. 

The Kansas-Nebraska Bill. When President Pierce took the 
oath of office in 1853, the country seemed about to enter upon an 
era of quiet prosperity. The excitement over the Compromise of 
1850 had died away; the Democratic party, restored to power, 
was pledged to maintain that Compromise; and apparently the 
slavery issue was settled for all time. Within a year after the 
inauguration, the country was suddenly awakened from its 
dream of tranquillity. The new cause of discord was the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill, which proposed to throw open to slavery half a 
million square miles of free territory. Strangely enough, this 
proposal came not from the South, but from Senator Stephen 
A. Douglas of Illinois. Talented, popular, and ambitious, 
Douglas hoped to be the standard-bearer of the Democratic 
party in the next presidential campaign. The Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill, his opponents declared, was his bid for southern sup¬ 
port. 

Between the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains was a 
vast region larger than all the free states east of the Rockies, 
but containing less than one thousand white inhabitants. It 
embraced what is now the states of Kansas, Nebraska, the 
Dakotas, Montana, and parts of Colorado and Wyoming. All 
of this territory formed part of the Louisiana Purchase; all of 
it lay north of the parallel of 36° 30'; on every foot of its soil 
slavery was “ forever prohibited ” by the Missouri Compromise. 
This was the domain that Senator Douglas proposed to organize 
into two territories, Kansas and Nebraska, in which the settlers 
might have slavery or not, as they chose. 


THE STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS 


385 


Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The measure intro¬ 
duced by Senator Douglas declared the Missouri Compromise 
void. The voters of each territory were to decide for themselves 
the question of slavery. “ If they wish slavery,” argued Douglas, 
“ they have a right to it; if they do not want it, you should not 
force it upon them.” This was the famous principle of popular 
sovereignty, first put for¬ 
ward by Cass and now 
championed by Douglas. 

The South was delighted 
with the plan, for it gave 
that section more than its 
own leaders ever dreamed 
of demanding. But at the 
North, a storm was rising 
such as the country had 
never seen. Hundreds of 
newspapers attacked the 
bill as a violation of plighted 
faith. For thirty-four years 
the Missouri Compromise 
had been regarded as a 
sacred compact. That com¬ 
pact was now to be set 
aside, and 485,000 square 



Stephen A. Douglas 

From a photograph in the Brady Collec¬ 
tion, War Department, Washington. 


miles of free territory thrown open to slavery. Mass meetings 
throughout the North denounced the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 
and burned its author in effigy. Three thousand New England 
clergymen signed a petition against the measure. 

Amid this storm of protest from his own section, Douglas 
stood unmoved. “ The Little Giant,” as his friends loved to 
call him, was a brilliant orator, a shrewd and popular political 
leader. Most of his party members in Congress followed where 
he led. With whip and spur, Douglas carried his bill through 
the Senate and House, and President Pierce's signature made it 
the law of the land. As Senators Chase and Sumner walked 
down the steps of the Capitol, they heard the booming of cannon 




386 


SLAVE KY AND THE WEST 


from the navy yard announcing the triumph of Douglas. “They 
celebrate a present victory,” said Chase to his friend, “ but the 
echoes which they awake will never rest until slavery itself shall 
die.” The North was beaten, but it was aroused. 

The Struggle for Kansas. Southerners took it for granted 
that Nebraska, the northernmost of the two territories, would 
become a free state; but they hoped that Kansas, which lay just 
west of Missouri, would be settled by slaveholders. The North 
was determined that Kansas, as well as Nebraska, should enter 
the Union as a free state. The struggle began to see which 
section could send the larger number of settlers into Kansas 
before the vote was taken on the question of slavery. From 
western Missouri, pro-slavery men crossed into Kansas, where 
they built towns and made ready to claim the territory for 
slavery. From the free states, too, settlers were pouring into 
Kansas. The New England Emigrant Aid Society was formed 
in Massachusetts to send out northern settlers. The work of 
this company angered the pro-slavery men, and they sent back 
to Missouri for reinforcements. 

When it came time to elect a legislature in Kansas, five 
thousand well-armed Missourians marched across the border to 
vote for the pro-slavery candidates. The South considered that 
this invasion was justified because of the activity of the Emi¬ 
grant Aid Society in sending northern settlers to Kansas. The 
legislature chosen by Missouri votes at once passed laws estab¬ 
lishing slavery, and punishing with death any one who aided 
a slave to escape. The anti-slavery men decided that they 
would not obey a government elected by voters from another 
state, and they proceeded to organize a government of their own. 
Adopting a constitution that forbade slavery, they elected a 
legislature and asked Congress to admit Kansas as a free state. 
Thus Kansas had two rival and hostile governments, each 
claiming to be the lawful government of the territory. President 
Pierce took sides in favor of the pro-slavery men, and announced 
that he would support their government. 

Civil War in Kansas. Kansas was now in a state of civil 
war. Bands of armed men marched up and down the country, 


THE STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS 


387 


killing and robbing the settlers. Men went out to plow in com¬ 
panies of five or ten, armed to the teeth. “ Whenever two men 
approached each other,” says one writer, “ they came up pistol 
in hand, and the first salutation was: Free-state or pro-slave? 

. . . It not unfrequently happened that the next sound 

was the report of a pistol.” “ Border ruffians ” was the name 
applied to the unkempt but well-armed bands from Mis¬ 
souri. “ Black Republicans ” and “ Abolitionists,” their op¬ 
ponents called the free soil men from the North. 

One day the town of Lawrence was attacked by the pro¬ 
slavery men, and several of its buildings burned. Three days 
later, a terrible revenge was taken by John Brown, a fanatical 
leader who believed that slavery must be wiped out in blood. 
At midnight his band dragged five pro-slavery men from their 
cabins, and butchered them in cold blood. Thus violence 
was met with violence, bloodshed with bloodshed. Anarchy 
reigned supreme throughout the territory, and “Bleeding Kan¬ 
sas ” became the topic of the hour at the North. Popular 
sovereignty was not working out as Douglas had predicted. 

Kansas Lost to Slavery. The conflict raged in Kansas for 
three years; but by 1857 it was plain that the territory was lost 
to slavery. The settlers from the free states largely outnumbered 
the pro-slavery men; and if a fair election could be held, slavery 
was doomed. The only hope for the slavery men was that 
Congress might admit Kansas under the Lecompton constitu¬ 
tion. This was a slave constitution, drawn up by a convention 
which did not submit it to a popular vote. James Buchanan, who 
had been elected President in 1856, advised Congress to admit 
Kansas as a slave state. Douglas boldly opposed this plan. 
True to his principle of popular sovereignty, the Illinois Senator 
denounced the Lecompton constitution as a fraud; it had not 
been submitted to the people of Kansas, and did not express 
their will. 

Congress decided to submit the issue to the voters of Kansas, 
who rejected the Lecompton constitution by a vote of 11,000 
to 1900. By this time the anti-slavery men had secured control 
of the territorial legislature. A new constitution prohibiting 



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Missouri Compromise of 1820 . 














































THE STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS 


389 


slavery was drawn up, and the vote in its favor was double that 
cast against it. Kansas was admitted as a free state in 1861, 
while the southern states were seceding from the Union. 

Results of the Slavery Contest. The Kansas-Nebraska Act, 
and the fight for Kansas which it brought on, had far-reaching 
results: 

(1) This contest sealed the doom of the Whig party. The 
party of Clay, Webster, and Fillmore was the party of com¬ 
promise, and the day of compromise was past. Southern Whigs 
realized that their party could no longer be trusted to protect 
slavery, so they united with the Democrats. Most of the 
northern Whigs joined the new anti-slavery party. 

(2) The Republican party was formed to oppose the extension 
of slavery in the territories. This party was made up of three 
groups. First, the northern Whigs, men like Lincoln, Seward, 
Wade, and Greeley, who had long been fighting the battle against 
slavery. Second, Free Soilers, whose campaign cry of “ no more 
slave territory ” became the slogan of the Republicans. Third, 
northern Democrats opposed to slavery, who broke with their 
party when Senator Douglas brought about the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise. 

(3) The bloodshed in Kansas, and the refusal of the North to 
enforce the Fugitive Slave Law, showed how bitter was the feeling 
between the two sections. The North looked upon the repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise as a breach of faith; the South pointed 
to Kansas as proof that the North was determined to destroy 
slavery. By creating mutual hatred and distrust, the Kansas 
struggle hastened the Civil War. 

(4) The exciting events of the slavery contest roused Lincoln’s 
political ambition, and led him to become a candidate against 
Douglas for the United States Senate. 

First National Campaign of the Republican Party. The 
Republican party was organized at Jackson, Michigan, by an 
immense mass meeting of men opposed to the extension of 
slavery. They adopted the name “ Republican,” and invited 
the voters in other states to unite with them. Resolutions were 
adopted, the first Republican platform, declaring that slavery 


390 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


was “ a moral, social, and political evil. 77 The new party waged 
its first presidential campaign in 1856, and it proved a most 
exciting contest. The struggle in Kansas was the issue. The 
Republicans asserted that Congress had no right to establish 
slavery, but that it could and ought to abolish it in the ter¬ 
ritories. Their candidate for President was John C. Fremont 
of California; their campaign slogan, “ Free speech, free press, 
free soil, Fre — mont, and Victory !” The South denounced the 
Republican party as a sectional party, formed to destroy 
slavery. “ If Fremont is elected/ 7 said Governor Wise of 
Virginia, “ there will be a revolution. We will not remain in 
confederacy with enemies.’ 7 Fremont was defeated by the 
Democratic candidate, James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, but 
the Democrats did not win an easy victory. In their first national 
contest, the Republicans carried eleven of the sixteen free 
states, and cast 1,300,000 votes for their candidates. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXIII. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, ch. VI. 
McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, VIII, 
chs. XC-XCI. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Kansas-Nebraska Act, pp. 405-420. 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, I, ch. V ; II, chs. VII- 
VIII. 

Smith, T. C., Parties and Slavery, chs. IV, VII, IX, XI. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The New Republican Party. Guitteau, W. B., Government 
and Politics in the United States, p. 448 ; Woodburn, J. A., Political 
Parties and Party Problems in the United States, ch. VI. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Struggle for Kansas. Drake, S. A., The Making of the Great 
West, pp. 290-307; Great Epochs in American History, VII, pp. 164- 
168 ; Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, ch XXIX. 

2. The Kansas-Nebraska Act. Elson, H. W., Side Lights on 
American History, ch. XV ; Great Epochs, VII, pp. 144-149. 


CHAPTER XXXII 


THE CRISIS OF SECESSION 

The Dred Scott Decision, 1857. Two days after President 
Buchanan was inaugurated, the Supreme Court of the United 
States gave its famous decision in the Dred Scott case. Dred 
Scott was a Missouri slave whose master, an army surgeon, 
had taken him first into Illinois, then to Minnesota Territory. 
In Illinois, slavery was pro¬ 
hibited by the Northwest 
Ordinance and by the state 
constitution; while Minne¬ 
sota was in the northern 
part of the Louisiana Terri¬ 
tory, from which slavery 
was excluded by the Mis¬ 
souri Compromise. After 
two years’ residence in Min¬ 
nesota, Scott was taken 
back to Missouri. Many 
years afterwards, he brought 
suit in the Missouri courts 
to recover his freedom on 
the ground that his resi¬ 
dence in free territory had 
made him a free man. De¬ 
feated in the Missouri court, Scott carried his case to the Su¬ 
preme Court of the United States for final decision. 

Two important questions were passed upon by that tribunal. 
First, could a negro whose ancestors had been sold as slaves be¬ 
come a citizen of Missouri? To this question, the answer of the 
court was “ no.” The negro, said Chief Justice Taney, could not 

391 





392 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


possibly become a citizen, for the Constitution was not intended 
to apply to any but the white race. When the Constitution was 
adopted, negroes were considered “ so far inferior that they had 
no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” Since 
Dred Scott was not a citizen, he could not bring suit in the 
United States Court. 

The Missouri Compromise Held Unconstitutional. The case 
was now really disposed of; but hoping to settle the slavery 
dispute for all time, the court declared that Congress had no 
right to exclude slavery from the territories. Hence the Mis¬ 
souri Compromise was null and void. The slaveholder had a 
right to take his slaves into any territory of the United States 
and hold them as slaves, in spite of any law of Congress or of the 
territory. Slaves were property, the same as horses and mules; 
and ownership of property was guaranteed by the Constitution 
of the United States. Hence the slaveholder had the same right 
to take his property into Minnesota or Kansas that the northern 
settler had to take his live stock there. 

The decision in this case was a staggering blow to the North. 
The Republican party had been formed to oppose the exten¬ 
sion of slavery into the territories. The decision cut the ground 
from under its feet, for it opened every territory in the United 
States to slavery. “ What are you going to do about it ? ” was the 
taunt of the delighted South. Apparently, the highest court of 
the land had raised up a mighty bulwark for slavery. The 
Republicans attacked the decision as an outrage upon history 
and justice. Abraham Lincoln declared : “ If I were in Congress, 
and a vote were to come up on a question whether slavery should 
be prohibited in a new territory, in spite of the Dred Scott 
decision, I would vote that it should.” Instead of settling the 
slavery issue, the Dred Scott decision added fresh fuel to the 
flame. 

Lincoln’s Campaign against Douglas. The state of Illinois 
was the scene in 1858 of one of the most exciting political 
campaigns in our history. Stephen A. Douglas, the foremost 
leader of the Democratic party, was a candidate for re election 
to the United States Senate. To oppose Douglas, the Republi- 


THE CRISIS OF SECESSION 


393 


cans nominated Abraham Lincoln, a man as yet almost unknown 
outside of his own state. At first the contest seemed an unequal 
one. Douglas was a leader of national reputation, a man of at¬ 
tractive personality, a brilliant debater who had never met his 
equal in the Senate or before a popular audience. Lincoln was 
loved and trusted by his neighbors, but he had no such hold on 
the voters of Illinois as the l '‘Little Giant.” Tall, gaunt, and 
awkward, wearing ill-fitting clothes, his voice high and shrill, 
his dark, wrinkled face clouded by a look of habitual melancholy, 
Lincoln suffered in comparison with his brilliant adversary. 
But in Lincoln’s favor was his earnest sincerity, his homely 
illustrations that every one understood, his power to state a 
truth so clearly that it carried conviction to the hearts of his 
hearers. Whatever the voter might think of Lincoln’s views, 
he knew that he was listening to an honest man. 

The Lincoln-Douglas Debates. Soon after the campaign 
began, Lincoln challenged Douglas to debate the issues before 
the voters of Illinois. Douglas accepted the challenge, and seven 
joint debates were arranged. The meetings were held in the 
open air, for no hall could hold the thousands of eager listeners. 
In his speech accepting the Republican nomination, Lincoln 
had declared against the extension of slavery into the ter¬ 
ritories. Even his friends were startled when he said: “ A 
house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this govern¬ 
ment cannot endure half slave and half free. I do not expect 
the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. 
It will become all one thing, or all the other.” 

Douglas replied that Lincoln’s “ house divided ” doctrine 
meant a war of sections, the North against the South, free states 
against slave states. Each candidate prepared a list of questions 
for his opponent to answer. One of Lincoln’s questions put 
Douglas in a position where he must answer either to satisfy 
the Illinois voters and offend the South, or to please the South 
and lose Illinois. This question was: “ Can the people of a 
territory exclude slavery before the formation of a state consti¬ 
tution?” Douglas said that the people of a territory could 
exclude slavery by passing “ unfriendly ” laws against it, or by 


394 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


failing to adopt measures to protect it. Douglas could not have 
been elected Senator had he answered in any other way; but 
from the moment he made this statement, the South looked 
upon him as a traitor. Some of Lincoln’s friends thought that he 
was making a mistake by proposing this question. “ I am after 
larger game,” he told them; “ if Douglas answers as you say he 
will, he can never be President, and the battle of 1860 is worth 
a hundred of this.” 

The whirlwind campaign at last drew to a close. Douglas 
made one hundred and thirty speeches in three months, Lincoln 
almost as many. The “ Little Giant ” won the senatorship, but 
his victory cost him the greater prize of the presidency. The 
Lincoln-Douglas debates were published in book form, and were 
read all over the Union. Slowly but surely, Lincoln’s speeches 
began to lift him into recognition as a national leader. “ I am 
glad I made the late race,” he wrote to a friend. “ It gave me a 
hearing on the great question of the age, which I could have had 
in no other way. Though I now sink out of view, and shall be 
forgotten, I believe I have made some marks which will tell for 
the cause of civil liberty long after I am gone.” 

John Brown’s Raid. In October, 1859, an event known as 
John Brown’s Raid helped to widen the breach between the 
two sections. Outlawed from Kansas, John Brown next planned 
to lead an armed expedition against the South. This strange 
man believed that he had a divine commission to destroy slavery 
by whatever means necessary. His friends tried to show him the 
folly of invading the state of Virginia with a handful of followers ; 
but Brown was confident that the slaves would flock to his 
standard in a general revolt against their masters. With a force 
of only eighteen men, this mad crusader made a sudden mid¬ 
night attack upon the Virginia village of Harper’s Ferry. After 
seizing the railroad bridge, Brown took possession of the United 
States arsenal, where he held several citizens as hostages. No 
slaves rallied to use the thousand pikes that Brown had brought 
with him. A company of soldiers under Colonel Robert E. Lee 
surrounded the arsenal, and after a brief, heroic resistance, 
Brown and his few men were captured. Convicted of treason and 


THE CRISIS OF SECESSION 


395 


murder after a fair trial, the old man went to the gallows firm in 
the belief that he had obeyed God’s will. 

The South was alarmed at this attempt to excite a slave 
insurrection, and angered because Brown had been aided with 
arms and money by a few misguided men at the North. But the 
abolitionists gloried in the challenge to slavery uttered by Brown 
as he lay a captive, bleeding and helpless, but unafraid. “ I 
want you to understand,” he said to a newspaper reporter, “that 
I respect the rights of the poorest and weakest of the colored 
people oppressed by the slave system, just as much as I do those 
of the most wealthy and powerful. ... I wish to say, further¬ 
more, that you had better, all you people at the South, prepare 
yourselves for a settlement of this question that must come up 
for settlement sooner than you are prepared for it. The sooner 
you are prepared the better. You may dispose of me very easily. 

I am nearly disposed of now; but this question is still to be 
settled, this negro question, I mean; the end of that is not yet.” 

Slavery Divides the Democratic Party. Who should be 
chosen as the standard bearer of the Democratic party in the 
presidential campaign of 1860? “Douglas!” was the enthu¬ 
siastic reply of the northern delegates in the national convention 
which met at Charleston, South Carolina. But the radical 
delegates from the South would not accept Douglas, even on a 
platform pledging the party to support the Dred Scott decision. 
They demanded more — the Democratic party must declare it 
the duty of Congress to protect slavery in the territories. When 
this proposal was voted down, the delegates from six southern 
’states left the convention. Fifty-seven ballots were taken, but 
Douglas could not secure the two-thirds vote necessary for the 
nomination. So the convention adjourned, to meet at Baltimore 
about two months later. At Baltimore, there was a second 
secession of delegates from the slave states; those who remained 
named Douglas as their candidate. Ten days later, the seceding 
delegates held a convention of their own, and nominated John 
C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, on a pro-slavery platform. 

The Republicans Nominate Lincoln. The Republican con¬ 
vention met at Chicago in the “ Wigwam,” a huge board 


Abraham Lincoln 


From the statue in Lincoln Park, Chicago, by Augustus St. Gaudens. 

The President has just risen from his chair as if to address a multitude. 
Lost in thought at the moment of speaking, he reveals his strength and sim¬ 
plicity of character, his tenderness, goodness, and courage; his intellectual 
confidence and humility of soul, and the serene dignity of the nation’s Chief 
Executive. 



396 




THE CRISIS OF SECESSION 


397 


structure put up for the occasion, with seats for twelve thousand 
persons. Chicago had never seen such throngs of visitors as 
on the day that the convention met. Marching along behind 
their band were the Seward men, one thousand strong, each 
wearing a long silk badge adorned with a portrait of the New 
York Senator. They were confident of victory and with good 
reason; for Seward was the foremost leader in the Republican 
party, and had the support of more delegates than any other 
candidate. Against Seward’s nomination was the strong proba¬ 
bility that he could not be elected. The delegates from In¬ 
diana, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey said plainly that 
Seward could not possibly carry those doubtful states; and 
without them, there could be no Republican victory. Seward 
had been the bitter, outspoken foe of slavery; they pleaded 
for a less radical candidate, one with fewer political enemies. 
The convention adopted a platform which denounced the 
southern threats of secession, and denied the power of Con¬ 
gress, or of a territorial legislature, to establish slavery in any 
territory. 

On the third day of the convention every seat in the wigwam 
was filled, and eager thousands stood waiting in the streets 
outside for the first news of the balloting. A storm of applause 
swept over the hall when Seward’s name was placed before the 
convention, but a greater demonstration came when Illinois 
presented her choice, Abraham Lincoln. Other states named 
their favorite sons, but it was evident that the real contest lay 
between Seward and Lincoln. On the first and second ballots, 
Seward had more votes than any other candidate, but not a 
majority of the delegates. On the third ballot, Lincoln led 
Seward by fifty votes; one moment later, four Ohio delegates 
changed their votes from Chase to Lincoln, giving him a clear 
majority. A tumult of huzzas shook the wigwam, while a 
cannon fired from the roof above started the cheering of the 
waiting thousands down the long Chicago streets. The Republi¬ 
can party had placed its hopes of victory on the rail-splitter 
candidate, the man beloved by the common people “ honest 
Abe Lincoln ” of Illinois. 


398 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


The Election of 1860. A fourth set of candidates was nom¬ 
inated by the Constitutional Union party, a group of conserva¬ 
tive men who feared the radical elements in both North and 
South. John Bell of Tennessee and Edward Everett of Mas¬ 
sachusetts were their candidates. Their platform was: “No 
political principles other than the Constitution of the Country, 
the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws.” 
The split in the Charleston convention doomed the Democratic 
party to defeat, but Douglas made a splendid campaign in what 
he knew was a hopeless contest. At the South he pleaded not 
for his own election, but against the threatened secession if 
Lincoln should be chosen. When the exciting campaign closed 
and the returns were counted, it was found that Lincoln had won 
the victory. Of the 303 electoral votes, he received 180, carrying 
every northern state except New Jersey. Douglas had only 
twelve electoral votes, three from New Jersey, and nine from 
Missouri. Bell carried Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, while 
the rest of the South voted for Breckinridge. The North had 
elected its candidate on a platform against slavery. What would 
be the answer of the South? 

Secession of South Carolina and the Cotton States. South 

Carolina quickly made reply. Four days after the election of 
Lincoln, her legislature voted that a convention should be elected 
to decide the question of secession. On December 20, 1860, 
this convention passed an ordinance of secession, “ dissolving ” 
the union between South Carolina and the other states. The 
reasons given for this action were: the laws passed by thirteen 
of the northern states, intended to nullify the Fugitive Slave 
Act of Congress; the establishment of abolition societies 
throughout the North; encouraging the slaves to escape or 
rebel; the election by one section of a candidate who had said 
that “this government cannot endure half slave and half free” ; 
and the declared intention of the North to exclude slavery from 
the common territory. 

The news of the secession ordinance was received with wild 
delight by the people of South Carolina. The city of Charleston 
was decked with palmetto flags; while parades and bonfires, 


THE CRISIS OF SECESSION 


399 


the booming of cannon and the pealing of bells, greeted the an¬ 
nouncement that South Carolina claimed to be an independent 
commonwealth. The other cotton states hastened to follow this 
example. By February 1, 1861, ordinances of secession were 
adopted by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, 
and Texas. In most of these states, public opinion ran strongly 
in favor of secession; but 
in all of them there were 
staunch friends of the Union. 

In Georgia, the brilliant 
Alexander H. Stephens tried 
in vain to hold back his state 
from secession. Stephens 
believed that the South 
could secure redress for its 
grievances in the Union. 

“ Let the fanatics of the 
North break the Constitu¬ 
tion, let not the South com¬ 
mit the aggression.” 

The Confederate States 
of America. Delegates from 
the seceding states met at 
Montgomery, Alabama, and 
adopted a constitution for 
the Confederate States of America. Jefferson Davis of Missis¬ 
sippi was elected President, and Alexander H. Stephens of 
Georgia, Vice President. Montgomery was chosen as the tem¬ 
porary capital, and Davis was duly inaugurated, February 18, 
1861. He appointed a Cabinet, and sent commissioners to 
Washington to negotiate for a peaceful separation. Meantime, 
the Confederate Congress voted that “ immediate steps should 
be taken to obtain possession of Forts Sumter and Pickens, 
either by negotiations or force.” 

Buchanan the Irresolute. In this crisis of our national life, 
well might the friends of the Union exclaim: “ 0, for one hour 
of Andrew Jackson!” Old Hickory would have struck at 



Alexander H. Stephens 

From a photograph in the Brady Col¬ 
lection, the War Department, Washington. 





400 SLAVERY AND THE WEST 

secession without a moment’s delay. But President Buchanan 
was a timid, irresolute old man, under the influence of the 
southern members of his Cabinet. Instead of sending troops 
and supplies to relieve Fort Sumter, the President sent a long 
message to Congress. No state, he argued, had a right to secede 
from the Union; but neither Congress nor the President had 

power to coerce a state. 
“ Buchanan’s message,” re¬ 
plied Seward, “showed that 
it is the duty of the Presi¬ 
dent to execute the laws — 
unless somebody opposes 
him ; and that no state has 
a right to secede — unless 
it wants to.” 

The Crittenden Compro¬ 
mise . While Buchanan con- 
tinued inactive, several 
plans for a peaceful compro¬ 
mise were brought forward 
in Congress. The most im¬ 
portant was the Crittenden 
Compromise, introduced by 
Senator Crittenden of Ken¬ 
tucky. The chief features 
of this plan were: (1) The Missouri Compromise line was to 
be extended to the Pacific. Territory north of that line was to 
be free, territory south of it to be slave. (2) When any terri¬ 
tory, north or south, became a state, it was to have slavery or 
not, as its people wished. (3) The United States was to pay 
the owners the full value of fugitive slaves, in case of inter¬ 
ference with their arrest. (4) No constitutional amendment 
was ever to be made changing these provisions, or giving Con¬ 
gress power to interfere with slavery in any state. 

These proposals were referred to a committee of thirteen 
Senators, including Crittenden, Douglas, Davis, and Seward. 
The Republican members would not agree to open the ter- 







THE CRISIS OF SECESSION 


401 


ritories to slavery, and so the Crittenden Compromise ended in 
failure. Against the compromise, too, was the President-elect, 
Abraham Lincoln. He would not abandon the principle of 
freedom in the territories, the platform on which his party had 
won in a fair election. “ Entertain no proposition,” he wrote, 
“for a compromise in regard to the extension of slavery. The 
instant you do they have us under again; all our labor is lost, 
and sooner or later must be done over again. . . . Have none 
of it. The tug has to come, and better now than later.” 

Failure of the Peace Convention. Union-loving Virginia had 
led the way in forming the Constitution, and now Virginia made 
an earnest effort to prevent its overthrow. Her legislature 
invited the other states to send delegates to a convention at 
Washington. Fourteen free and seven slave states were repre¬ 
sented, and the members did all that earnest, patriotic men could 
do to save the country from Civil War. The proposals of the 
peace convention were similar to the Crittenden Compromise, 
although not quite so favorable to the South. But the work of 
the convention was in vain, for Congress rejected its plan of 
compromise. Every effort for peace and conciliation had ended 
in failure; there remained only the appeal to arms. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, pp. 497-504. 

Dodd, W. E., Expansion and Conflict, chs. XII-XIII. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, III, chs. VIII-X. 
Landon, J. S., Constitutional History and Government of the United 
States, ch. XI. 

McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, III, chs. 
XCII-XCVI. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Bred Scott Decision, pp. 405-420 ; South Carolina Ordinance 
of Secession, pp. 423-424 ; Constitution of the Confederate States, 
pp. 424-433. 

Morse, E. W., Causes and Effects in American History, ch. XV. 
Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, II, pp. 251-271 ; III, 
ch. XIII. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, II, ch. XIII. 


402 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. The Dred Scott Decision. Hart, A. B., American History 
Told by Contemporaries, IV, ch. VII. 

2. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates. Harding, S. B., Select Orations 
Illustrating American History, pp. 309-341. 

3. Abraham Lincoln. Nicolay, J. G., Abraham Lincoln, ch. IX. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates. Barstow, C. L., A New 

Nation, pp. 186-202 ; Brown, W. G., Stephen A. Douglas (River¬ 
side Biographical Series) ; Channing, E., and Lansing, M. F., Story 
of the Great Lakes, ch. XXIII. 


CHAPTER XXXIII 


SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 

Growth in Area and Population. During the period from 
1789 to the outbreak of the Civil War, our country had a 
wonderful growth. When Washington became President, about 
four million people were living in the thirteen states. During the 
next seventy years, the United States annexed two million 
square miles of territory, stretching from the Mississippi River 
to the Pacific coast. In 1860, our area was three times as large 
as in 1790, our population eight times as great. The beginning 
of the Civil War found 32,000,000 people in the thirty-three 
states of the Union. 

The Westward Movement. Meantime, the center of popula¬ 
tion had moved steadily westward from a point near Baltimore 
in 1790, to a point south of Chillicothe, Ohio, in 1860. This 
westward movement began before the Revolution was over. 
Kentucky and Tennessee, the first fruits of its progress, became 
states during Washington’s presidency. Soon the Northwest 
Territory was peopled with sturdy pioneers, and carved into 
five new states; next the Mississippi Valley became the home 
of millions of settlers; while later years saw the hardy “ Forty- 
Niners ” pushing westward across the Rockies to found Califor¬ 
nia and Oregon, our first states on the Pacific slope. This west¬ 
ward movement, the march of a people across the continent, is 
the greatest single fact in our history from the Revolution to 
the Civil War. 

To encourage the rapid development of the West, public 
lands were sold to settlers at a nominal price, while immense 
tracts were given away in aid of education, railroads, and other 
internal improvements. Finally, in 1862 Congress passed an act 
granting a free homestead to any settler who would reside on his 

403 




Harvesting with the Cradle 


McCormick's First Successful Reaper —1831 


A Modern Harvester-Thresher with Oil Tractor 
Progress in Methods of Harvesting 

Courtesy of the International Harvester Company of America. 

404 














SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 


405 


“ claim ” and cultivate it for a period of five years. This 
abundance of cheap, fertile land attracted thousands of settlers 
from the East, and drew thousands more from the crowded 
countries of Europe. It was the chief reason for an agricultural 
development which became the marvel of the world. 

New Agricultural Machines. Besides cheap land, the west¬ 
ern pioneer was aided by new agricultural machines. By 1825, 
the farmer had cast aside the clumsy plow of colonial days, 
and was using the cast-iron plow. Until the invention of the 
McCormick reaper in 1831, grain had been cut with a sickle 
or a cradle, and raked with a hand rake. By working hard 
with these tools, the farmer could cut and rake one acre of grain 
in a day. The new reaper could do the work of about ten men. 
About this time, too, the threshing machine was invented, 
which could thresh out more grain in half an hour than a man 
with a flail could beat out in a week. There were also new ma¬ 
chines for cultivating and tilling the soil, cultivators, horse 
hoers, and seed drills, which made it possible for the farmer to 
substitute animal power for hand labor. 

With these labor-saving machines, and with a boundless 
supply of fertile soil, agriculture increased by leaps and bounds. 
In 1840, the value of our agricultural products was one billion 
dollars; while twenty years later, they were worth nearly two 
billions. Cotton was by far the most valuable crop. The South 
raised seven eighths of the world’s supply of cotton in 1860, and 
also led the world in the production of tobacco. In the West, 
wheat, corn, and live stock were the chief products. These were 
shipped down the Mississippi to the southern plantations which 
raised only staple crops, cotton, tobacco, rice, and sugar. So 
at the outbreak of the Civil War, the West was rapidly becoming 
the granary of the world, the South was raising cotton and 
tobacco, while only in New England and the Middle States had 
manufacturing developed to any extent. 

King Cotton and Slavery. In the South, the cotton belt 
shifted during the first half of the century. Three fourths of 
our cotton was raised in Virginia and the Carolinas in 1800; 
while in 1860, two thirds of the crop came from Georgia, Ala- 


406 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


bama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Nine tenths of the cotton of 
the South was raised by slaves working on large plantations. 
Slave labor seemed well suited to cotton raising, for this crop re¬ 
quired few tools and only routine work. So the value of slaves 
rose with the increased demand for cotton. In 1860 nearly three 
times as much cotton was produced as in 1840, while the price 
of a good field hand rose from $500 to $1500. 

As a rule, slave labor was ignorant, clumsy, and wasteful. 
Since fear was the only motive for labor, the slave usually 
put forth only as much effort as was necessary to avoid a flog¬ 
ging. The slaves were probably not one half as efficient as the 
free laborers of the North. Then, too, their ignorance prevented 
the introduction of labor-saving machinery. Throughout the 
South,,wasteful methods of farming were the rule. The planters 
would raise crop after crop of cotton, and when one piece of land 
was exhausted, a new piece would be taken up. Such a system 
required an unlimited supply of new and fertile land, a fact which 
explains the constant demand of the South for more slave ter¬ 
ritory. This method of cropping the land resulted in a rapid 
exhaustion of the soil, and every southern state had enormous 
tracts of worn-out and abandoned cotton lands. 

Thus while the northern farmer was using new machinery 
and new methods, slave labor prevented anything like scientific 
farming at the South. There was no rotation of crops, little use 
of fertilizers to prevent exhaustion of the soil, an absence of 
improved live stock, machinery, fences, and silos. Large 
plantations were the rule, managed by hired overseers who tried 
to grow as much cotton as possible, without reference to the 
future. The planter lived the life of an aristocratic gentleman; 
and the profits from his cotton crop, instead of going to improve 
the soil, went into the purchase of more lands and more slaves. 

The Poor Whites of the South. Not the least of the evils of 
slavery was its effect upon the white population of the South. 
Until the invention of the gin, white farmers raised most of the 
cotton crop. After that invention, cotton culture spread to the 
more fertile lands of Alabama and Mississippi. The large planta¬ 
tion with its slave labor competed successfully with the small 


SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 


407 


farm and finally supplanted it, just as factory production drove 
out domestic production at the North. The small farmer then 
retreated to the poorer lands, where he grew a few acres of 
cotton, raised some live stock, or engaged in mixed farming. 
Slavery degraded free labor, so that the poor whites of the 
South were despised alike by slave owners and by negroes. 
“ Crackers ” and “ Clay-eaters ” were terms of contempt 
applied by the aristocratic slave owner; “ poor white trash,” the 
negroes called them. 

These poor whites of the South were almost as ignorant as 
the slaves. They farmed the worn-out lands, and eked out a 
miserable existence. They looked upon the large slave owners 
with feelings of sullen envy; yet when election day came, the 
whites who were without money and without slaves did the 
bidding of the lord of the plantation. The slaveholders took the 
political offices; the man who worked with his hands was 
seldom chosen to represent the South in the halls of Congress. 
The southern political system was really a government of the 
few, ruftintained by and for the slaveholders. The poor whites 
wfip fought so bravely in the Confederate armies were fighting 
to preserve an institution in whose benefits they could not 
poggib)y share, and which doomed them to ignorance and 
poverty. 

How Slavery Hurt the South. In many other ways, slavery 
was working harm to the South. It prevented the growth of its 
population. The population of the North and the South was 
almost equal in 1800; but in 1860, the North had 19,000,000 
people, the South about 12,000,000. Political troubles in 
Europe and the discovery of gold in California brought large 
numbers of Englishmen, Irishmen, and Germans to the United 
States. In the decade from 1850 to 1860, nearly three million 
of these immigrants entered our country. The newcomers 
avoided the South, for they would not compete with slave 
labor. They peopled the great industrial cities of the North, 
they took up farms in the Middle West, they mined its coal, 
built its railroads, and developed the resources of that section. 
The South was rich in natural resources, in deposits of iron and 


408 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


coal, in timber and water supply, but these resources were unde¬ 
veloped before the Civil War. Slave labor could not develop 
them, and free labor would not, while slavery existed. Thus 
slavery confined the industry of the South to agriculture, and 
prevented the development of its natural resources, at the very 
time when free labor was making the North a great industrial 
region. 

Improved Means of Communication. The rapid settlement' 
of the West was made possible only by improving our early 
means of transportation. The turnpike, the canal, and the rail¬ 
road each mark a stage in the history of transportation. The 
turnpike belongs to the period between the Revolution and the 
War of 1812. Next came the era of the canals, from 1816 to 1850. 
Then came the age of railroad building; the 9000 miles of track 
in 1850 were increased to 30,000 in 1860. When the Civil War 
broke out, the railroads were carrying two thirds of our total 
inland trade, with an immense saving in the cost of transporta¬ 
tion. The new railway lines made it possible for western farms 
to feed the city dwellers of the East. New YY>rk City grew from 
30,000 people in 1840 to 800,000 in 1860. Philadelphia came 
second with a population of over half a million. Then followed, 
in order, Baltimore, St. Louis, Boston, New Orleans, and Cin¬ 
cinnati. The number of city dwellers doubled between 1840 and 
1860, while the number of cities increased from forty-four to one 
hundred and forty-one. 

The railroad was not the only improved means of communica¬ 
tion. The telegraph line first operated by Morse in 1844 had 
grown by 1860 into a network of 50,000 miles of wire, connecting 
all the cities of the country. Our postal system was improved 
and extended, the rate on letters being reduced in 1850 to three 
cents. A new process of manufacturing paper from wood pulp, 
together with the invention of the cylinder press, made possible 
the cheap newspaper of the present day. 

Spread of the Factory System. After the War of 1812, 
American manufactures grew steadily. The household method 
of production with its spinning wheel, its hand loom, and its 
household forge, became a thing of the past. Factory pro- 


SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 


409 


duction, which began with Slater’s first mill and Lowell’s factory 
at Waltham, made rapid headway. First developed in the cot¬ 
ton and woolen industries, the factory system spread rapidly 
to other employments. Leather tanneries, silk and paper mills, 
flour, grist, and sawmills, iron factories, sugar refineries, estab¬ 
lishments for the manufacture of boots and shoes, of clothing, 
hardware, and agricultural implements, — all were operated 
under the new plan. The factory system became the most 
important industrial event of the century. Its chief results were : 
(1) An immense increase in production, at a greatly reduced 
cost. (2) The employment of women and children whose labor 
had been almost entirely in the home, but who now abandoned 
the household crafts, and followed the industries into the 
factories. (3) The creation of a laboring class, as distinct from 
the class of employers. (4) The growth of factory towns and 
industrial cities. 

Growth of American Manufactures. Our first iron factories 
used charcoal for smelting. As the forests were cut down and 
wood became less plentiful, the cost of production kept increas¬ 
ing. About 1840, a new invention made possible the substitution 
of anthracite coal for charcoal. This change revolutionized the 
iron industry. Rolled iron, and iron rails for our railroads, were 
made in this country for the first time. By 1860, our iron fac¬ 
tories were turning out each year products worth $90,000,000. 
Equally important was the progress made in the manufacture 
of machinery, agricultural implements, and hardware, indus¬ 
tries which depend upon iron production. 

Thus while agriculture was our chief industry in 1860, manu¬ 
facturing was a close rival. In that year, the total value of 
the farm products of the United States was $1,910,000,000, 
while manufactured products were worth $1,885,000,000. 
Manufacturing was largely centered in three states, New York, 
Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts, which together produced 
over one half of all our manufactures. 

The Mining Industry. This development of manufactures 
was aided by the discovery of immense mines of coal, gas, oil, 
copper, and the precious metals. The wealth of our gold and 


410 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


silver deposits surpassed even the dreams of the early Spanish 
explorers. During the years from 1850 to 1865, California mines 
yielded $761,000,000 worth of gold. Rich copper mines were 
discovered on the shores of Lake Superior, and by 1860 the 
United States had become the largest producer of copper in the 
world. Petroleum or crude oil was discovered at Titusville, 

Pennsylvania, in 1859; 
soon fifty million gallons 
of oil were being produced 
annually from wells in 
different parts of the 
country, beginning an¬ 
other of our great indus¬ 
tries. 

Inventions and Indus¬ 
trial Progress. Our great 
industrial progress was 
due largely to the Ameri¬ 
can genius for invention. 
Congress provided in 1790 
for patents giving to in¬ 
ventors the exclusive right 
to make, use, and sell their 
inventions for fourteen 
(now seventeen) years. 
During the half century 
before 1860, nearly 40,000 
patents were granted. We have seen how invention aided agri¬ 
culture, and how the power loom built up the textile industries. 
Another invention with far-reaching results was the sewing 
machine, the product of the genius of Elias Howe (1846). The 
sewing machine was directly responsible for the growth of two of 
our chief industries, ready-made clothing, and the boot and 
shoe industry. 

The quarter century from 1815 to 1840 was* the golden age of 
American invention and mechanical progress. “ It was during 
this period that fire bricks, paper made from hay and straw, pen- 



Elias Howe’s Sewing Machine, 1846 


From the inventor’s model in the Na¬ 
tional Museum, Washington, This was the 
first machine having an eye-pointed needle 
and shuttle, making a lock stitch. 




SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 


411 


knives, axles, chisels, and edged tools were first manufactured 
in our country; that boards were first planed by machine; that 
Fairbanks invented the platform scales; that ether was dis¬ 
covered ; that Howe made and sold the first lock stitch sewing 
machine; that Morse invented the recording telegraph; that 
steel pens and friction matches came into use; that Colt invented 
the revolver; that the reaper was given its first public trial; 
that the art of burning anthracite coal was discovered; that 
the railroad was introduced and the steamboat greatly de¬ 
veloped; that omnibuses appeared in the large cities; that 
steam navigation of the Atlantic began; that schemes of all 
sorts were considered, and attempts made to build a canal across 
Panama.” 

Commerce and Shipping. During the early years of the 
Republic, our foreign trade was in a flourishing condition. For 
twenty years following 1793, the Napoleonic wars occupied 
the energies of Europe. Meantime the United States, as a 
neutral country, secured a large part of the world’s carrying 
trade. But in 1807, the British and French decrees, followed 
by our own Embargo Act, destroyed this profitable trade. The 
War of 1812, while an aid to our manufactures, was almost as 
disastrous to our commerce as the Embargo Act. Not until 
1830 did our foreign trade begin to recover. About this time, 
American shipbuilders developed a new type of sailing vessel, 
superior to all competitors. This was the clipper ship, which 
soon gave the United States first place in the ocean-carrying 
trade. So superior in construction and speed were these ships 
:hat they could make three trips to England in the time that a 
British vessel was making two. Our total tonnage engaged in 
foreign trade grew from 760,000 tons in 1840 to 2,500,000 in 1861. 
In 1840 our total foreign trade was $220,000,000 a year; twenty 
years later, it had expanded to nearly $700,000,000. In the first 
half of the nineteenth century, our imports far exceeded the 
value of our exports; by 1860 we were selling to other countries 
almost as much as we bought from them. 

The supremacy of the American sailing vessel came to an 
end with a new development in the shipbuilding industry. This 


412 


SLAVERY AND THE WEST 


was the change from wooden sailing vessels to iron ships pro¬ 
pelled by steam. British shipyards at once took the lead in 
constructing iron steamships, while our shipbuilders clung to 
the older type of vessel. So Great Britain won back her suprem¬ 
acy as the ocean carrier of the world, while our shipping began to 
decline. Only sixty-five per cent of our foreign trade was carried 
in American ships in 1861, as compared with ninety-two per 
cent in the early years of the century. 

“ The Impending Crisis in the South.” In all this industrial 
and commercial prosperity, the South, as her secession leaders 
said, had but small share. They found the reason in the fact 
that the North would not permit the extension of slavery; in 
fact, it was slavery itself that was preventing the growth of the 
South. Just before the Civil War, Hinton Helper, a poor white 
of North Carolina, wrote a book which stirred the whole country. 
The Impending Crisis in the South, How to Meet It, contrasted 
the economic results of slavery and freedom. Helper pointed 
out that when the Constitution was adopted, the population of 
New York was 340,000, that of Virginia 740,000; while sixty 
years later, New York had 3,000,000 people, Virginia only 
1,400,000. In 1791 the exports of New York were $2,500,000, 
those of Virginia $3,100,000; in 1852, New York’s exports 
totaled $87,000,000, while those of Virginia were only 
$2,700,000. 

Helper urged the whites of the South who did not own slaves 
to form a political party of their own and work for the abolition 
of the institution which was throttling the growth of their 
section. “ And now, sirs, we have thus laid down our ultimatum. 
What are you going to do about it? Something dreadful, of 
course. Perhaps you will dissolve the Union again. Do it, 
if you dare ! Our motto, and we would have you to understand 
it, is * the abolition of slavery and the perpetuation of the Ameri¬ 
can Union.’ If by any means you do succeed in your treasonable 
attempts to take the South out of the Union to-day, we will bring 
her back to-morrow.” 


SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL GROWTH 


413 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States, VIII, 
ch. LXXXVII. 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, II, chs. XI-XII. 

Smith, T. C., Parties and Slavery, ch. V. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, II, ch. I. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Cotton and Slavery. Bogart, E. L., Economic History of the 
United States, ch. X ; Callender, G. S., Economic History of the 
United States, ch. XV. 

2. Population and Labor. Bogart, E. L., Economic History of 
the United States, ch. XVIII. 

3. Growth of American Industry. Bogart, E. L., Economic His¬ 
tory of the United States, ch. XXVI ; Morse, C. W., Causes and Ef¬ 
fects in American History, ch. XII. 

4. The Public Lands. Callender, G. S., Economic History of 
the United States, chs. XII-XIII. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Factory System. Wright, C. D., Industrial Evolution of 
the United States, chs. X-XI. 

2. The Telegraph. Faris, J. T., Real Stories from Our History, 
ch. XLII ; Great Epochs in American History, VII, pp. 36-47; 
Mowry, W. A., American Inventions and Inventors, pp. 270-277; 
Sparks, E. E., Expansion of the American People, ch. XXIV; 
Wright, H. C., American Progress, ch. XII. 

3. Howe and the Sewing Machine. Great Epochs in American 
History, VII, pp. 48-52. 

4. The Telephone. Faris, J. T., Real Stories from Our History. 
ch. XLIH ; Mowry, W. A., American Inventions and Inventors, pp. 

286-291. 



4H 


Gettysburg — the High Tide of the Confederacy 











CHAPTER XXXIV 


THE APPEAL TO ARMS 

The Union or State Rights. Could a state at its own pleasure 
withdraw from the Union? This was the fateful issue raised by 
the secession ordinances of the seven cotton states which in 
February, 1861, invited the other slave states to join their new 
government. The threat of secession had been heard on more 
than one occasion in our history; and the South in 1861 only did 
what the New England secessionists had threatened during the 
War of 1812. 

On account of its institution of slavery, the South still clung 
to the early view of the Constitution as a compact from which 
any state might withdraw if it chose. This was the doctrine 
of Calhoun, and it was accepted by the great majority of the 
southern people. Historically, there was much to justify this 
view of the Constitution; but with the lapse of years, a strong 
Union sentiment had sprung up at the North. President Jack¬ 
son’s bold stand against nullification in 1832 had given the 
North its watchword: “The federal Union, it must be pre¬ 
served.” Webster’s eloquent appeal in his debate with Hayne 
crystallized northern sentiment in favor of “ Liberty and Union, 
one and inseparable.” Now, as the southern states were seizing 
the Union customhouses and other national property, General 
John A. Dix contributed a third burning phrase, worthy of a 
place beside those of Jackson and Webster: “ If any one attempts 
to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot! ” By 
1861 most northern men believed with Webster that the Union 
was permanent and enduring; and the great majority of them 
were ready to fight for their belief. Equally sincere were the 
Southerners, who tried to establish their view of the Constitu- 

415 


416 


THE CIVIL WAR 


tion as a compact between equal partners, from which any- 
dissatisfied member might withdraw. 

Lincoln and the Compromise Proposals. With the failure of 
the Crittenden Compromise and the Peace Convention, the whole 
country, North and South, looked toward Lincoln. That firm 
and tactful leader refused to make any statement which might 
embarrass Buchanan in the last months of his presidential term. 
To the questions asked him, Lincoln would only reply that his 
position would be found in his former speeches. But in a letter 
to Senator Seward, the President-elect made it plain that he 
would support no compromise based on additional slave ter¬ 
ritory. “ On that question,” said he, “I am inflexible. I am 
for no compromise which assists or permits the extension of the 
institution on soil owned by the nation.” However, Lincoln 
was ready to approve a constitutional amendment guaranteeing 
that there should be no interference with slavery in the states 
where it was already established. 

Lincoln Prepares to Take Office. Locking himself in an up¬ 
stairs room over a store opposite the statehouse at Springfield, 
Lincoln began to write his inaugural address. He had before him 
as his authorities a copy of the federal Constitution, Henry 
Clay’s speech of 1850, Jackson’s proclamation against nullifica¬ 
tion, and Webster’s reply to Hayne. As the time for the 
inauguration drew near, Lincoln bade a last farewell to his old 
friends and neighbors, and started on his journey to the national 
capital. He believed that the task before him “ was greater than 
that which rested upon Washington ”; but this untried man 
from Illinois was destined to prove himself equal to the gravest 
crisis in our history. When he reached Philadelphia, Lincoln 
told the country in his speech at Independence Hall: “ There 
will be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the government. 
The government will not use force unless force is used 
against it.” 

The Inaugural Address. In spite of threats and predictions 
to the contrary, nothing occurred to interrupt the inauguration 
at Washington. Lincoln’s voice rang out clear as he delivered his 
address to the anxious and attentive crowd before the east front 


THE APPEAL TO ARMS 


417 


of the Capitol. Close at his side was a man whom he had often 
met on the platform in fierce debate, but who now sat attentive 
and friendly, holding Lincoln’s hat. It was Stephen A. Douglas, 
his defeated rival, giving notice to every one that he proposed 
to stand by the President. By his stanch attitude in this dark 
hour, the “ Little Giant ” did much to rally the Democrats 
of the North in loyal support of the Union. 

On the two great issues of slavery and secession, Lincoln stated 
his position clearly and firmly. “ I have no purpose,” said 
he, “ directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of 
slavery in the states where it exists. I believe I have no lawful 
right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.” On the 
question of secession it was no longer the irresolute Buchanan 
who spoke. “ No state,” said Lincoln, “ can lawfully get out of 
the Union; resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally 
void. To the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the 
Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of 
the Union be faithfully executed in all the states.” The President 
closed with a touching appeal which awakened no response at 
the South. “ Physically speaking, we cannot separate. In your 
hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is 
the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not as¬ 
sail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy 
the government'; while I shall have the most solemn one to 
preserve, protect, and defend it.” 

Lincoln’s War Cabinet. President Lincoln chose William 
H. Seward of New York as his Secretary of State. Senator 
Seward was regarded by many people, including himself, as the 
real head of the Republican party; and he confidently expected 
to be the power behind the throne in the new administration. 
The position of Secretary of the Treasury went to Salmon P. 
Chase of Ohio, who represented the radical Republicans of the 
Middle West. Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania was made 
Secretary of War, but within a year was replaced by Edwin M. 
Stanton, a Union Democrat who had been a bitter personal 
enemy of Lincoln. New England was recognized by the ap- 


418 


THE CIVIL WAR 



pointment of Gideon Welles of Connecticut as Secretary of the 
Navy. The Postmaster-General, Montgomery Blair of Mary¬ 
land, and the Attorney-General, Edward Bates of Missouri, 
voiced the loyal sentiment of the border states. Lincoln aimed 
to have his Cabinet represent all the different elements of public 
opinion that wished to preserve the Union. So he included 
moderate and radical Republicans, War Democrats, and loyal 


Lincoln’s War Cabinet 

From left to right: Edwin M. Stanton, Salmon P. Chase, President Lincoln, 
Gideon Welles, William H. Seward (seated), Caleb Smith, Montgomery Blair, 
and Edward Bates. 

border state men. No Southerners were appointed, although 
the President was urged to name at least one. 

It was a strong, though unruly cabinet; but it was domi¬ 
nated by a still stronger personality. When Secretary Seward 
urged upon Lincoln his absurd scheme of foreign war as a means 
of saving the country from disunion, the President quietly 
overruled him. More remarkable still was his taming of Stanton, 
that human dynamo who terrorized every one except his chief. 
“ Mister President, I refuse to execute this order.” “ Well, 
Mister Secretary, I reckon it will have to be done.” And done it 
always was. 




THE APPEAL TO ARMS 


419 


The Attack on Fort Sumter, April 12, 1861. The first test as 
to whether the government was to keep possession of the national 
property located in the South was not long delayed. By the first 
of April, 1861, nearly all of the forts, arsenals, customhouses, and 
post offices in the seceding states had passed into the hands of 
the Confederates. Only Fort Sumter, guarding the mouth of 
the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina, and Fort Pickens at 
Pensacola, Florida, remained in possession of the Union. 

When Lincoln was inaugurated, Major Robert Anderson with 
eighty men was still holding Fort Sumter, although in desperate 



Fort Sumter after the Bombardment 
From a photograph in the Brady Collection, the War Department, Washington. 


need of reinforcements and food. “ What shall be done about 
Sumter ?” became the question of the hour at Washington. 
Should the federal troops be withdrawn as demanded by the 
Confederate authorities, or should the garrison be reinforced? 
President Lincoln decided to send food and supplies to Sumter; 
but before the relief ships could reach Charleston, Jefferson 
Davis, President of the Confederate government, gave the order 
to capture the fort. On the morning of April 12, the Charleston 
batteries opened fire. Major Anderson and his little band of men 
were able to hold out about thirty-six hours, when fire broke 
out within the fort and he was obliged to surrender. After 
saluting his flag with fifty guns, Anderson embarked his men 
on the relief ships which had arrived during the bombardment, 
but which could not reach the fort. The South had made the 
first attack; what would be the answer of the North? 






420 


THE CIVIL WAR 


The Call to Arms. Bewildered at the action of the seceding 
states, the North at first refused to believe that they would 
really carry out their program. A few “ peace at any price ” men 
urged that if the southern states were in earnest, the Union was 
not worth a war. “ Let the erring sisters go in peace,” was for a 
time the advice of Horace Greeley in the influential New York 
Tribune. Garrison and other abolitionists at first expressed joy 
at the prospect of the destruction of a Union which permitted 
slavery. But the attack upon Fort Sumter united the North 
as nothing else could have done in defense of the Union. When 
President Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers for three months, 
the drums beat in every town, and the rush to arms was uni¬ 
versal. Within a day after Lincoln’s call, the Sixth Regiment 
of Massachusetts mustered on Boston Common and started 
for Washington. On April 19, the Massachusetts regiment 
reached Baltimore, where it was fired upon by a mob of southern 
sympathizers; and here, on the anniversary of Lexington, the 
first blood was shed in the Civil War. But the Sixth Massa¬ 
chusetts pushed on to Washington, and prepared to defend the 
capital against sudden attack. 

No less loyal were the recently arrived immigrants. Out 
of the eastern cities came the Irish, from the western cities the 
Germans, all inspired with the spirit of liberty and nationality. 
Ninety thousand men responded to the first call, and within a 
month, the President asked for 42,000 more volunteers for a term 
of three years. As soon as possible, the regular army was in¬ 
creased by 23,000 men, while 18,000 were enlisted for the navy. 
From this time on the Union army grew, until at the close of the 
war it numbered more than one million men. 

The Border States. Lincoln sent his call for troops to all the 
states that had not seceded. He met with open defiance from 
six of the slaveholding states still in the Union, while Maryland 
and Delaware took a middle ground. Meantime, President 
• Jefferson Davis of the Confederacy issued a call for 100,000 
volunteers, and prepared to follow up the blow struck at Sumter. 
It was plain that all the states south of Mason and Dixon’s 
line would have to fight on one side or the other. Arkansas, 


THE APPEAL TO ARMS 


421 



Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee joined the Confederacy 
between April and June, 1861, bringing the number of seceding 
states up to eleven. With the secession of Virginia, the capital 
of the Confederacy was moved to Richmond. Maryland, 
Kentucky, and Missouri were saved for the Union by Lincoln’s 
vigorous action. But there were many southern sympathizers 
in these states; and at least 
125,000 of their citizens 
served in the Confederate 
armies. 

The secession of the four 
border states was a serious 
blow to the Union cause; 
and a misfortune equally 
great was the loss of one 
man who now gave up his 
command in the federal 
army, and threw in his lot 
with Virginia, his native 
state. A son of “ Light 
Horse Harry” Lee of the 
Revolution, Colonel Robert 
E. Lee of the First Cavalry 
was regarded as the ablest 
officer in the Unites States 
Army. Lee’s character was as noble and lofty as his military 
ability was great. He was reluctant to accept the idea of seces¬ 
sion, but when Virginia seceded, Lee felt that his first loyalty 
was to his own state and his own people. So he refused the 
offer of the command of the Union armies; and on April 2, 
after looking for the last time upon his beautiful estate at 
Arlington, now our national cemetery, he rode forth to organize 
the forces of Virginia. 

Relative Strength of the North and South. In population, 
wealth, and resources, the North had the advantage over the 
South. The population of the eleven seceding states was about 
9,000,000, that of the loyal states, 22,000,000. Of the southern 


Robert E. Lee 

“ Long did he save the South from defeat, 
and forever from reproach.” 




422 


THE CIVIL WAR 


population, nearly 4,000,000 were slaves. As a rule, the slaves 
remained faithful to their masters. On the plantations they 
labored to raise the crops necessary to the life of the South; 
while others followed their masters to the field, and performed 
much of the work of the camps. But with four persons north 
of the Potomac River to each white person at the South, the 
contest was unequal from the beginning. The best proof of the 
devoted bravery of the men of the South is that the issue was so 
long in doubt. 

In resources too, the seceding states were at a serious dis¬ 
advantage. As a result of natural conditions, the South was 
almost exclusively an agricultural region. Cities were small an I 
few; there was little manufacturing, hence there were few skilled 
mechanics. Then, too, agriculture was not diversified; for while 
the South raised rice and tobacco as well as some corn and wheat, 
cotton was the great staple. On King Cotton the South based its 
hopes for success in the war. The secession leaders believed that 
England would never tolerate the cutting off of the raw material 
without which her looms must stand idle. If Great Britain and 
France would only recognize the Confederacy as an independent 
nation, the South would have a market for its staple, and cotton 
would purchase the goods and munitions by which that nation 
could secure its independence. But if its ports were blockaded, 
the South with its few manufactures could not be self-sustaining. 

In contrast with the agricultural South was the manufac¬ 
turing and commercial North, abounding in great industrial 
centers, its ships whitening every sea. Here were mechanics by 
thousands; here the streams were all in harness, and mills vied 
with mines in producing the materials of peace, soon to become 
the instruments of war. Here, too, there was a schoolhouse at 
each crossroads; every child could read and write, while at the 
South public education was practically unknown, and the poor 
whites were almost as illiterate as the slaves. Already 
Yankee ingenuity had begun to utilize labor-saving machinery; 
and the introduction of the McCormick reaper into the wheat 
fields of the Northwest released regiments of young men to do 
battle for the Union. Hence the Secretary of War could say in 



Harrisburg 

^ A N 


'"'Vpittsburgh 

p’.SE N N 


Gettysburg 


Antietam 

4/ Baltirm 


Columbus 


Indianapolis 


Hafpcrs 

• P&rrV V 


ngton 


AVashirftiRon 
b.J unction #\ 


■Cincinnati 


Jefferson City 


>t. Louis 


>W ildernessgN 

.'redericksburg 


Louisville 


©Frankfort 


\X Xs itici^oi^Vy 

'Appomattox Petersburg 


• Perry ville 


Carthage 


Monroe 

Nbrfolk 


Bowling Green 


Danville 


Belmont AOolumbu 


[onelson 


Island No.10 


r (3 l1 

Nashville 


\Raleigb\ 

C A R.OV 1 


Murfreesboro 


KnoxvHle / 


Ft. Pillow 


ernphis 


fattahooga 


Shiloh 


Chieknmauga 

^Dalton 


A TS\ 

.Little Rock 


"Holly Corinth 
Springs i 


Vjlmington 


loluntbia 


Vi Atlanta 


1 Augusta 

> G\I A 

Milledgeville 




Charleston 


reveport 


icksburg 


Jackson 


Montgomery 


Andersonville 


Savanm 


THE STRATEGY, BLOCKADE, 
AND RESTRICTION OF 
CONFEDERATE TERRITORY 
1861-1865 

Restriction of territory by yearly 
campaigns shown by colored lines 


Port Hudson 
Baton Bouge 


> u 

Jacksonville/ 

St. August} ne 


n ^Tallahassee 


leans 


I 1 Federal States 

| I Confederate States 

SlSve holding States favorable to Federal 
Government outlined in the same color as 
the Confederate States. 


Scale of Miles 


Longitude West 85 from Greenwich 






































































































































s • 










• ^ 




sU 













m 
































































































l 




THE APPEAL TO ARMS 


423 


1861: “ The reaper is to the North what slavery is to the 

South.” 

The Strategy of the Civil War. The theatre of the war was 
bounded on the north by the courses of the Missouri, Ohio, and 
Potomac rivers, and on the west by the frontiers of Texas, 
Arkansas, and Missouri. This region of nearly one million square 
miles was divided by the Appalachian barrier into two distinct 
fields of operation, that of Virginia and that of the Mississippi 
Valley. So the war was fought out on two stages, the one in the 
East and the other in the West. In the East, the aim of the 
Union armies was to advance upon Richmond, while at the same 
time protecting their own capital at Washington. In the West, 
the object was first, to gain control of^the Mississippi, which 
would cut the Confederacy in two; and second, to move the 
Union armies down the Mississippi, then northeast through 
Georgia and the Carolinas so as to strike Richmond from the 
south. Thus the war in the West was really a flanking move¬ 
ment on a vast scale, which if successful would trap the Confed¬ 
erate forces between the Army of the East, attacking Richmond 
from the north, and the Army of the West, advancing on 
the Confederate capital from the south. 

In spite of long delays and serious defeats, this program was 
finally carried out. Progress was slow in the eastern theater 
of the war, partly because of geographic conditions, partly 
by reason of the splendid generalship of Lee and Jackson. But 
in the West, geographic conditions favored the Union armies 
which secured control of the Mississippi in 1863, and the 
following year captured Atlanta and marched northeast through 
the Carolinas. 

“ On to Richmond ! ” Washington and Richmond were the 
chief objectives, and the road between the two capitals would 
have to be guarded by each side. When the fighting began, 
General Winfield Scott, a loyal Virginian and a veteran of two 
wars, was the commander in chief of the Union armies. The 
Confederate forces were massed in two groups, one under 
General Beauregard at Manassas Junction, about thirty miles 
from Washington, and the other under General Joseph E. 


424 


THE CIVIL WAR 



Johnston at Winchester, in the Shenandoah Valley. The people 
of the North were clamoring for an advance on Richmond, while 
the newspapers were criticizing the inactivity of the government. 
General Scott was reluctant to make an attack with his un¬ 
trained troops, but at last the pressure could no longer be 
resisted. Scott ordered General McDowell, his second in com¬ 
mand, to advance toward Manassas Junction. Members of 
Congress drove out from Washington to see the fight; for like 


The Capitol of the Confederacy, Richmond 

thousands of others at the North, they believed that this one 
battle would break down the Confederacy and end the war. 

The Battle of Manassas or Bull Run, July 21,1861. The clash 
between the two armies came at Manassas Junction, near the 
little creek of Bull Run in eastern Virginia. Both armies showed 
their inexperience, but until the middle of the afternoon, the 
Union troops more than held their own. Shortly after three 
o’clock, the Union soldiers, wearied by their long struggle, were 
dismayed by the arrival of Confederate reinforcements. It was 
the division of Johnston who had eluded the Union army sent 
to hold him in check, and who now threw his men into action. 
The Union soldiers fell back; soon the retreat became a rout, 











THE APPEAL TO ARMS 


425 


the rout a panic. Men threw away their arms and equipment, 
and it was a disorganized mob that fled back across Bull Run 
to seek refuge in Washington. 

General Jackson, to whose steadiness the Confederates owed 
their victory, exclaimed that with ten thousand fresh troops he 
could capture Washington on the morrow. However, the 
Confederates were so exhausted that they were not able to 
follow up their victory. The North had been taught a bitter 
lesson, while this early success made the Confederates over¬ 
confident. General Sherman afterwards said of Bull Run: 
“ It was the best planned and worst fought battle of the war.” 
The Union defeat came from lack of training, in which the 
Confederates were six months ahead. 

The Blockade of the Southern Ports. A few days after the 
attack on Fort Sumter, President Lincoln issued a proclamation 
announcing a blockade of the ports of the southern states. To 
be valid according to the law of nations, a blockade must 
be effective; that is, it must be maintained by a force strong 
enough to prevent access to the blockaded ports. At this time 
there were only ninety ships in our navy, while the thirty-five 
hundred miles of seacoast to be guarded stretched from the 
Potomac to the mouth of the Rio Grande. A large navy had 
to be created ; and meantime the government bought every craft 
that could be put to use, while the naval yards were driven 
night and day in building ships, engines, and armament. The 
North had to provide ships for the blockade, as well as cruisers 
to pursue commerce destroyers, and heavy ships to deal with 
fortresses. 

The new navy performed its work well, and slowly but surely 
it throttled the foreign commerce so vital to the life of the 
Confederacy. “ Uncle Sam’s web feet,” as Lincoln called the 
navy, were ever active. “ Wherever the ground was a little 
damp,” said he, “ they have been and made their tracks.” 
Fortunately for the cause of the Union, the South had no navy. 
Moreover, she had practically no workshops or dockyards, and 
few skilled mechanics for the task of building one. Control of the 
sea was to prove the greatest single advantage on the side of the 


426 


THE CIVIL WAR 



North, and the most effective weapon in bringing about the down¬ 
fall of the Confederacy. 

Relations with Europe. Both the North and the South were 
anxious to win the good will of European nations. President 
Lincoln instructed our representatives abroad to maintain that 
we were not waging war, but were putting down an insurrection 
against the laws of the Union. He hoped that foreign nations 
would not recognize the Confederates as belligerents; that is, 


The White House of the Confederacy 

President Davis’s former residence in Richmond, now used as a museum. 
Each state in the Confederacy has equipped a room, and filled it with relics of 
the “ Lost Cause.” 

t 

would not recognize their right to carry on war. The Confeder¬ 
ates, on the other hand, expected more than this. Knowing that 
the mills of Europe depended on the cotton of the South, they 
were confident that the leading powers would speedily recognize 
the Confederacy as an independent nation. 

As it turned out, Great Britain and France took a middle 
course that pleased neither the North nor the South. On the 
very day that our minister, Charles Francis Adams, arrived in 
London, the British government issued a proclamation which 







THE APPEAL TO ARMS 


427 


recognized the right of the Confederates to wage war. The North 
thought that this action was taken in unfriendly haste; but by 
declaring a blockade, President Lincoln himself had virtually 
announced a state of war. France took the same action as Great 
Britain, but neither nation went beyond this. The Confederates 
hoped to the last that Europe would intervene and recognize 
their independence, but this hope was never realized. Adams 
labored early and late to hold back Great Britain from recogniz¬ 
ing the independence of the Confederacy, pointing out that 
this action would be equivalent to a declaration of war against 
the United States. 

The aristocratic class in England favored the South, and 
was not unwilling to see the Union overthrown. But the starving 
cotton operatives in Lancashire, and the great body of England’s 
common people, were on the side of the Union. Slavery was the 
corner stone of the Confederacy; and the people of England 
disliked slavery. Napoleon III, the ruler of France, was 
unfriendly to the North, but dared not act without the support 
of Great Britain. Of all the nations of Europe, only Russia stood 
firmly by the Union from the outset. Perhaps Russia’s own 
dread of revolution led her to look with disfavor upon the 
action of the South. Whatever the motive, the North was 
encouraged by her friendship. 

The Trent Affair. After the Confederate victory at Bull Run, 
President Davis decided to send two envoys to represent the 
Confederacy in Europe, and if possible, to secure recognition 
from Great Britain and France. John Slidell and James M. 
Mason were chosen, the former to be stationed at Paris, the latter 
at London. Running through the blockade at Charleston they 
reached Havana, and took passage on the British mailboat 
Trent for Southampton. The next day Captain Wilkes, com¬ 
manding the United States gunboat San Jacinto , stopped the 
Trent in the Bahama Channel with a shot across her bow. 
Boarding the British steamer, he removed the ministers and 
their secretaries. The Trent was then allowed to proceed on her 
voyage, while Captain Wilkes landed his prisoners at Boston. 

The North was wild with joy over this exploit, but sober 


428 


THE CIVIL WAR 


second thought convinced Lincoln and his Cabinet that the 
action of Captain Wilkes must be disavowed. By stopping a 
vessel on the high seas and exercising the right of search, he had 
done exactly what we had objected to Great Britain’s doing in 
1812. Great Britain at once demanded the release of the com¬ 
missioners, with an apology for their arrest; and meantime 
she mobilized troops on the Canadian border and made ready 
for war. Our government soon admitted its mistake, and after 
releasing the prisoners, sent them to England. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXIV. 
Chadwick, F. E., Causes of the Civil War (American Nation Series). 
Harding, S. B., Select Orations Illustrating American History: Henry 
Ward Beecher’s Liverpool Address, pp. 392-413. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, chs. XI- 
XII, XVIII. 

Hosmer, J. K., The Appeal to Arms (American Nation Series), chs. 
I-V. 

Hosmer, J. K., Outcome of the Civil War (American Nation Series), 
chs. XV-XVI. 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, III, chs. XIV-XV. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Abraham Lincoln. Harding, S. B., Select Orations Illustrating 
American History: First Inaugural Address, pp. 370-381 ; Second 
Inaugural Address, pp. 417-420 ; Morse, J. T., Abraham Lincoln, 

2 vols. (American Statesmen Series) ; Nicolay, John G., Abraham 
Lincoln. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Civil War (Century Readings), pp. 3-46. 

Great Epochs in American History, VIII, pp. 3-43. 

Griffis, W. E., The Romance of Conquest, chs. XXII-XXIII. 
Wilson, Woodrow, Division and Reunion, pp. 213-219. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. Abraham Lincoln. Gordy, W. F., Abraham Lincoln, chs. II- 
XIV ; Morgan, James, Abraham Lincoln, The Boy and the Man, 
chs. VI-XX XVI; Wilson, J. G., The Presidents, II, ch. IX. 


CHAPTER XXXV 


THE WAR IN THE WEST 

Events in the Border States. The western campaign began in 
earnest in 1862, although there were some ipilitary operations 
in Virginia and Missouri during 1861. The people in the western 
part of Virginia owned few slaves, and were strongly opposed 
to secession. When Virginia seceded, these West Virginians 
promptly organized a Union government and asked" President 
Lincoln for aid. Captain George B. McClellan, a West Point 
graduate who had served in the Mexican War, succeeded in 
driving the Confederate forces from this region; and from 
that time on, the forty-eight western counties of Virginia were 
under Union control. Virginia herself was now getting a taste 
of secession, for in 1863 Congress admitted West Virginia as an 
independent state. 

The governor of Missouri was a secessionist, and there was a 
strong southern party in the state. Missouri was saved for the 
Union chiefly by the energy of two men, Francis P. Blair, a 
brother of Lincoln’s Postmaster-General, and Captain Nathaniel 
Lyon of the Union army. Aided by the loyal population of St. 
Louis, Blair and Lyon captured the Confederate headquarters 
at Camp Jackson, and prevented the secessionists from seizing 
the United States arsenal at St. Louis. Marching his troops up 
the Missouri River, Lyon then captured Jefferson City, and 
drove the secessionist governor to the border of the state. 
Kentucky was also torn by dissension, but after a brief attempt 
to remain neutral, this state decided for the Union without 
serious fighting. 

The Campaign in Tennessee. With the border states of West 
Virginia, Missouri, and Kentucky in control of the Union forces, 
the campaign of 1862 began with a fierce struggle for the state 

429 


430 


THE CIVIL WAR 


of Tennessee. Since there were few railroads in the western 
theatre of the war, it was necessary for the Union forces to 
secure control of the rivers, especially the Ohio, Cumberland, 
Tennessee, and Mississippi. In the fall of 1861, the Confederate 
line of defense stretched from Island No. 10 in the Mississippi 
River to Columbus, Kentucky; and from this point through 
Forts Henry and Donelson on the Tennessee and Cumberland 

rivers, to Bowling Green, 
Kentucky. This line of de¬ 
fense might be pierced by 
a successful attack on Forts 
Henry and Donelson; for if 
these strongholds were cap¬ 
tured, the Union armies 
could advance up the courses 
of the Tennessee and the 
Cumberland into the heart 
of the Confederacy. This 
was the plan of campaign 
in the mind of Ulysses S. 
Grant, then an obscure cap¬ 
tain in charge of a military 
depot at Cairo, Illinois. 
While General George B. 
McClellan was drilling his 
army along the Potomac, 
Grant was begging his su¬ 
periors for permission to 
attack the Confederate lines at Forts Henry and Donelson. 

Capture of Forts Henry and Donelson. Late in January, 1862, 
Grant received permission to carry out his plan. He moved up 
the Tennessee with an army of 17,000 men, aided by river gun¬ 
boats under the command of Commodore Foote. The com¬ 
mander of Fort Henry surrendered after a lively cannonade, 
but most of the garrison escaped to Fort Donelson. Grant now 
prepared to advance against this stronghold, which defended 
the Cumberland River and blocked the road to Nashville. The 



Ulysses S. Grant 


Even when beaten, Grant could with 
difficulty be kept at bay. When he failed 
at one point, he kept courage, collected 
reinforcements, and tried again at an¬ 
other. 





THE WAR IN THE WEST 


431 


gunboats were sent down the Tennessee, to return by way of the 
Ohio into the Cumberland River, while Grant marched his 
army overland and threw his lines around the fort. 

At first the gunboats were driven back by the fire from 
the fort, but Grant’s opportunity came a few days later, when 
the Confederate garrison tried to cut a way of escape through 
his lines. Striking with all his force, Grant drove them back 
within the fortifications. The Confederate commander, General 
Buckner, then asked Grant for terms, and received the reply 
soon to become famous all over the North : “ No terms except 
an unconditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. I 
propose to move immediately upon your works.” Realizing that 
he could not hold out much longer, General Buckner surrendered 
the fort with its garrison of 15,000 men. Nine days later Nash¬ 
ville, the capital of Tennessee, was occupied by Union forces. 
The Confederates had to abandon Kentucky, as well as' a large 
part of Tennessee. 

The Battle of Shiloh or Pittsburg Landing. After the loss of 
Fort Donelson, General Albert Sidney Johnston, commander of 
the Confederate forces in the West, retreated to Corinth, Missis¬ 
sippi. This was an important point, since it controlled the 
railroad leading from Memphis to Chattanooga. The Con¬ 
federate troops now formed a second line of defense, stretching 
from Memphis to Chattanooga by way of Corinth and northern 
Alabama. General Halleck, commander in chief of the Union 
armies in the West, ordered Generals Grant and Buell to unite 
their forces at Pittsburg Landing, a point on the Tennessee 
River about twenty miles north of Corinth. Before Buell 
could join Grant, the Confederates under Johnston moved north 
from Corinth and struck Grant’s army at Shiloh Church, near 
Pittsburg Landing. The Union commander was apparently 
taken by surprise; his troops were badly placed for defense, 
since they were on the west side of the river, while Buell’s rein¬ 
forcements were to join him from the northeast. 

The battle raged all day, and nightfall found the Union troops 
forced to the river banks, where they found protection under the 
fire of the gunboats. Unfortunately for the Confederates, their 


432 


THE CIVIL WAR 



After the loss of Memphis and New Orleans, the Confederates fortified Vicks¬ 
burg most carefully. Sherman’s attack on the city failed while Grant was 
marching south toward Jackson. His communications being cut at Holly Springs, 
he turned about to Memphis, came down the river in transports, and after a 
brilliant campaign, lay siege to Pemberton’s army in Vicksburg. 


brave commander, General Albert Sidney Johnston, was killed 
in the afternoon just as he seemed about to win a decisive 
victory. His successor, General Beauregard, prepared to fight 
it out on the next day, and even telegraphed to Richmond that 
victory was already won. But General Buell came up during 
the night with 20,000 fresh troops; and after eight hours more 
of hard fighting, the Confederates retreated to their main 
position at Corinth. Although claimed as a Union victory, 
Shiloh was won at a terrible cost. Out of 100,000 men engaged 
in both armies, the Confederates lost 10,000, while the Union 
loss was 13,000. General Halleck now came to Pittsburg Landing 
to take personal command of the Union army. He moved 


























THE WAR IN THE WEST 


433 


cautiously against Corinth, which the Confederates evacuated 
without striking a blow. Memphis fell as soon as Corinth was 
abandoned, so that the Confederate second line of defense was 
broken. 

Confederate Counter Attack in Tennessee and Kentucky. 

There was quiet in the West for several months after the battle 
of Shiloh; but meantime the Confederates were preparing for a 
counter attack in Tennessee and Kentucky, in the hope of 
regaining both states for the South. General Buell was given 
the task of warding off these attacks; but General Bragg with a 
strong Confederate army managed to evade him, and reached a 
point near Louisville, Kentucky. The cities of Louisville and 
Cincinnati were in panic at the prospect of capture, but Buell's 
army at last caught up with the Confederates at Perryville, 
Kentucky. After a sharp engagement, the Confederate army 
retreated south to Chattanooga. About three months later, 
Bragg again advanced north as far as Murfreesboro, Tennessee, 
where he threw up intrenchments. A Union army under General 
Rosecrans attacked this position in the hard-fought battle of 
Stone River or Murfreesboro. The Confederates carried away 
many captured guns and claimed the victory, but they had failed 
in their attempt to wrest Tennessee from Union control. 

The Mississippi Opened to Vicksburg. After the loss of 
Forts Henry and Donelson, the Confederates strengthened their 
posts on the upper Mississippi at New Madrid and Island 
No. 10. Aided by the gunboats which had done such effec¬ 
tive work against Fort Henry, General Pope captured these 
positions in March and April, 1862. Union gunboats then 
passed down the river to Fort Pillow and Memphis, both of 
which surrendered early in June. The Mississippi was then 
cleared of Confederate forces as far south as Vicksburg. 

The Capture of New Orleans, April 25, 1862. While the 
Union troops under Grant were opening the Mississippi north 
of Vicksburg, Admiral David G. Farragut was sent with a fleet 
of gunboats to capture New Orleans, and open the Mississippi 
from the south. The defenses below New Orleans were very 
strong. Two powerful forts guarded the river, while an enor- 


434 


THE CIVIL WAR 


mous chain was stretched from bank to bank to hold back 
hostile vessels at a point where they would be under the fire 
from the forts. Above this barrier was a fleet of Confederate 
gunboats and fireships, ready to play their part. Farragut 
ordered two of his gunboats to accomplish the dangerous 
task of breaking this chain. His ships then silenced the fire 
from the fort and moved up the river to New Orleans, which 

lay helpless under his guns. 
This important city was 
occupied by Union troops 
on May 1, 1862, and gov¬ 
erned by General Butler 
under martial law. With 
grim humor, Butler in¬ 
scribed on the statue of 
Andrew Jackson his famous 
toast: “ The federal Union, 
it must be preserved.” 

The capture of New Or¬ 
leans made it easier for the 
Union navy to enforce the 
blockade; while the loss of 
its largest city and principal 
seaport was a serious blow 
to the Confederacy. As a 
result of the western cam¬ 
paigns in 1862, the Union 
forces held all of Kentucky, 
the western and central portion of Tennessee, and all of the 
Mississippi River except the stretch of two hundred miles from 
Port Hudson north to Vicksburg. 

Grant Captures Vicksburg, July 4, 1863. Fourteen months 
after the fall of New Orleans, the Union army under General 
Grant captured the last Confederate stronghold on the Missis¬ 
sippi. Vicksburg was protected from attack on the river side by a 
line of bluffs, covered with batteries. This natural fortress was 
held by a strong garrison, while about fifty miles to the east was 



David G. Farragut 


In running the gantlet of the forts be¬ 
low New Orleans, Farragut showed himself 
a commander of original ideas, with the 
nerve and energy to carry them into exe¬ 
cution. 






THE WAR IN THE WEST 


435 


another Confederate army under General Joseph E. Johnston. 
Grant finally hit upon a brilliant but daring plan of attack. His 
gunboats and transports ran past the batteries at night, landing 
the supplies at Grand Gulf, a point about forty miles south of 
Vicksburg. Grant now showed the qualities of leadership that 
later were to give him supreme command of the Union armies. 
Directly north of him lay Vicksburg with its garrison, while 
northeast was Jackson, where reinforcements for Vicksburg were 
even then gathering. Abandoning his base, Grant marched his 
army across the country to Jackson, arriving just in time to cut 
the railroad line between Jackson and Vicksburg, and to place 
all of his forces between the divided enemy. After driving the 
outnumbered Confederates from Jackson, Grant turned west to 
strike at Vicksburg. When his attempt to carry the stronghold 
at the point of the bayonet failed, he threw his lines around 
Vicksburg for a siege. Cut off from supplies and reinforcements, 
Vicksburg held out for six weeks, then surrendered with 30,000 
Confederate soldiers. 

Five days later Port Hudson fell, so that the North had 
accomplished the first of its great aims in the war. The Missis¬ 
sippi was opened throughout its course, and the Confederacy 
cut in two. Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas could no longer send 
food and reinforcements to their sister states east of the Mis¬ 
sissippi. Another important result was to bring Grant into 
prominence as the most successful northern general. As General 
Sherman said, Grant’s campaign before Vicksburg was the work 
of a great captain. On the day before Vicksburg surrendered, 
the Union army in the East turned back Lee at Gettysburg, and 
the twin victories gave new hope to the North. 

The Battle of Chickamauga, September 19-20, 1863. While 
Grant was forcing Vicksburg to surrender, General Rosecrans 
led a Union army against Bragg, the commander of the Con¬ 
federate forces defending Chattanooga. In order to reach the 
enemy, the Confederates marched out of Chattanooga, and made 
a detour which left the Union army between them and the city. 
Bragg struck fiercely at the Union left wing commanded by 
General Thomas, but that brave commander could not be forced 


436 


THE CIVIL WAR 


back. On the second day of the battle, a whole division was 
moved from the Union center to reinforce the left wing. General 
Longstreet, one of the most successful Confederate leaders, saw 
the blunder and at once hurled eight brigades through the 
breach. The Union center was crushed, and the right wing 
forced back. With two thirds of his army fleeing in panic along 

the road to Chattanooga, 
Rosecrans sent word to 
Thomas to protect the rear 
as best he could. Although 
surrounded on three sides 
and outnumbered two to 
one, Thomas held his posi¬ 
tion until nightfall. His 
splendid resistance saved 
the army from destruction, 
and won for him the title of 
“ The Rock of Chicka- 
mauga.” 

The Battles of Lookout 
Mountain and Missionary 
Ridge. Holding the de¬ 
feated Union troops penned 
up in Chattanooga, General 
Bragg proceeded to fortify 
Lookout Mountain and 
Missionary Ridge, heights 
that commanded the town on the east and south. The Con¬ 
federate batteries on Lookout Mountain shelled the railroad, 
and with their supplies cut off, the Union forces in Chatta¬ 
nooga faced starvation. At this critical time, General Grant 
was placed in command of all the Union armies in the West, 
with orders to relieve Chattanooga. “ Fighting Joe ’’ Hooker 
was also sent from Virginia with 16,000 men, while Sherman 
was ordered from Vicksburg with a still larger force. 

Grant’s first work was to open up railway connections, so 
as to furnish the besieged army with food. He accomplished 



James Longstreet 


One of the greatest fighters of the Con¬ 
federacy. He won especial distinction at 
Manassas, Fredericksburg, Chickamauga, 
and in the Wilderness Campaign. 





THE WAR IN THE WEST 


437 


this by building a new railway line, then made ready to at¬ 
tack the Confederates. Sherman was given command of the 
left wing of the Union army, Thomas was placed in the 
center, and Hooker on the right wing. The Confederate line 
stretched from the northern end of Missionary Ridge along 
the crest to Rossville Gap, a distance of about six miles. 

When the battle began, 

Sherman’s troops were for 
a time delayed by a hidden 
ravine across the ridge. 

Meantime, Hooker’s men 
stormed up the sides of 
Lookout Mountain, and 
placed the Stars and Stripes 
on its peak; while the Union 
center under Thomas swept 
over the ridge opposite, and 
seized the Confederate bat¬ 
teries and trenches. “ By 
whose order is this ?” asked 
Grant, as he saw the blue 
lines charging up the heights, 
instead of merely seizing the 
lower slopes as he had com¬ 
manded. “ By their own, 

I fancy,” said Thomas, who 
stood near him. But the 
ridge was won, and Bragg was forced to abandon the siege of 
Chattanooga, taking his army into winter quarters at Dalton, 
in northern Georgia. The battles around Chattanooga were 
nearly as decisive as Vicksburg itself, for all of Tennessee was 
now securely held for the Union, and the victorious Union army 
at Chattanooga held the key to Atlanta. 

Sherman’s Campaign against Atlanta. As a result of his 
victories at Vicksburg and Chattanooga, Grant was made 
commander in chief of all the Union armies, with the rank of 
Lieutenant-General. Early in 1864 he left for the East, to take 



George H. Thomas 


This Virginian was of the same good 
lineage as Robert E. Lee, but unlike him, 
he espoused the Union cause. Rosecrans 
said of Thomas that he was as wise in 
council as he was brave in battle. 





438 


THE CIVIL WAR 


command of the Army of the Potomac operating in Virginia 
against General Lee; and command of the forces in Chat¬ 
tanooga was given to General Sherman, another proven leader. 
General Bragg was succeeded by one of the best Confederate 
generals, Joseph E. Johnston, so that each army had a new 
commander. 

Sherman marched toward the Confederates at Dalton early 
in 1864, but finding their position too strong for a direct attack 

moved around their left 
flank and approached the 
railroad leading to Atlanta. 
This railroad Johnston had 
to defend at all hazards, so 
he abandoned his trenches 
and took up a new position. 
Again Sherman moved 
around his left flank, and 
this maneuver was repeated 
until the Union army was 
within six miles of Atlanta. 
The southern people blamed 
Johnston for his frequent 
retreats, so he was replaced 
by General Hood, an im¬ 
petuous leader who could be 
relied on to fight. Sherman 
defeated Hood in three 
pitched battles, and on Sep¬ 
tember 3, 1864, the Union 
army occupied Atlanta. 

The loss of Atlanta was a serious blow to the South, for 
the railroad which carried supplies to Lee’s army in Virginia ran 
through this city. Hood now marched his army to a point forty- 
five miles north of Atlanta, in an attempt to seize the railroad 
on which Sherman depended for supplies. Defeated here, he 
made a wide detour to the west and north, so as to threaten the 
railroad at Nashville. Still Sherman held on at Atlanta, but 



Joseph E. Johnston 

Ranks with Lee and Jackson as one of 
the three great soldiers of the South. At 
Vicksburg, Grant told Sherman that John¬ 
ston was the only general he feared on the 
southern side. 




THE WAR IN THE WEST 


439 



sent General Thomas north to defend Nashville. Thomas 
destroyed Hood’s army in a fierce battle late in the year 1864; 
and this left the Confederates without any troops to oppose 
Sherman’s march through Georgia and the Carolinas. 

Sherman’s March to the Sea. After burning everything in 
Atlanta that was of service to the Confederates, and destroy¬ 
ing the railroad line to Chattanooga, Sherman began his famous 
march to the sea. He had cut the telegraph lines, so that for 
a month the North only 
learned of his movements 
from the Confederate news¬ 
papers. Sherman’s purpose 
was to destroy the military 
resources of Georgia in his 
devastating march, then by 
turning northward, to ex¬ 
ecute the final flanking 
movement against Rich¬ 
mond. The Union troops, 
called “ Sherman’s bum¬ 
mers” by the Southerners, 
marched in four parallel col¬ 
umns, covering a zone sixty 
miles wide. They burned 
houses and barns, destroyed 
the growing crops, carried 
off live stock, and laid waste 
the entire region through 
which they passed. On 
Christmas Eve, 1864, President Lincoln received a telegram 
which read : “ I beg to present you as a Christmas gift the city 
of Savannah, with one hundred and fifty heavy guns, plenty of 
ammunition, also about twenty-five thousand bales of cotton. — 
W. T. Sherman, Major-General.” 

Leaving Savannah in January, 1865, Sherman headed his 
forces northward through the Carolinas in order to threaten 
Richmond from the south, while Grant with the Army of the 


William Tecumseh Sherman \ 

Grant’s most trusted lieutenant. “To 
you and McPherson,” wrote Grant to 
Sherman, “ above all others, I feel indebted 
for whatever I have had of success.” 






440 


THE CIVIL WAR 


Potomac was attacking from the north. Sherman’s army 
occupied the capital of South Carolina on February 17, and 
reached Raleigh, North Carolina, about two months later. His 
successful campaign was now at an end, for on April 9, 1865, 
General Lee surrendered his army at Appomattox. The other 
Confederate generals hastened to follow the example of their 
chief; and Sherman received the surrender of Johnston’s forces 
in North Carolina. Thus the war in the West had accomplished 
both of its aims. The Confederacy was first cut in two by open¬ 
ing the Mississippi throughout its entire length. Next, by his 
vast flanking movement through the heart of the South, Sher¬ 
man proved that the Confederacy was, as he said, an empty 
eggshell, incapable of defending its interior lines. Even if Lee 
could have held out longer, Richmond must surely have fallen 
as the two jaws of the nut-cracker closed in, — Grant’s army 
from the north and the army of Sherman from the south. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXV. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, chs. XX, 
XXII. 

Hosmer, J. K., The Appeal to Arms, chs. VI-VII, XV, XVIII. 
Hosmer, J. K., The Outcome of the Civil War, chs. II—III, VII. 
Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, III, ch. XVI ; V, ch. 
XXIV. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Civil War, pp. 47-112. 

Great Epochs in American History, VIII, pp. 58-118. 

Hitchcock, Ripley, Editor, Decisive Battles of America, chs. XVI- 
XVIII. 

Johnston, R. M., Leading American Soldiers, pp. 137-362. 


CHAPTER XXXVI 


THE WAR IN THE EAST 

General McClellan Takes Command. While the Union 
armies were winning victories in the West, fortune in the 
eastern campaigns seemed to favor the South. After the rout 
of the northern army at Bull Run, General George B. McClellan 
was recalled from West 
Virginia to take command 
of the Union forces around 
Washington. McClellan 
was a splendid drillmaster. 

No longer were officers and 
men seen loafing about the 
streets of Washington, for 
the new commander put 
them all to work. He built 
fortifications, drilled and 
equipped the raw Regi¬ 
ments, and soon brought 
order out of chaos. 

By the close of 1861, the 
Army of the Potomac was 
a well drilled and well George B. McClellan 

equipped machine, and the A brilliant leader, beloved by the whole 
people of the North were Army Of the Potomac. Lee himself held a 
^ . . high opinion of McClellan’s military ability. 

anxious to see it put to 

use. But McClellan was not yet ready to advance. The Con¬ 
federates under General Joseph E. Johnston were still near 
the battle field of Manassas, thirty-five miles distant. Although 
his own force was much smaller than the Army of the Potomac, 

441 






442 


THE CIVIL WAR 


Johnston preserved a bold front; and the imagination of Mc¬ 
Clellan saw thousands where there were scarcely hundreds. In 
short, the new commander of the Union army had all the 
qualities of a successful general except initiative. As Sheridan 
afterward said, in his rough, direct speech: “ The army was 
all right. The trouble was that the commander never went 
out to lick anybody, but always thought first of keeping from 
getting licked.” 

The Peninsular Campaign. Losing patience at McClellan’s 
long delay, President Lincoln issued a positive command for a 
general advance of the Union armies on Washington’s Birthday, 
1862. There were two possible routes along which the Union 
forces might move against Richmond. The first was a direct 
march southward, difficult because Richmond was protected on 
the north by rivers, creeks, and an almost impassable wilderness. 
The second route was to send the army on ships to Fortress 
Monroe, and from this base, to strike the Confederate capital 
from the east. 

Lincoln and his advisers wished to make the attack by a 
direct southward movement, so as to keep the Union army 
between the enemy and Washington; but McClellan decided 
in favor of the water route. His famous Peninsular Campaign 
lasted from March until August, 1862, and ended in disaster for 
the Army of the Potomac. Landing 100,000 men at the end 
of the peninsula between the York and the James rivers, the 
Union commander took Yorktown and Williamsburg, then 
pushed northward until he reached a point about ten miles east 
of Richmond. Here McClellan expected to be reinforced by the 
army of McDowell, which had marched overland to a point in 
central Virginia, near Fredericksburg. If the two Union armies 
could unite before Richmond, they would greatly outnumber 
the Confederates, and could probably capture the capital. 

Stonewall Jackson’s Campaign in the Valley. In this 
critical hour, Stonewall Jackson saved the Confederacy by his 
brilliant campaign in the Shenandoah Valley. Jackson defeated 
three Union armies in turn; he caused so much alarm for the 
safety of Washington that Lincoln ordered McDowell into the 



The Campaigns in the East 


443 














































444 


THE CIVIL WAR 


valley at the very moment when he should have been marching 
on Richmond. His object accomplished, Jackson recrossed the 
Blue Ridge and joined Lee for the defense of his capital. “ In 
forty-eight days he had marched six hundred and seventy-six 
miles, fought five hard battles, accomplishing in each his pur¬ 
pose, baffled three federal armies, his seventeen thousand 
matched against fifty thousand, brought off his prisoners and 
booty unmeasured, ruined the campaign of McClellan, and 
stricken the North with terror. He now stood, with army 
diminished indeed, but trained, seasoned, and eager for new 
efforts, while his own reputation was forever fixed as one of the 
world’s great captains.” 

Lee’s Defense of Richmond. The defense of Richmond was 
at first intrusted to General Joseph E. Johnston. He was 
severely wounded early in the Peninsular Campaign, after 
which General Robert E. Lee was made commander in chief 
of the Confederate armies. Lee’s defense of his capital was 
skillful, and with a smaller force he outgeneralled his adversary. 
The Union army reached a point about five miles from Rich¬ 
mond, where a severe battle was fought. Disappointed at not 
receiving the expected aid from McDowell, McClellan then 
decided on a change of base to the James River. Fighting as he 
retreated the terrible series of combats known as the Seven 
Days’ Battles, his army at last reached Harrison’s Landing, 
where it found protection under the guns of the navy. McClellan 
had lost 15,000 men in the Seven Days’ Battles without gaining 
any advantage. He was soon afterwards recalled, while the dis¬ 
heartened Army of the Potomac was brought back to Washing¬ 
ton on the transports. 

Second Battle of Manassas or Bull Run. A new Army of 
Virginia was now organized under the command of General 
John Pope, who had won some success in the West. General 
Lee moved north against his new adversary, and on the same 
field of Manassas where the warj began, the Union forces suffered 
another severe defeat. Washington became panic stricken at the 
prospect of capture, and McClellan was once more called upon 
to defend the capital. 


THE WAR IN THE EAST 


445 


The Battle of Antietam, September 17, 1862. General Lee 
now planned to carry the war across the Potomac into Mary¬ 
land. He hoped to obtain recruits among the many southern 
sympathizers in that state, while at the same time he could 
threaten Baltimore and Washington with capture. Fording the 
Potomac at Leesburg, the Confederate army marched to 
Frederick, Maryland. Stonewall Jackson made a sudden dash 
upon Harper’s Ferry, capturing 12,000 prisoners, together with 
immense quantities of arms and supplies; then he rejoined his 
chief at Sharpsburg. Moving with his usual caution, McClellan 



Lincoln in Conference with His Generals at Antietam 

From a photograph in the Brady Collection, the War Department, Washington. 


finally reached Antietam, Maryland, where one of the bloodiest 
battles of the war was fought. The result was not decisive, but 
Lee withdrew his army across the Potomac, while McClellan 
with his larger force made no attempt to cut off his retreat. 
McClellan fancied, as always, that the enemy outnumbered him, 
and so what should have been a splendid Union victory was 
hardly more than a drawn battle. 

The Disaster at Fredericksburg, December 13,1862. Baffled 
and disappointed, Lee retreated into Virginia, having won few 
recruits for his army in Maryland. McClellan followed so slowly 
that he was again removed from command, and General 




446 


THE CIVIL WAR 


Ambrose E. Burnside appointed in his place. Burnside himself 
did not believe that he was competent to command a large army, 
and this was soon proven by a Union disaster. Aiming to march 
directly against Richmond, Burnside led his troops across the 
Rappahannock at Fredericksburg, where Lee’s army of 80,000 
men was placed on a line of hills facing an interval of low ground. 
In an attempt to dislodge the Confederates, Burnside hurled 
seven divisions in turn against this strong position. Grief and 
despair filled the hearts of the Union soldiers who watched this 
useless sacrifice of their comrades. The Army of the Potomac 
lost 12,000 men in what was soon known as the “ horror of 
Fredericksburg.” After the battle, scores of officers sent in 
their resignations, while the men deserted by hundreds. The 
demoralization continued until General Burnside was removed 
from command, and “ Fighting Joe ” Hooker appointed in his 
stead. 

Another Union Defeat at Chancellorsville, May 2-3, 1863. 

Hooker was a good fighter, the soldiers loved him, and his ap¬ 
pointment restored the broken spirit of his army. But he was no 
match for Lee and Jackson, who attacked the Union army at 
Chancellorsville, about nine miles from Fredericksburg. Lee 
divided his army, sending Stonewall Jackson with 30,000 troops 
to make a roundabout march so as to attack Hooker’s army on 
the right and rear. Meantime, Lee himself with only 16,000 men 
pretended that he was about to make a frontal attack on 
Chancellorsville. 

The Union soldiers on the right wing had stacked their arms, 
never dreaming of an attack from that quarter, when Jackson’s 
army suddenly fell upon them. No troops not under arms could 
have stood against such a charge, and the Union lines fell back 
in panic. But when evening came on, Jackson’s reckless daring 
saved Hooker’s army from destruction. Riding in advance of 
his men to reconnoitre the enemy’s line, the Confederate general 
came suddenly upon the Union outposts. As the group of horse¬ 
men turned and galloped back, they were fired upon by their own 
men, who mistook them for Union cavalry. Among the victims 
was Jackson himself, who received a mortal wound. 


THE WAR IN THE EAST 


447 


Their great leader died a few days afterwards; and the 
Confederates could better have spared an army. A man of deep 
religious convictions and intense piety, Jackson always carried 
his Bible with him, and never went into action without prayer. 
At first his recovery was hoped for, and when his left arm was 
amputated by the surgeon, 

Lee said to him: “ Gen¬ 
eral, you have fared better 
than I, for you have lost 
only your left arm, while I 
have lost my right.” Lee 
afterwards declared that if 
Jackson had been at Gettys¬ 
burg, that battle would 
have been a Confederate 
victory; and the South will 
always believe that had he 
lived, the cause of the Con¬ 
federacy would have been 
won. 

The Tide Turns at Get¬ 
tysburg, July 1-3, 1863. 

While the South was still 
rejoicing over Chancellors- 
ville, Lee determined to 
carry the war into the 
North for three reasons. He wanted that section to experience 
some of the hardships of invasion; he realized that Vicksburg 
was about to fall, and wished to offset its loss by the capture 
of Philadelphia, Baltimore, or even Washington itself; and 
finally, knowing that the North was disheartened over the war, 
he hoped by a great victory on northern soil to conquer a peace. 
Pouring down the Shenandoah Valley, Lee’s three corps passed 
through Hagerstown, then on to Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. 
The Army of the Potomac marched northward in a course 
parallel to the Confederates, keeping between Lee’s forces and 
Washington. Hooker gave up his command in this critical 



Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson 

From a war time photograph, con¬ 
sidered by Mrs. Jackson to be the best 
portrait of her husband. Foreign critics 
regard Jackson as the greatest military 
genius of the Civil War. 




448 


THE CIVIL WAR 



hour, and was replaced by General George Meade. Near the 
little town of Gettysburg, the two armies met in a three days’ 
conflict which proved the turning point of the war. 

In the first day’s battle, the Union forces were driven back 
from their position, and General Reynolds, who commanded the 
left wing, was killed. On the second day, the Confederates made 
another powerful attack against Culp’s Hill and Little Round 
Top ; but while the Union lines were pushed back, they were not 


Pickett’s Charge at Gettysburg 

This hand-to-hand fighting at the stone wall took place after Pickett’s men 
had advanced for a distance of nearly one mile, in the face of heavy artillery fire. 

broken. That night General Lee held a council of war. Both 
wings of his army had been held in check, with heavy losses ; but 
Lee was determined to fight the battle to a finish. Meade also 
gathered his generals in a midnight council, and there was no 
voice except in favor of fighting it out on the morrow. To the 
commander of the Union center, Meade remarked: “ Your 

turn will come to-morrow. To-day Lee has struck the flanks; 
next it will be the center.” 

On July third came the dramatic event of the three days’ 








THE WAR IN THE EAST 


449 


struggle. Lee ordered his able second in command, General 
Longstreet, to charge the Union center posted on Cemetery 
Ridge. In vain Longstreet remonstrated with his chief, urging 
that no fifteen thousand men could capture such a position. Lee 
pronounced for the assault, and Pickett’s division was ordered 
forward. The Union batteries opened a terrible fire upon 
the approaching column, which melted away as it neared the 
federal line. One column of 
the charging host actually 
penetrated the Union center, 
but a few moments later 
Hancock’s men sent them 
reeling backwards. The 
foothold which they gained 
for a brief space is to-day 
marked by a monument; it 
commemorates “ the high 
tide of the rebellion,” for the 
failure of Pickett’s charge 
spelled the doom of the Con¬ 
federate cause. Lee’s army 
stood defiantly on Seminary 
Ridge for twenty-four hours 
longer, then slowly with¬ 
drew across the Potomac. 

Gettysburg was a Union 
victory, but the North was 
bitterly disappointed at the 
escape of the invading army. “ We had them within our grasp,” 
cried Lincoln, his heart torn with grief. “ We had only to stretch 
forth our hands and they were ours, and nothing I could say 
or do could make the army move. Our army held the war in 
the hollow of their hand and they would not close it.” 

The Monitor and the Merrimac. In March, 1862, the most 
interesting naval battle of the war took place at Hampton 
Roads, off the coast of Virginia. This was the fight between 
the Confederate warship Merrimac and the Union vessel Monitor . 



George Gordon Meade 

The general who broke the spell of Lee’s 
victories. At Gettysburg, Meade’s good 
sense and steadfast courage carried the 
country through the greatest crisis of 
the war. 





450 


THE CIVIL WAR 


When the Confederates captured Norfolk they raised the Mer¬ 
rimac, which had been sunk to prevent her from falling into the 
hands of the enemy. This vessel was equipped with a casement 
or box heavily plated with iron, and pierced for cannon. Steam 
was used as the motive power, while from her bow projected an 
iron ram like that on an ancient galley. On March 8, the Merri¬ 
mac moved out from Norfolk to attack the five stately wooden 
frigates guarding Hampton Roads. The Union ships discharged 
their broadsides at this strange assailant, but the balls glanced 



Battle between the Monitor and the Merrimac 

The Monitor was of 776 tons burden, with two 11-inch guns fired from a 
revolving turret; the Merrimac was a ship of 3500 tons, carrying ten cannon. 

off harmlessly from her iron sides. She pierced the Cumberland 
with her ram, sending that frigate to the bottom, then turned 
her guns on the Congress, which presently went up in flames. 

Mistress of the situation, with the three remaining frigates 
aground on the shoals, the Merrimac then withdrew; she was 
certain of her prey, and only waited for daylight to complete 
the work of destruction. Next morning a new antagonist 
appeared on the scene. This was the Monitor, a queer-looking 
craft built by John Ericsson in the Brooklyn navy yards. This 
“ cheese-box on a raft,” as it was described by a spectator, 






THE WAR IN THE EAST 


451 


consisted of a round turret about three feet high, mounted on a 
flat deck. This turret revolved, and carried two guns that 
could be turned in any direction against the enemy. In the 
duel between the Monitor and the Merrimac, neither vessel 
could make much impression on the other. Still the advantage 
was with the Monitor, for her opponent retired from the 
combat, while that day’s battle put an end to the danger that 
the Confederates might control the ocean. This contest revo¬ 
lutionized sea fighting. The day of the wooden warship was 
over, and the era of ironclads had come. The oak-ribbed and 
white-winged navies that had ruled the ocean for centuries 
became obsolete, and all the world began to build fleets of steel 
and steam. 

Grant Is Made Lieutenant General, 1864. Six different 
generals in turn had commanded the Union forces in the East, 
but the Army of the Potomac was no nearer Richmond than at 
the beginning of the war. Lincoln now turned to the commander 
who had won the brilliant campaigns against Fort Donelson and 
Vicksburg. Entering the war as captain of a volunteer company, 
Ulysses S. Grant was slow to win promotion, for he was not in 
favor with his superiors at Washington. At last his real military 
ability won for him the supreme command of the Union armies. 
Recalled from the scene of his western victories, Grant at once 
began an active campaign against Richmond. 

The Wilderness Campaign, May-June, 1864. Grant planned 
to make a direct attack on Richmond from the north. He 
crossed the Rapidan in May, 1864, and began the Wilderness 
Campaign, so-called because of the tangle of undergrowth that 
covered this region. In this campaign, the new commander 
in chief lost 34,000 men in sixteen days without gaining any 
advantage. With grim determination, he announced: “I 
propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer.” At 
last by a flanking movement, Grant brought his army to Cold 
Harbor, six miles from the fortifications of Richmond. Here he 
ordered a grand assault by 80,000 men, but the attack was 
repulsed with terrible slaughter. Convinced that he could not 
crush Lee in battle, Grant settled down to besiege Richmond, 


452 


THE CIVIL WAR 



following a plan quite similar to that of McClellan in his Penin¬ 
sular Campaign. 

Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley. Lee was in desperate 
plight at Richmond, and hoping to relieve the city, he sent 
General Early with 17,000 men through the Shenandoah Val¬ 
ley to threaten Washington. That leader almost reached the 

national capital, 
but Washington 
was saved by troops 
sent from Grant’s 
army. Meantime, 
Grant held his posi¬ 
tion before Rich¬ 
mond, while he 
ordered General 
Sheridan against 
the Confederate 
forces in the valley. 
Driving Early's 
forces southward, 
Sheridan began to 
lay waste the valley, 
so that it could not 
again be used as a 
base for raids into 
northern territory. 
General Sheridan 
did his work thoroughly. Barns, mills, and residences were 
burned, and the grain, cattle, and horses were seized. The rich 
valley was left so barren that, as Sheridan said, “ a crow flying 
over the country would need to carry his rations.” General Early 
made a last stand at Cedar Creek while Sheridan was absent 
at Winchester, twenty miles away. His famous ride brought 
the Union commander on the field in time to change the defeat 
into a victory that ended the raids in the Shenandoah Valley. 

The Siege and Capture of Richmond. The first weeks of 
1865 saw the Confederacy on the verge of collapse. Hood’s army 


Philip H. Sheridan 

This youthful, impetuous leader proved one of the 
world’s greatest cavalry officers. His troopers fol¬ 
lowed him with blind devotion. 






THE WAR IN THE EAST 453 

in Tennessee was destroyed, Early was driven from the Shenan¬ 
doah Valley, Grant's army held Richmond in close siege, and 
Sherman was moving almost unopposed through the Carolinas. 
Lee's army in Richmond numbered only 50,000 men, while 
Johnston in North Carolina had only 37,000 troops, too small 
a forpe to resist Sherman’s sweep northward. 

Lee finally decided to abandon Richmond. He planned to es¬ 
cape along the line of the railroad to Danville, North Carolina, so 


The Ruins of Richmond 

From a photograph in the Brady Collection, the War Department, 
Washington. 

as to unite his army with that of Johnston. Lee reached Amelia 
Court House, about thirty-five miles southwest of Richmond, 
where he expected to obtain supplies; none were on hand, and a 
precious day was lost in securing them. Next day a cavalry 
force under Sheridan seized the railroad to Danville, forcing 
Lee to turn in a westerly direction toward Lynchburg. The 
Confederate army was now broken and disheartened; the men 
were on short rations, and realizing that the end was at hand, 
they were deserting in squads. Lee's retreat was again blocked 
by the Union cavalry at Appomattox Court House, and here, on 





454 


THE CIVIL WAR 


April 9, 1865, he surrendered his army to General Grant. The 
Union commander granted generous terms to his brave op¬ 
ponent. All of the Confederate soldiers were released on parole; 
and they were permitted to keep their horses “ for the spring 
plowing,” as Grant remarked. The surrender of the other 
Confederate generals throughout the South soon followed, and 
the great war was ended. 

The Assassination of President Lincoln, April 14, 1865. The 

joy of the North over Appomattox was soon turned into grief 
by the assassination of the President who had saved the Union. 
On the evening of April 14, Lincoln and his wife were attending 
a play at Ford’s Theater. About ten o’clock John Wilkes Booth, 
a half-crazed actor who sympathized with the South, forced 
his way into the box occupied by the President and shot him 
through the head. About the same time, one of Booth’s fellow 
conspirators severely wounded Secretary of State Seward as he 
lay ill in bed; and an attempt was also made on the life of Vice 
President Johnson. 

Lincoln died early on the following morning, and with his death, 
both North and South came to realize his real greatness. He had 
shown his common sense in the many trying problems of the war. 
His sympathy and tact brought him close to the plain people; 
and he met every difficult situation with remarkable patience and 
good will. When General McClellan wrote arrogant letters to 
him, Lincoln said: “ I will hold McClellan’s horse for him, if 

only he will win victories.” He stood by Grant when the politi¬ 
cians were urging that general’s removal. “ I can’t spare that 
man — he fights,” was his quiet but firm reply. All through the 
war, it was Lincoln’s personality that made certain the final out¬ 
come. Now with victory won, the great leader was stricken 
down in the hour of triumph. Perhaps the noblest tribute to his 
life and work was that of James Russell Lowell, in the Harvard 
Commemoration Ode: 

“ Nature, they say, doth dote, 

And cannot make a man 
Save on some worn out plan, 

Repeating us by rote. 


THE WAR IN THE EAST 


455 


For him her Old-World moulds aside she threw, 
And, choosing sweet clay from the breast 
Of the unexhausted West, 

With stuff untainted shaped a hero new, 

Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true. 


“ He knew to bide his time, 

And can his fame abide, 

Still patient in his simple faith sublime, 

Till the wise years decide. 

Great captains, with their guns and drums, 

Disturb our judgment for the hour, 

But at last silence comes; 

These all are gone, and, standing like a tower, 

Our children shall behold his fame, 

The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man, 

Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, 

New birth of our new soil, the first American.” 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXVI. 

Hart, A. B., American History told by Contemporaries, IV, ch. XX. 
Hosmer, J. K., The Appeal to Arms, chs. VII-XIX. 

Hosmer, J. K., Outcome of the Civil War, chs. V-VI, X, XVII. 
Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, IV, chs. XX-XXIII ; 
V, ch. XXV. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Civil War, pp. 120-220. 

Great Epochs in American History, VIII, pp. 121-204. 

Hitchcock, Ripley, (Editor,) Decisive Battles of America, chs. XIX- 
XX. 

Johnston, R. M., Leading American Soldiers, pp. 137-362. 


CHAPTER XXXVII 


CIVIL AFFAIRS DURING THE WAR 

The Question of Slavery. When the war began, both 
President Lincoln and Congress announced that their sole aim 
was to save the Union, and not to interfere with slavery in the 
states where it was established. President Lincoln always hated 
slavery, for as he said, “ If slavery is not wrong, nothing is 
wrong.” But when the war began, the President wisely held 
back from the policy of immediate emancipation urged by Gar¬ 
rison, Greeley, Beecher, and other abolitionists. The President 
knew that the support of the border states, Missouri, Kentucky, 
and Maryland, was vital to the Union cause. “ My paramount 
purpose in this struggle,” said he, “ is to save the Union, and is 
not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union 
without freeing any slaves, I would do it; and if I could save 
it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save 
it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also 
do that.” 

Gradually public sentiment at the North began to drift toward 
emancipation. Northern men saw that the slaves were a source 
of military strength to the South. As Lincoln said : “ The slaves 
were working on the farms and raising the food for the Con¬ 
federate soldiers; they were serving as teamsters in the Con¬ 
federate army; they were helping to throw up intrenchments 
for the Confederate defense.” Fugitive slaves were constantly 
seeking refuge within the Union lines, and it seemed folly to send 
these men back to aid the South. Then, too, it was thought that 
public opinion abroad would be more favorable if the North 
declared in favor of freedom as well as Union, leaving the South 
to fight for slavery and secession. 

456 


CIVIL AFFAIRS DURING THE WAR 


457 


During the first year of the war, Congress passed three 
measures aimed at slavery. First, a law that abolished slavery 
in the District of Columbia, the owners being compensated at 
the rate of $300 for each slave. Second, an act “ prohibiting 
slavery in the present territories of the United States, and in 
any that shall hereafter be acquired.” Third, a measure pro¬ 
viding for the confiscation of slaves who escaped from disloyal 
owners, and found refuge within the Union lines. 

Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. After McClellan’s 
failure to capture Richmond in the Peninsular Campaign, 
Lincoln decided that it was necessary to strike the South a telling 
blow. He was now ready to use emancipation as a military 
weapon against the seceding states. On July 22, 1862, the 
President laid before his Cabinet a proclamation that an¬ 
nounced his intention of freeing the slaves in the states in 
rebellion. Secretary Seward argued that the measure ought not 
to be given out in a day of disaster, so the President waited for a 
Union victory. “ I made a vow,” said Lincoln, “ that if Mc¬ 
Clellan drove Lee back across the Potomac, I would send the 
proclamation after him.” Lee was driven back at Antietam, 
and a few days later the first emancipation proclamation was 
issued, to become effective January 1, 1863. 

Lincoln’s final proclamation was issued by virtue of his 
power as commander in chief of the army and navy of the United 
States, and “ as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing 
the rebellion.” The proclamation declared that all persons held 
as slaves in the seceding states were from that time on, forever 
free; and that the executive department of the United States, 
together with the army and navy, would recognize and main¬ 
tain their freedom. Elated by its recent victories, the South was 
at first inclined to ridicule this measure, for it could not become 
effective except by a complete Union triumph. At the North the 
emancipation policy, together with the military reverses of the 
year 1862, at first seemed disastrous to Lincoln’s administration. 
In the fall elections the Democrats carried Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
Pennsylvania, and New York, while the Republican majority 
in the House of Representatives was greatly reduced. But time 


458 


THE CIVIL WAR 


soon proved the wisdom of the President’s action. Emancipation 
strengthened the Union cause abroad, especially in England. 
Moreover, Lincoln began to enroll negroes in his armies, and by 
the close of that year, 100,000 colored soldiers were fighting for 
the Union. 

Compulsory Military Service. The first soldiers who enlisted 
were volunteers, but when terrible losses thinned the ranks, 
both North and South resorted to compulsory military service. 
Congress passed a law in 1863 which ordered a draft of all men 
between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years. In New York 
City, where the east side population was largely foreign born, the 
draft caused one of the worst riots in our history. On the second 
day of the draft, the mob broke up the drawings, then began to 
loot the city. The rioters held New York in a reign of terror for 
three days, killing scores of negroes, robbing white citizens, and 
destroying property worth $1,500,000. Union troops from the 
battle-field of Gettysburg at last reached the city, and the riot 
was put down after nearly one thousand persons had been killed 
or wounded. 

Bounty-Jumping. The draft was accepted as a military 
necessity after the first outbreaks, but it continued to be very 
unpopular with the “ slackers,” thousands of whom failed to 
report when their names were drawn. To stimulate enlistments, 
both the national and state governments offered bounties for 
recruits. “ Bounty-jumping ” soon became a popular practice; 
a man would enlist, claim his bounty, then desert and enlist 
elsewhere under another name. One man who was arrested for 
doing this had jumped his bounty thirty-two times. But 
although the later material was less promising, the ranks were 
kept filled, and the close of the war found 1,052,000 men in the 
Union armies. The policy of emancipation gained many recruits. 
One hundred and eighty thousand colored men were enlisted, 
and Grant, as well as others in a position to know, said that 
they fought well. 

Providing the Sinews of War. To raise the immense sums of 
money needed to carry on the war, Congress relied chiefly on 
taxation, paper-money notes, and bond issues. Only a small part 


CIVIL AFFAIRS DURING THE WAR 


459 


of the funds needed could be raised by taxation, although 
Congress taxed almost every conceivable object. First, the 
tariff rates or duties on imports were made much higher. Next 
an excise or internal revenue tax was levied on liquors, tobacco, 
carriages, steamboats, and railroads; also upon advertisements, 
and every kind of legal or commercial transaction. An income 
tax was also levied, the rate at first being three per cent on 
smaller incomes, and five per cent on larger ones. 

Congress also voted to issue government paper notes, or 
greenbacks, as they were called on account of their color. These 
notes were like the promissory notes of an individual, except 
that they were not due at a specified date, and bore no interest. 
The greenbacks were made legal tender for all debts except 
duties on imports and interest on the public debt. They were not 
redeemable in coin, and depended for their value on the con¬ 
fidence of the people in the triumph of the Union cause. The 
greenbacks were a kind of war barometer, for their value 
measured in gold rose with each Union victory, and fell with 
each Union defeat. In the darkest hour of the war, $100 in 
greenbacks was worth only $39 in gold. The total amount of 
greenbacks issued was $431,000,000. 

The Sale of Bonds. The revenue raised by taxation and by 
the issue of greenbacks was small in comparison with the im¬ 
mense sums raised by borrowing. More than one billion dollars 
was raised by short-term loans, for which treasury notes and 
certificates of deposit were issued, bearing interest at from five 
to seven per cent. Another billion was raised by the sale of 
bonds, which bore interest at five and six per cent, and were due 
at a future date. These bonds were sold to bankers for what 
they would bring, sometimes selling below par; and the bankers 
in turn sold them to private investors. With the war costing 
$3,000,000 a day toward the close of the struggle, it is not 
surprising that our national debt increased from sixty millions 
in 1860 to nearly three billions in 1865. 

A New System of National Banks, 1863. As a further aid to 
the government in financing the war, Congress adopted a na¬ 
tional banking system much like our present plan. The new 


460 


THE CIVIL WAR 


banks were required to purchase bonds of the United States, 
and deposit them with the Treasury Department at Washington. 
In return, they received bank notes equal to ninety per cent 
of the value of the bonds deposited; and this money could then 
be loaned to individuals. The national banks purchased bonds 
to the amount of $3,331,000,000, and in this way helped the 
government carry on the war. 

Northern Opposition to the War. The Democratic party of 
the North was divided in its support of Lincoln’s policy. War 
Democrats like Stanton stood loyally by the President; others 
gave him only a lukewarm support; while a third class, known 
as copperheads, were downright traitors. The copperheads 
denounced the war as a failure, and called Lincoln a despot 
who had overthrown the Constitution and was trying to become 
a king. Every Union disaster made these peace-at-any-price 
men more bold and more talkative. The dark days that fol¬ 
lowed Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville fanned the spirit 
of revolt which they were trying to spread. 

One of the most outspoken opponents of Lincoln and the 
war was an Ohio copperhead named Vallandigham. This 
agitator declared in a stump speech that the war was for the 
liberation of the blacks, and the enslavement of the whites; 
and that people did not deserve to be freemen who would submit 
to the conscription act. General Burnside finally ordered 
Vallandigham’s arrest for treason, and a courtmartial sentenced 
him to imprisonment during the war. President Lincoln did not 
wish Vallandigham to pose as a martyr, so he changed the sen¬ 
tence to banishment within the Confederate lines. The South¬ 
erners received him coldly; they had no liking for a northern 
traitor, and Vallandigham soon found his way back to Canada. 
From this safe refuge he became the candidate of the Democratic 
party for the governorship of Ohio, but was badly defeated by 
John Brough, a sturdy War Democrat nominated by the Union 
party (October, 1863). 

In carrying out his one supreme duty to suppress the rebellion, 
it was necessary for President Lincoln to do some things that 
would have been unlawful in time of peace. He suppressed 


CIVIL AFFAIRS DURING THE WAR 


461 


several newspapers which sympathized with the South, and 
caused the arrest and imprisonment of many persons without 
giving them a trial, or even informing them of the charges 
against them. This was because thousands of persons at the 
North were secretly aiding the South; and while the govern¬ 
ment’s secret service agents knew who these men were, it was 
difficult to get the evidence necessary to convict them before a 
jury. A loud protest was raised against these arbitrary arrests, 
and against Lincoln for ordering them; but it was not the pro¬ 
test of loyal or patriotic men. “ Must I shoot a simple-minded 
soldier-boy who deserts,” said Lincoln, “ while I must not 
touch a hair of the wily agitator who induces him to desert? 
This is not the less injurious when effected by getting a father, 
brother, or friend into a public meeting, and there working upon 
his feelings until he is persuaded to write the soldier-boy that he 
is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked administration of a con¬ 
temptible government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he 
shall desert. I think that in such a case to silence the agitator 
and save the boy is not only constitutional, but a great mercy.” 

The Presidential Election of 1864. In the dark days of 1864, 
even President Lincoln doubted whether he could be reelected. 
He had been renominated by the Union party, made up of 
Republicans and War 'Democrats; and to give strength to the 
ticket, the convention named for Vice President a War Demo¬ 
crat, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee. The Democrats nominated 
the former commander of the Army of the Potomac, General 
George B. McClellan, on a platform which declared the war a 
failure. But just when the gloom seemed darkest, the news of 
Sherman’s capture of Atlanta gave new hope to the Union cause. 
From this time on, Lincoln’s success was assured, and on election 
day the President carried every state in the Union except three, 
receiving 212 electoral votes to 21 for McClellan. His sweeping 
victory showed that the voters of the North were not ready to 
accept peace at any price, and that they meant to have the 
war carried to a successful close. 

The Cost of the War. The war cost the North the lives of 
360,000 brave men, while the South lost 250,000 of her de- 


462 


THE CIVIL WAR 


fenders. The money cost to the North was over three billion 
dollars ; and this sum does not take into account the loss result¬ 
ing from the withdrawal of these men from industry, or the 
immense cost of pensions paid on account of the war. The 
southern people suffered even more severely than the North. 
Most of the fighting was in their section, where railroads, 
factories, and sometimes even houses and farm buildings were 
destroyed by the invading armies. Then, too, the Southerners 
had invested their savings in Confederate bonds, which were 
now worthless; and the freeing of their slaves meant a loss to 
the planters of at least three billion dollars. Finally, as a re¬ 
sult of the passions raised by the war, the southern states were 
compelled to pass through the years of humiliation known as 
the reconstruction period, before being restored to their rights 
and privileges as members of the Union. 

Results of the War. (1) The Union was saved, and the 
doctrine of secession was overthrown for all time. From this 
time on, every one knew that our government is not a compact, 
but a permanent and indivisible union. 

(2) Slavery was forever destroyed, thus taking away the 
cause of the forty-year dispute between the North and the 
South. Lincoln’s emancipation proclamation set free the slaves 
in the seceding states as rapidly as the Union armies conquered 
those states. It did not affect slavery in the loyal border states, 
like Kentucky and Delaware, nor did it abolish the institution 
of slavery, even at the South. After the war some of the border 
states, like Maryland and Missouri, abolished slavery by state 
action. Finally, in 1865 the Thirteenth Amendment to the 
federal Constitution was adopted, forever abolishing slavery 
throughout the United States and all places subject to its juris¬ 
diction. 

(3) Citizenship for the negro race was another result of the 
war. This was conferred by the Fourteenth Amendment, 
adopted in 1868. 

(4) The war showed the strength of Republican institutions. 
At the outbreak of the struggle, many persons doubted whether 
a government like our own, under the control of the people, 


CIVIL AFFAIRS DURING THE WAR 


463 


would have power to maintain itself during the stress of a great 
war. But it was soon proven that the people could be trusted 
to defend a government of which they formed a part. It was 
found, too, that the President’s war powers were as broad as the 
crisis demanded. No monarch in the world had greater powers 
than were exercised by President Lincoln in carrying on the war. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXVII. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, chs. XIII- 
XVII, XXI. 

Hosmer, J. K., The Appeal to Arms, ch. XX. 

Hosmer, J. K., The Outcome of the Civil War, chs. I, IV, VIII-IX, XIII- 
XIV. 

McLaughlin, A. C., Readings in the History of the American Nation, 
chs. XLV-XLVII. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory: Emancipation Proclamation, pp. 457-459. 

Paxson, F. L., The New Nation (Riverside Series), ch. I. 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, IV, chs. XVII-XIX; 
V, chs. XXVI-XXIX. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Foreign Affairs during the Civil War. Foster, John W., A 
Century of American Diplomacy, ch. X. 

2. Finances of the Civil War. Dewey, D. R., Financial History 
of the United States, chs. XII-XV. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Great Epochs in American History, pp. 44-54, 205-207. 

Wilson, Woodrow, Division and Reunion, pp. 232-237, 239-252. 



464 


The Olympia, Admiral Dewey s Flagship, at the Battle of Manila Bay 

The naval engagement which meant that the United States was to become a world power. 









CHAPTER XXXVIII 


RESTORING THE BROKEN UNION 

Lincoln’s Policy of Reconstruction. In the death of Lincoln 
the South had lost her best friend in the hour of her greatest 
need. He alone possessed the wisdom, the patience, the tact, 
and the inspiring leadership necessary to restore the broken 
Union. Had Lincoln lived, he might have been able to bring the 
seceding states back into the Union on terms fair to the North 
and generous to the South. The martyred President was not 
in favor of dealing harshly with the defeated South. “ I hope,” 
he said at his last Cabinet meeting, “ there will be no persecution, 
no bloody work after this war is over. No one need expect me 
to take any part in hanging or killing those men, even the worst 
of them. Enough lives have been sacrificed. We must extinguish 
our resentments if we expect harmony and union.” Lincoln 
only asked that the Southerners do three things : first, recognize 
the authority of the national government; second, agree that 
slavery should be forever prohibited; third, take the oath of 
allegiance to the federal constitution. If at least one tenth of 
the voters in any southern state would do this, they might elect 
a convention and form a new state government, which the 
President agreed to recognize. 

The terrible deed of an assassin prevented Lincoln from carry¬ 
ing out this broad and sensible policy. His successor was Andrew 
Johnson, who had been nominated as Vice President in 1864 in 
recognition of his services as one of the staunch Union men of 
eastern Tennessee. As President, Johnson proved to be a 
narrow-minded man, bent on having his own way and intolerant 
of the wishes of Congress. He made a complete failure of his 
attempt to carry out Lincoln’s plan of reconstruction. Con- 

465 


466 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


gress had no confidence in the new President, and after a bitter 
quarrel, proceeded to carry out its own program. 

Johnson’s Plan and Its Failure. During the summer of 1865, 
while Congress was not in session, President Johnson tried to 
carry out his reconstruction policy. He laid down three condi¬ 
tions on which the states that had seceded might be restored 
to the Union. They must repeal their secession ordinances, 
repudiate the debts created during the war, and ratify the 
Thirteenth Amendment abolishing slavery. The Southerners 
promptly complied with these terms. They elected state legis¬ 
latures and governors; and when Congress assembled in De¬ 
cember, 1865, Senators and Representatives were present from 
the southern states, ready to take their seats. 

To complete the restoration, it was only necessary for 
Congress to consent to the admission of these members. This 
consent Congress would not give until the southern states should 
pass laws to protect the ex-slaves in their newly-won freedom. 
President Johnson insisted that the South should be let alone in 
dealing with the freedmen, and on this point the President and 
Congress parted ways. The members of Congress also resented 
the fact that President Johnson had taken up the reconstruction 
problem without consulting them. Then too, the Republican 
leaders did not like the idea of at once admitting to Congress 
the ex-Confederate soldiers and generals who had been elected 
to represent the South. They feared that the late Confederates, 
aided by northern Democrats, might gain control of the govern¬ 
ment and undo the results of the war. “ The party which saved 
the country must rule it,” said the Republican orators. 

The Black Codes. Many Republican Congressmen believed 
that the South was not accepting in good faith the results of 
the war. They pointed to the harsh laws which the new south¬ 
ern legislatures had passed, which seemed to restore slavery in 
all but name. For example, there were vagrancy laws, im¬ 
posing a fine upon negroes who wandered about instead of 
working. White men might pay these fines, then compel the 
negro to work out the debt. Then there were apprentice laws, 
by which young negroes were bound out and compelled to 


RESTORING THE BROKEN UNION 


467 


work without any wages except their board and clothes. In 
several states of the South, negroes were forbidden to leave 
the county, or to own land, or to assemble in political meetings. 

The southern whites defended these measures on the ground 
that they were necessary to protect their section from disorder 
and violence. Four million blacks, nearly all of whom could 
neither read nor write, had suddenly become free. They were 
utterly destitute, yet many of them refused to work and 
wandered about in idleness, testing their newly-won freedom. 
The more radical members of Congress talked of confiscating 
the estates of the ex-Confederate leaders; so it was not strange 
that thousands of ignorant negroes came to believe that the 
plantations of their former masters were to be divided among 
them by the United States government, and that some time 
between Christmas and New Year’s Day, 1866, every negro 
was to receive “ forty acres and a mule.” 

The Freedmen’s Bureau and the Civil Rights Act. Instead 
of admitting the southern representatives, Congress appointed 
a committee of fifteen members to investigate conditions in the 
seceding states, and recommend the terms on which they should 
be restored to the Union. Meantime, Congress passed two 
important measures intended to aid and protect the negroes. 
One of these continued and enlarged the Freedmen’s Bureau, 
which had been established in 1865 under the control of the 
Department of War. This Bureau was to undertake a general 
guardianship over the ignorant and helpless freedmen of the 
South. It was to aid them in finding work, help them get a start 
at farming, and protect them from wrongs and oppression. 
Congress also passed the Civil Rights Act, which declared the 
freedmen to be citizens of the United States, and guaranteed 
to them the civil rights of white citizens. That is, negroes were 
to have the right to make contracts, to purchase and sell lands, 
and to move about freely. They were not given the right to 
vote, but in other respects were to have the full benefit and 
protection of the laws, the same as white citizens. 

Both of these measures were vetoed by President Johnson, 
but Congress passed them over his veto by the necessary two- 


468 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

thirds vote. The breach between Congress and the President was 
now complete. To make matters worse, Johnson declared in a 
public speech that Congress was really not a Congress at all, 
since eleven states were excluded from representation. He 
attacked three of the Congressional leaders by name — Sumner, 
Stevens, and Wendell Phillips — and said that they were trying 
to destroy constitutional government. 

The Fourteenth Amendment. One Congress had passed the 
Civil Rights Act, but another might repeal it. To prevent this, 
Congress passed the Fourteenth Amendment to the national 
Constitution, which was ratified by three fourths of the states in 
1868. This amendment was similar to the Civil Rights Act. It 
conferred citizenship on all persons born or naturalized in the 
United States, guaranteed the civil rights of every citizen, and 
provided that representation in Congress should be based on the 
number of voters in each state. Southerners who had held 
political office before the war and had afterwards “ engaged in 
insurrection or rebellion,” were disqualified from holding any 
office, state or national. This amendment also made it unlawful 
for the United States or any state to pay any debt incurred in aid 
of the rebellion; and it guaranteed the payment of the public 
debt of the United States, including that contracted during the 
Civil War. 

The Congressional Plan of Reconstruction. Acting on 
President Johnson’s advice, all of the seceding states except 
Tennessee rejected the Fourteenth Amendment. Accordingly, 
Congress restored Tennessee to the Union, but organized the 
remaining ten states into five military districts, each ruled by a 
major-general of the United States Army. It would have been 
better for the southern states if they had followed the wise 
counsel of ex-Governor Brown of Georgia: “ Agree with thine 
adversary quickly.” For by March, 1867, Congress had com¬ 
pleted its plan of reconstruction. To be restored to the Union, 
each seceding state had to agree to these harsh conditions: 

(1) It must elect delegates to a constitutional convention, 
permitting negroes to vote, together with those few white men 
who could take the ironclad oath that they had not borne arms 


RESTORING THE BROKEN UNION 


469 


against the United States, or given aid and comfort to its 
enemies. 

(2) The constitution* drawn up by this convention must give 
negroes the right to vote on the same terms as white men. 

(3) If adopted by the voters, this constitution must be sub¬ 
mitted to Congress for approval. 

(4) The constitution must repudiate the Confederate debt. 

(5) The legislature chosen under this constitution must ratify 
the Fourteenth Amendment. 

The Triumph of the Congressional Plan. To the South, the 
hateful feature of this plan was the negro ballot. The Recon¬ 
struction Act denied the ex-Confederates the right to vote, 
while giving the ballot to the illiterate negro. In other words, it 
enthroned ignorance at the South. The negroes outnumbered 
the white voters in several states, and their governments now 
fell into the hands of unscrupulous white adventurers known as 
“ carpet-baggers ” and “ scalawags.” The carpet-baggers were 
northern white men who had gone south to seek their fortunes, 
and were said to have packed all their belongings in carpet-bags ; 
while the scalawags were southern men of no standing or 
character who were eager to share in the spoils of office holding. 
These new rulers of the South posed as the friends of the negroes, 
controlled their votes, and plundered the state treasuries almost 
at will. One by one, the southern states accepted the harsh 
terms imposed by Congress. Eight of the seceding states were 
readmitted by 1868, and three years later found Virginia, 
Mississippi, and Texas again back in the Union. For all time, 
it was settled that ours is “ an indestructible Union of in¬ 
destructible states.” 

President Johnson Impeached and Acquitted. Aroused over 
President Johnson’s opposition to its reconstruction policy, 
Congress in 1867 passed the Tenure of Office Act, which forbade 
the President to remove federal officers without the consent of 
the Senate. Even Cabinet officers could not be removed during 
the presidential term for which they were appointed. Johnson 
regarded this law as an outrage, since it took from the President 
a power exercised by that officer since the foundation of our 


470 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


government. He finally defied Congress by removing his Sec¬ 
retary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, who was supporting Con¬ 
gress in its reconstruction policy. The House of Representa¬ 
tives promptly voted to impeach the President for disobeying 
the Tenure of Office Act, and for other “ high crimes and mis¬ 
demeanors.’’ President Johnson had not really committed any 
crime, or even a less offense which might warrant his impeach¬ 
ment. But he had used 
abusive and intemperate 
language in speaking of Con¬ 
gress, and his aggressive 
attitude now led to an at¬ 
tempt by the more radical 
Republican members to re¬ 
move him from office. 

The trial of President 
Johnson took place before 
the Senate organized as a 
court of impeachment, with 
Chief Justice Chase as pre¬ 
siding officer. Our Consti¬ 
tution requires a two-thirds 
vote for conviction in such 
cases; and when the trial 
drew to a close, the Presi¬ 
dent was acquitted by the narrow margin of one vote. Thirty- 
five Senators voted “ guilty,” and nineteen “ not guilty.” Had 
the vote been thirty-six to eighteen, he would have been con¬ 
victed. So Johnson served out the remaining nine months of 
his stormy term, and the country was spared the disgrace of 
having its President removed from office because of a party 
quarrel. 

The Carpet-Bag Governments and Negro Rule. The close of 
the Civil War found the South almost ruined. The opposing 
armies had destroyed an immense amount of property, while 
the planters suffered enormous losses from the freeing of their 
slaves. The southern people had invested millions of dollars in 






RESTORING THE BROKEN UNION 


471 


Confederate bonds, and their soldiers were paid in paper money, 
all of which was now worthless. But a still greater hardship was 
in store for the impoverished and defeated South. The new 
“ carpet-bag ” governments, supported by federal troops, began 
a rule of plunder and corruption which made the reconstruction 
period more unbearable than the war itself. 

The experience of South Carolina was typical of what was 
going on all over the South. The legislature of that state dur¬ 
ing the years 1868-1872 consisted of one hundred and fifty-five 
members, two thirds of whom were negroes. Only twenty-two 
of the members could read and write; thirty members together 
paid $83 in taxes, while ninety-one members paid no taxes 
whatever. These patriots openly announced that they intended 
“ to squeeze the state as dry as a sucked orange ” ; and one of the 
colored members gave it as his opinion that “ South Carolina 
ought not to be a state unless she can support her statesmen.” 
The statesmen promptly voted themselves large salaries, let 
contracts at enormous profits, and divided the proceeds with 
corrupt contractors. Millions of dollars were wasted and millions 
were stolen, while the taxpayers had to pay the bills. In a single 
year, the legislature spent $200,000 in equipping the capitol 
building with costly armchairs, lounges, and other furniture, 
including a free bar for the use of the members. When the term 
of this infamous body came to a close, South Carolina’s debt 
had been increased by twenty-five million dollars. 

Conditions were almost as bad in the other southern states, 
several of which became bankrupt as the rule of plunder con¬ 
tinued. In some cases it was impossible to discover the amount 
of the state debt, because no record was kept of the bond issues. 
It was estimated in 1872 that the carpet-bag governments in the 
eleven reconstructed states had increased the state debts by at 
least $131,000,000. 

The Ku Klux Klan. Denied the ballot, southern white men 
had no legal means of checking this corruption; so they organized 
a secret society known as the Ku Klux Klan, or Invisible Empire. 
The object of this society was to secure white rule at the South ; 
to accomplish this, it was determined to intimidate the negroes, 


472 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

and drive out the carpet-baggers and scalawags. Members of 
the Klan rode about at night, both horses and riders covered 
with white sheets, each horse with muffled hoofs so that it walked 
noiselessly over the ground. To the superstitious negroes, these 
midnight visitors seemed to be the ghosts of the dead Con¬ 
federates, returning to rebuke their former slaves. Drawing up 
before the hut of some negro politician, the horseman, who 
carried a tank concealed beneath his long white robes, would 
demand a drink of water, then drink three or four bucketfuls 
with the remark: “ That’s good ; the first I’ve had since Shiloh.” 
Another would ask some frightened negro to hold his horse, then 
taking off what appeared to be his head, would ask him to hold 
that also. The carpet-baggers and scalawags could not be 
frightened so easily as the superstitious blacks; but grotesque 
notices were posted at night on trees or fences, warning them to 
leave the country. If they failed to heed the warning, the 
terrible Ku Klux riders would pay them a midnight visit, and 
perhaps flog them to death. 

All over the South the negroes were becoming terrorized, 
while the carpet-baggers appealed to the federal government 
for protection. Congress replied by passing the severe “ Force 
Acts ” of 1871, which finally broke up the Ku Klux organization. 
But it was evident that the southern whites would no longer tol¬ 
erate the rule of the corrupt and ignorant men who were plunder¬ 
ing their section; and at last Congress passed a law which 
permitted southern white men to vote, even though they had 
supported the Confederacy. The natural leaders of the South 
then regained control of the government, and the dark days of 
reconstruction came to an end. The South frankly accepted 
her defeat in the war, but she has never forgotten the evil days 
of her carpet-bag governments. Not Appomattox, but the 
humiliation suffered during her reconstruction, created a bitter¬ 
ness toward the North which only the lapse of half a century 
could efface. 

The Fifteenth Amendment. The Thirteenth Amendment 
gave the negro freedom, the Fourteenth made him a citizen; 
one more amendment was necessary to make him a voter. In 


RESTORING THE BROKEN UNION 


473 


the opinion of Congress, the black man’s freedom and his rights 
as a citizen could be protected only by giving him the ballot. 
So the Fifteenth Amendment was adopted in 1870, forbidding 
any state to deprive a citizen of the United States of the right 
to vote on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
servitude. Before this time, a few northern states permitted 
the negro to vote, and the reconstructed southern states had 
been compelled to give him this privilege. The Fifteenth 
Amendment was an attempt to compel every state to grant 
the ballot to its colored citizens. 

Grant Twice Chosen President. After Vicksburg, General 
Grant became a presidential possibility; while after Appomattox 
his popularity at the North was universal. In the last year 
of Johnson’s administration, the Republican convention by 
unanimous vote named Grant for President (1868). That he 
was no politician increased Grant’s popularity with the masses. 
The words of his letter of acceptance, “ Let us have peace,” 
echoed the wish of a people weary of political wrangling. The 
Republican platform approved the reconstruction policy of 
Congress, and favored negro suffrage. The Democrats nom¬ 
inated Governor Seymour of New York, and denounced the 
reconstruction acts as “ unconstitutional, revolutionary, and 
void.” 

The election resulted in a sweeping victory for Grant and 
the Republican party. A "superb soldier, Grant’s record as 
President fell far short of his achievements in the field. President 
Grant himself was incapable of dishonesty or double-dealing, 
but he placed too much trust in his political friends and advisers. 
Corruption and graft marred his administration; but in spite 
of his political mistakes, the hero of Appomattox was trium¬ 
phantly reelected in 1872. 

Corruption in Public Life. In the North as at the South, the 
unsettled conditions following the war furnished many op¬ 
portunities for graft and dishonesty in public affairs. A notorious 
political leader, “ Boss Tweed,” defrauded the treasury of New 
York City out of $150,000,000 before he ended his career in jail. 
The New York Times and Thomas Nast in Harper’s Weekly 



TWO GREAT PVZSTIOW. $■/(£/.’ 



VIHO STOkE THE HOPkB MOW ? - 00 TELL. ky.xikits. 'T WAS HIM." 

Copyright by Harper and Brothers. From A. B. Paine’s, “ Th. Nast .*• 

J. H. Ingersoll and Company, Contractors, were really Tweed and Company 
by which firm the Ring swindled the people. 

“In the upper picture Greeley appears, asking ‘Who is Ingersoll’s Company?’ 
&ud Tweed and his numberless cohorts are there as a reply. In the lower picture 
the Ring and its friends are formed in a circle, pointing accusingly, one to the 
other . . . 


474 















RESTORING THE BROKEN UNION 


475 


were the forces that brought about the final overthrow of the 
Tweed Ring. One of Tweed’s fellow robbers offered a bribe of 
five million dollars to George Jones, owner of the Times , if he 
would silence his paper. “ I don’t think,” replied Jones, “ the 
devil will ever make a higher bid for me than that.” Thomas 
Nast supplemented the work of the Times by effective cartoons 
in Harper’s Weekly, one of which pictured Tweed in the prison 
stripes which he so well deserved. “ Let’s stop those pictures,” 
exclaimed Tweed, on seeing this cartoon. “I don’t care so 
much what the papers write about me — my constituents can’t 
read; but they can see pictures.” Nast refused the bribe of 
$500,000 offered to him if he would stop his caricatures and go 
to Europe. 

At Washington, corruption reached even the highest offices 
in the government. Secretary of War Belknap resigned his 
office to escape impeachment for bribery. The President’s 
private secretary was a party to frauds which cheated the 
government out of the internal revenue tax on whisky. Mem¬ 
bers of Congress accepted presents of stock from the Credit 
Mobilier, a corporation engaged in building the Union Pacific 
Railroad. This corruption might have gone unrebuked, but 
Congress finally passed an act which roused a storm of protest. 
This was the “ Salary Grab,” a law increasing the salary of 
Congressmen from $5000 to $7500, and that of the President 
from $25,000 to $50,000. There was nothing dishonest about 
the law itself, but the increased pay was made to date from 
the beginning of the Congressional term. The “ back-pay 
steal ” caused the defeat of many Congressmen at the next 
election, and the new Congress promptly restored the former 
congressional salary. 

Political Reaction — The Liberal Republicans. The result 
of these conditions was a reform movement in the ranks of the 
Republican party. The Liberal Republicans, as they were 
called, demanded : (1) a more liberal policy toward the South; 
(2) civil service reform, that is, appointments to office on the 
basis of merit, rather than political “ pull ”; (3) a reduction of 
tariff duties; (4) the stamping out of corruption and dishonesty 


476 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

in public affairs. In 1872 they chose for their presidential 
candidate Horace Greeley, the veteran editor of the New York 
Tribune; and the Democratic party also accepted Greeley as its 
candidate. 

As editor, Greeley had criticized the Democratic party and 
its policies most severely; so that thousands of Democrats now 
refused to support him as their presidential candidate. The 
campaign was one of bitter personalities. Greeley conducted 
his own campaign fairly, but Thomas Nast caricatured him by 
turns as a scarecrow, a despot, and an imbecile. Grant’s 
military record had endeared him to the people, and they cared 
little about his mistakes as President. The campaign resulted 
in a sweeping victory for Grant and the regular Republicans, 
who carried every northern state. 

In spite of this reverse, the Democrats, aided by Liberal 
Republicans, won a decisive victory in the Congressional 
election of 1874. For the first time since 1860, the Democrats 
found themselves in control of the House of Representatives, and 
their prospects seemed bright for victory in the next presidential 
election. 

The Presidential Election of 1876. For their presidential 
candidate in 1876, the Democrats turned to Samuel J. Tilden, 
the New York governor whose fearless energy had resulted in 
the conviction of “ Boss ” Tweed. The Republicans nominated 
Rutherford B. Hayes, three times elected governor of Ohio. 
The contest was close and exciting. At midnight on election 
day, the crowds went home thinking that Tilden was elected. 
Next morning it appeared that the result was in doubt, the 
Republicans claiming the election of Hayes. The dispute was 
chiefly over the returns from three southern states — South 
Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana. These states were still under 
carpet-bag governments ; in them each party claimed the victory, 
and charged the other with fraud. Were the nineteen electoral 
votes from these states to be counted for Hayes or for Tilden? 
It was a weighty question. Tilden had 184 uncontested votes ; 
one of the nineteen votes in dispute, if counted for him, would 
make him President. 


RESTORING THE BROKEN UNION 


477 


The Electoral Commission. Our Constitution simply pro¬ 
vides that the electoral votes shall be opened in the presence 
of both houses, and shall then be counted. It makes no pro¬ 
vision for settling the dispute in case any state-sends in two sets 
of electoral votes. Plainly, the Republican Senate and the 
Democratic House would never agree as to which set of votes 
should be received. After 
a long discussion, Congress 
decided that the votes 
should be counted by an 
Electoral Commission. This 
body was to consist of five 
Senators, five Representa¬ 
tives, and five Justices of 
the Supreme Court. Eight 
of the members appointed 
were Republicans and seven 
were Democrats. The Com¬ 
mission decided each con¬ 
test by a party vote of eight 
to seven, in favor of the Re¬ 
publicans. Hayes was then 
declared President by an 
electoral vote of 185 to 184. 

The decision was a bitter disappointment to the Democrats, 
who had a majority of the popular vote. Their candidate set 
an example of true patriotism by quietly accepting the decision 
against him, and Hayes was peacefully inaugurated on March 4, 
1877. To avoid the danger of a similar dispute, Congress in 
1887 passed a law regulating the method of counting electoral 
votes. Each state is to decide for itself how any election contest 
is to be settled, and the decision by the state is generally final. 

The End of Reconstruction. Soon after his inauguration, 
President Hayes withdrew the federal troops from Louisiana 
and South Carolina. At once the carpet-bag governments in 
those states collapsed, the southern whites again took control 
of their own affairs, and reconstruction came to an end. The 



Rutherford B. Hayes 



478 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


radical Republican leaders were indignant at the President’s 
action; but Hayes was a man of high moral courage, who did 
not hesitate to do his duty as he saw it, even though it meant 
a breach with the politicians. The President appointed a 
Southerner as his Postmaster-General, made a tour of the South, 
and did much to lessen the bitterness resulting from the war 
and reconstruction. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, E. B., The United States in Our Own Times, chs. I-VI, 
VIII. 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, chs. XXVIII- 
XXXI. 

Dunning, W. A., Reconstruction, Political and Economic (American 
Nation Series), chs. I—III, VIII-IX. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, chs. 
XXIII-XXV. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Articles of Impeachment, pp. 518-529. 

Morse, E. W., Causes and Effects in American History, ch. XVII. 
Paxson, F. L., The New Nation, ch. III. 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, V, ch. XXX ; VI, chs. 
XXXI-XXXIV, XXXIX. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Corruption in Political Life. Dunning, W. A., Reconstruction, 
Political and Economic, chs. XII-XIII, XVII; Paxson, F. L., The 
New Nation, ch. VI ; Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, 
VII, ch. XL ; Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems , 
ch. XVII. 

2. The Disputed Election. Dunning, W. A., Reconstruction , 
Political and Economic, chs. XIX-XX; Rhodes, J. F., History 
of the United States, VII, ch. XLIV. 

3. Reconstruction in the South. Dunning, W. A., Reconstruction, 
Political and Economic, chs. III-VII ; McLaughlin, A. C., Readings 
in the History of the American Nation, chs. L-LIV ; Rhodes, J. F., 
History of the United States, VII, chs. XLI-XLII. 


RESTORING THE BROKEN UNION 


479 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Progress of a United People (Century Readings), 
pp. 7-8. 

Great Epochs in American History, pp. 3-69, 188-195. 

Wilson, Woodrow, Division and Reunion, pp. 254-287. 

Wright, H. C., American Progress, ch. XVIII. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Ku Klux Klan. Barstow, C. L., The Progress of a United 
People, pp. 16-25. 

2. Rings and Bosses. Barstow, C. L., The Progress of a United 
People, pp. 29-32 ; Great Epochs in American History, IX, pp. 152- 
157. 



© Underwood, and Underwood. 

“ Liberty Enlightening the World,” New York Harbor 

This statue, the work of the French artist, Auguste Bartholdi of Colmar, 
Alsace, was presented by the people of France to the United States in 1886. 






CHAPTER XXXIX 


THIRTY YEARS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, 1865-1895 

The United States and Europe. The triumph of the Union 
cause in the Civil War brought about a change in the attitude of 
European powers toward the United States. The nation which 
had successfully waged one of the greatest wars of modern times 
was treated with increased respect. The European govern¬ 
ments that had been inclined to favor the Confederacy found, 
as Lord Salisbury said, that they “had been backing the wrong 
horse,” and became anxious to cultivate the favor of the winner. 
The close of civil strife left the United States free to take a firm 
stand upon several important issues which had to be postponed 
while the Union was fighting for its existence. 

The French in Mexico, 1861-1867. As a result of Mexico’s 
refusal to pay her debts, France, Spain, and Great Britain sent 
over an armed force in 1861 to occupy her seaports. Great 
Britain and Spain soon withdrew their troops, leaving France 
to act alone. Napoleon III, the ruler of France, was planning 
to make himself more popular at home by establishing a French 
empire in Mexico. The Mexican Republic was torn by one of 
its chronic revolutions, and Napoleon believed that many of 
the Mexicans themselves would look with favor upon a govern¬ 
ment strong enough to maintain law and order. Accordingly, 
French troops occupied the City of Mexico ; and at the dictation 
of Napoleon, a few Mexican leaders voted to establish an 
empire, with Archduke Maximilian of Austria as emperor. 
This action was a flagrant violation of the Monroe Doctrine, 
but Napoleon counted on the fact that the United States was 
engaged in a life and death struggle for its own existence. If 
the Confederates won the war, as he expected, the North could 
not interfere with his plans; while if the Union should be 

480 


THIRTY YEARS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 


481 


victorious, it would not be easy to undo his work if the Mexi¬ 
cans themselves accepted the new government. 

Soon after the victory at Appomattox, Secretary Seward 
informed Napoleon that the United States would no longer 
tolerate a French army on American soil for the purpose of 
compelling Mexico to accept a foreign ruler. As a hint that our 
government was in earnest, General Sheridan with 50,000 men 
was ordered to the Rio Grande. Napoleon had promised Max¬ 
imilian the aid of his army for at least three years, but he feared 
that the French people would not support him in a war with the 
United States. So he ordered his soldiers back to France, 
whereupon the Mexicans overthrew the imperial government, 
put Maximilian to death, and restored the Republic. Once 
more the Monroe Doctrine was vindicated. 

The Purchase of Alaska, 1867. While these stirring events 
were taking place in Mexico, Secretary Seward was carrying on 
friendly negotiations with Russia for the purchase of Alaska. 
Russia had found this territory a source of heavy expense rather 
than of profit, largely because of her incompetent and corrupt 
governors. Secretary Seward had a true notion of the future 
possibilities of Alaska, and was also anxious to show our ap¬ 
preciation of Russia’s friendship during the Civil War. So 
when the Russian minister at Washington offered to sell Alaska, 
our Secretary of State promptly signed the treaty. Many 
people thought that the price of $7,200,000 was too much to pay 
for a “ vast area of rocks and ice,” and called the treaty 
“ Seward’s Folly.” However, the Senate did not wish to 
offend our good friend Russia, and the treaty was promptly 
ratified. Alaska added 577,000 square miles to our national 
domain, and as we now know, is a territory of immense value. 
Her products of gold, copper, fur, timber, and fish have yielded 
hundreds of millions of dollars to the United States. 

Another opportunity for expansion was rejected in 1877, 
when our government declined to annex the Samoan Islands 
at the request of their inhabitants. Secretary Seward also 
tried to purchase from Denmark her islands in the West Indies, 
but Congress withheld approval. After several other attempts, 


482 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


the United States finally purchased the three islands in 1917 for 
$25,000,000. The Virgin Islands, as they are now called, are 
important in connection with the defense of the Panama Canal. 

The Alabama Claims. With Great Britain we had a serious 
dispute growing out of her failure to observe certain rules of 
neutrality during the Civil War. Several Confederate cruisers 
had been built and fitted out in British shipyards to prey upon 
the commerce of the United States. Our minister at London 
repeatedly asked the British government to prevent these ships 
from leaving port, but no action was taken. As a result, im¬ 
mense damage was inflicted on the commerce of the North. 
Before she was sunk by a Union warship, the Alabama succeeded 
in destroying sixty merchant vessels; while the Shenandoah 
and the Florida also made many captures. 

After the war, public opinion in the United States demanded 
a settlement with Great Britain. After a good deal of contro¬ 
versy, the two countries finally signed the Treaty of Washington 
by which they agreed to arbitrate the dispute. The “ Alabama 
Claims,” as they were called, were to be decided by an inter¬ 
national court of five members meeting at Geneva, Switzerland. 
One arbitrator was chosen by the United States, one by Great 
Britain, and one each by the governments of Switzerland, Italy, 
and Brazil. The decision of this tribunal was, that Great 
Britain had failed in her duty as a neutral in connection with 
three of the Confederate cruisers — the Alabama, the Florida , 
and the Shenandoah; and that she should pay the United States 
$15,500,000 for the damage done by these ships. Great Britain 
paid the money promptly, and the Geneva Award gave the 
world a splendid example of arbitration as a means of settling 
disputes between nations. 

Treaties Concerning Naturalization. Immigration to the 
United States had fallen off during the war, but beginning with 
1866, more than 300,000 foreigners were landing on our shores 
each year. The question now arose, could these persons re¬ 
nounce their allegiance to their former governments, and 
become naturalized citizens of the United States? The leading 
powers of Europe said that they could not do this without the 


THIRTY YEARS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 


483 


consent of the country whose allegiance they wished to renounce. 
On the other hand, the United States maintained that the con¬ 
sent of the foreign government was not necessary to enable a 
man to become a naturalized citizen of this country. The 
position taken by the United States was a departure from the 
practice of centuries, but the leading nations of Europe finally 
agreed to it. Treaties were signed with the United States 
during the years from 1868 to 1872, under which a citizen or 
subject of one country who becomes naturalized under the laws 
of another and resides there for five years, is recognized as 
having become a citizen or subject of the latter country. 

Relations with Latin-America. Our relations with the coun¬ 
tries of Central and South America became more cordial in 
the years that followed the Civil War. During the conflict 



The Pan-American Union, Washington, D.C. 

Home of the international organization maintained by the twenty-one 
American republics. 


between Spain and Peru, Chile, and Ecuador (1864-1869), the 
United States offered her friendly services as mediator, and 
finally persuaded the warring nations to sign an armistice. 
A few years later, Argentina and Paraguay submitted their 
territorial dispute to President Hayes as arbitrator. Costa 
Rica and Nicaragua submitted a similar boundary dispute 
to the decision of President Cleveland, while Argentina and 






484 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


Brazil asked President Harrison to act as umpire in their con¬ 
test. Numerous disputes between the United States and 
our southern neighbors were also disposed of by friendly arbitra¬ 
tion. For example, our claims against Colombia on account of 
riots at Panama were submitted for decision to the British 
minister at Washington; while other claims against Mexico, 
Brazil, and Venezuela were settled in the same friendly spirit. 

The first Pan-American Congress in which the United States 
took part met at Washington in 1889-1890. Nineteen Ameri¬ 
can republics were represented, the object of the Congress being 
to promote better relations among the nations of the two 
continents. A plan of arbitration was recommended as a means 
of settling international disputes; and although this plan was 
afterwards rejected, its proposal marked a forward step. The 
real achievement of the Congress was the establishment of the 
Pan-American Union at Washington, composed of representa¬ 
tives from the various Latin-American republics, with our 
Secretary of State as chairman. 

Disputes with Chile and Italy. The United States had 
serious disputes with both Chile and Italy in the year 1891. 
Our grievance against Chile was due to the fact that a party 
of American sailors was attacked by a mob in the streets of 
Valparaiso, two of their number being killed and several 
wounded. For this outrage Chile paid an indemnity of $75,000. 

In the difficulty with Italy, a mob in our own country was the 
aggressor. Eleven Italians under arrest in New Orleans for the 
murder of the chief of police, were taken from jail by a mOb and 
shot to death. Several of the victims were Italian subjects, and 
their government promptly demanded the punishment of the 
mob’s leaders, and an indemnity for the families of the men who 
were killed. Our Secretary of State pointed out that the United 
States had no authority to punish the mob, and that its action 
could be punished only by the state of Louisiana. This expla¬ 
nation did not satisfy the Italian government,- which recalled its 
minister from Washington, while our minister left Rome. Con¬ 
gress finally settled the dispute by paying $25,000 to the Italian 
government for the benefit of the families of the murdered men. 


THIRTY YEARS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 


485 


Affairs in the Pacific — The Samoan Islands. Three events 
during the decade from 1885 to 1895 showed that the United 
States was vitally interested in the affairs of the Pacific Ocean. 
The first was a dispute over the Samoan Islands, the second 
a controversy over the Behring Sea fisheries, while the third 
was Hawaii’s request for annexation to the United States. The 
dispute over the Samoan Islands was due to Germany’s jealousy 
of our growing power in the Pacific. These islands were then 
under the protection of three countries, the United States, 
Germany, and Great Britain. Anxious to build up a colonial 
empire, the German chancellor, Bismarck, planned to oust 
the British and Americans. All three countries sent warships 
to the islands, but diplomacy finally settled the quarrel. Some 
years later, it was agreed that the United States should have the 
island of Tutuila with the harbor of Pago-Pago, the remain¬ 
der of the islands passing under German rule. The Samoan 
quarrel showed the need of a stronger navy to protect our rights. 
Congress appropriated $40,000,000 for new warships, and within 
a few years our country rose from twelfth to fifth place among 
naval powers. 

Arbitration of the Behring Sea Dispute. The year 1893 
marked the settlement of a long-standing dispute with Great 
Britain over the seal fisheries. Ownership of Alaska, the United 
States claimed, included jurisdiction over the waters of Behring 
Sea, with the exclusive right to hunt seals there. Great Britain 
denied this claim, insisting that our jurisdiction extended only 
to a line three miles out from shore. When United States 
cruisers seized a number of Canadian vessels as poachers, Great 
Britain sent a note of protest to our Department of State. At 
length it was agreed to arbitrate the dispute. The decision of 
the arbitration tribunal was against the claim of the United 
States, although rules were laid down to prevent the extermina¬ 
tion of the seal herds. 

Revolution in Hawaii. A revolution broke out in Hawaii in 
1893, when the native ruler tried to overthrow the constitution 
and rule as an absolute monarch. American settlers living 
there deposed the queen, and after setting up aj-epublic, asked 


486 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


to have Hawaii annexed to the United States. President 
Harrison sent an annexation treaty to the Senate, but it was 
near the close of his term, and the Senate failed to act on it. 
His successor, President Cleveland, was opposed to the entire 
movement; he withdrew the treaty from the Senate, and so the 
annexation of Hawaii was postponed for several years. 

The Venezuelan Boundary Dispute, 1895. For more than 
half a century, there had been a dispute between Great Britain 
and Venezuela over the western boundary of British Guiana. 
The United States repeatedly asked Great Britain to arbitrate 
the question, but she declined to do this. Finally President 
Cleveland sent his famous Venezuelan message to Congress, 
declaring that the Monroe Doctrine gave the United States 
the right to insist upon arbitration of the boundary line. As 
the chief power in America, and the natural protector of Ameri¬ 
can interests, the United States would “ resist by every means in 
its power ” any attempt by Great Britain to appropriate 
territory belonging to Venezuela. 

The British government was indignant over this message, 
which sounded very much like a challenge; but public opinion 
in the United States strongly supported the President in his bold 
stand for the Monroe Doctrine and the rights of a weaker nation. 
The war cloud disappeared when Great Britain consented to 
submit the entire question to arbitration. The result was 
that she received five sixths of the territory in dispute, Venez¬ 
uela the remainder. Best of all, the two great English-speaking 
powers were on more friendly terms than ever, and arbitration 
had won another victory as a means of settling disputes between 
nations. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, E. B., The United States in Our Own Times, ch. XIV. 
Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXXVII. 
Coolidge, A. C., The United States as a World Power, ch. XVI. 
Dewey, D. R., National Problems (American Nation Series), chs. 

XIII, XIX. 

Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. 

XXXII. 


THIRTY YEARS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 


487 


Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, ch. XXIX. 
Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory: Treaty with Russia for Purchase of Alaska, 1867, pp. 511— 
514 ; Annexation of Hawaiian Islands, pp. 600-602. 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States, VI, ch. XXXVIII. 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Foreign Affairs after the Civil War. Foster, John W., A Cen¬ 
tury of American Diplomacy, ch. XI. 

2. The Purchase of Alaska. Bruce, H. A., The Romance of Amer¬ 
ican Expansion, ch. VII ; Mowry, W. A., Territorial Growth of the 
United States, ch. VIII. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Great Epochs in American History, IX, pp. 98-105, 159-172. 



The Cathedral, Mexico City 

One of the fine Renaissance structures, founded in 1573, which the Mexicans 
have preserved from the days of Spanish rule. 









CHAPTER XL 


THE NEW WEST AND THE NEW SOUTH 

The West before 1865. The twenty years following the 
Civil War saw a wonderful development of the region beyond 
the Mississippi River. Before the war, the country west of the 
one hundredth meridian was practically uninhabited by white 
men, except in California and Utah, and in the Columbia Valley. 
This new West embraced a vast expanse of territory, stretching 
twelve hundred miles from east to west, and nearly the same 
distance from north to south. The rainfall was less than in the 
central Mississippi Valley, and most of this area was thought 
to be a desert waste, unfit for agriculture. Vast herds of 
buffalo roamed over the plains, which were the hunting grounds 
of still powerful Indian tribes. The hostility of the Indians, 
the scanty rainfall, and the lack of information concerning the 
hidden resources of the country were factors that delayed the 
westward movement. But the supreme obstacle to the develop¬ 
ment of the Far West was the absence of transportation facilities. 
Throughout all this vast area of one million square miles, there 
was not a single railroad to bring settlers from the East, or to 
carry back the products of the West. As in the days of the 
Forty-Niners, settlers had to follow the caravan route along the 
Oregon and California trails. 

Congress Charters the Union Pacific Railroad. Before the 
year 1860, the East had shown little interest in the project of a 
railway to the Pacific. Congress discussed the question, but 
could not decide whether to build a northern or a southern line. 
The Civil War changed this situation. The South had at¬ 
tempted to secede; was there not danger that California and the 
Oregon country might break away from a Union so remote? 
Spurred to action at last, Congress in 1862 granted a charter to 

488 



THE NEW WEST AND THE NEW SOUTH 489 

the Union Pacific Railway for a line from Omaha westward across 
the continent. In the same year, the state of California 
chartered the Central Pacific, which began a line from San 
Francisco eastward across the Sierras. Congress gave each rail¬ 
road liberal grants of land along its line, offering ten square 
miles of land for each mile of track built. The government also 
loaned the roads large sums of money, taking railway bonds as 
security. 

Building the First Continental Railway. The construction of 
this first continental railway was the greatest engineering feat in 


Driving the Last Spike in the Continental Railroad / 

From the original painting by Thomas Hill in the Museum, Golden Gate 
Park, San Francisco. 

America prior to the building of the Panama Canal. At the 
California end, the company had to bring rails and locomotives 
from the East around Cape Horn. There were mountains to 
be tunneled, rivers to be bridged, tracks to be laid across lava 
deserts. The Indian tribes saw with dismay the white man’s 
civilization closing in on them from both east and west; and 
they attacked the construction gangs with savage fury. In 
spite of every obstacle, an army of laborers pushed the work 




490 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


to completion within seven years. On May 10, 1869, the line 
from the east met the line from the west at a point near Ogden, 
Utah. There, in the presence of a crowd of spectators, the last 
tie was laid, and Governor Leland Stanford drove the golden 
spike presented by the state of California. The Far West 
was at last firmly bound to the East by a band of iron. Within 
a few years, the buffalo disappeared from the western prairies, 
the Indians fought their last hopeless battles, and an army of 
settlers found new homes irt the land of unlimited possibilities. 
The West had come into its heritage. 

The Northern Pacific Railroad. A second Pacific railroad 
was completed some years later to help move the human tide into 
the northwestern country. This new road was the Northern 
Pacific, connecting Duluth on Lake Superior with Tacoma on 
Puget Sound. Within a few years after its completion, one 
million people were making their homes along its route, and six 
large states had been organized and admitted to the Union. 
Washington, Montana, North Dakota, and South Dakota 
gained statehood in 1889, Wyoming and Idaho in 1890. So 
rapid were the changes that one writer of the time could say: 
“ Living men, not very old yet, have seen the Indians on the war¬ 
path, the buffaloes stopping the trains, the cowboy driving his 
cattle, the herder watching his sheep, the government irrigation 
dam, and the automobile, — have seen every one of these 
slides which progress puts for a moment into its magic lantern 
and removes to replace with a new one.” As the buffalo dis¬ 
appeared, the prairies upon which he fed were turned into 
grazing land for domestic cattle, and next into corn and wheat 
fields. The grain was shipped over the railroads to the East, 
and thence by ocean vessels to feed the people of Europe. By 
the year 1880, the fertile prairies of the West had become the 
nation’s granary. 

The Homestead Act of 1862. Another great aid to the 
development of the West was the Homestead Act of 1862. 
Under this law, the head of a family might secure title to 160 
acres of public land by settling upon it and cultivating it for five 
years. About this time, too, the President was authorized to 





Courtesy of the International Harvester Company of America. 

Tractor Disc Harrow 

Modern Methods of Tilling the Soil 

491 


Courtesy of the Moline Plow Company. 

Cultivating Two Rows at a Time with Tractor 


Plowing Four to Five Acres a Day 















492 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

appoint a Commissioner of Agriculture, whose office gives the 
farmers scientific information about crops, soils, and live stock. 
Irrigation came into general use to make up for the scanty rain¬ 
fall; and within a shorter time than any recorded in history, 
the West was peopled with sturdy pioneers who knew how to 
utilize its resources. 

Farm Machinery Aids the Growth of the West. The use of 

labor-saving machinery was an important factor in transforming 
the western prairies into fertile farms. When labor was plenti¬ 
ful before the war, many farmers were skeptical about the new 
appliances; but when the fighting began and they could not get 
help, the manufacturers could hardly fill their orders for ma¬ 
chinery. Mowing machines, drills, threshers, and traction 
engines made it possible for one man in 1880 to do the work that 
required twelve men in 1860. On the largest farms of the West, 
enormous steam traction engines are now used to operate plows, 
harrows, drills, and harvesting machines. The complete har¬ 
vester cuts down the standing grain, threshes it, and measures, 
fills, and ties the sacks while it travels across the field. Nothing 
remains except to deliver the grain to immense elevators where 
it is graded and stored, to be afterwards ground into flour for 
the world’s markets. 

Discovery of Gold and Silver Mines. The lure of gold played 
a large part in the upbuilding of the West. The discovery of 
rich deposits of the precious metal brought 60,000 gold seekers 
into Colorado in a single year, and the cities of Boulder, Denver, 
and Leadville sprang into magic life. Colorado was organized 
as a separate territory in 1861, and admitted as the Centennial 
state in 1876. Rich silver deposits brought a throng of “ Fifty- 
Niners ” into Nevada, which gained statehood in 1864. Utah 
was first settled by Mormons, under their leader Brigham Young. 
By means of irrigation, these industrious settlers changed a 
desert waste into a prosperous farming region; and Utah was 
admitted to the Union in 1896. 

Indian Wars. In the Northwest, as in California and Colo¬ 
rado, the gold seekers came before the farmers or the railroads. 
When the precious ore was discovered on the reservation of the 


THE NEW WEST AND THE NEW SOUTH 493 



fierce Sioux tribes in southwestern Dakota Territory, the white 
intruders were attacked by several thousand warriors under their 
chief, Sitting Bull. The desperate resistance of the Sioux was a 
hopeless struggle, the final stand of the Indian against the tide 
of civilization. Even the destruction of General Custer’s entire 
command at the Little Big Horn did nothing except to prolong 


the conflict. In this combat, Custer’s force was outnumbered 
twelve to one. Two hundred and sixty soldiers went into the 
fight, and every man was killed. In the end, the Sioux were 
defeated and obliged to give up their hunting ranges on the 
Black Hills. 

Between the years 1865 and 1880, there was almost constant 

warfare with the Indians, usually caused by attempts of the 


The Temple and Tabernacle, Salt Lake City 


The migration of the Mormons from the east occurred from 1845 to 1848. 
They brought overland from the Mississippi Valley all their building supplies. 
Instead of nails, leather thongs and wooden bolts were used in building the 
Tabernacle. 











494 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 



tribes to leave their reservations, or by the encroachment of 
white settlers. Fighting with the Indians during these years 
cost the country twenty-two million dollars, and the lives of 
many soldiers. Our unjust treatment of the natives was 
clearly pointed out by President Hayes: “ In many instances 
when the Indians had settled down upon lands assigned to them 
by compact and had begun to support themselves by their own 

labor, they were rudely 
jostled off and thrust 
into the wilderness again. 
Many, if not most, of our 
Indian wars have had their 
origin in broken promises 
and acts of injustice on our 
part.” 

Our Indian Policy. For 

years our policy in dealing 
with the Indians was to 
place them on reservations, 
where they kept up their 
tribal organization, subject 
to the control of Indian 
agents appointed by the 
President. As the whites 
pressed westward, they 
constantly encroached upon 
the lands reserved to the 
Indians, whereupon the 
federal government would make a new treaty with the tribe for 
the cession of its lands, and move it farther west. It was a 
bitter but true complaint that one of the Sioux warriors made 
to the peace commissioners after the fighting in the Black Hills : 
“ Tell your people that since the Great Father promised we 
should never be removed, we have been moved five times. I 
think you had better put the Indians on wheels, and you can 
run them about wherever you wish.” 

The Indians on the reservations lived an aimless, indolent 


Custer’s Monument 

Marking the scene of Custer’s defeat at the 
Little Big Horn River, Montana. 












THE NEW WEST AND THE NEW SOUTH 495 



Showing the Mormon trail from Nauvoo to Utah, the route of the Pony 
Express, and the principal railroads to the Pacific. 

life, fed and clothed by the government; and they were demor¬ 
alized by the white man’s liquor as they had been since the 
days of Columbus. Reservation life, and the policy of making 
treaties with the Indians as if they were separate nations, proved 
a complete failure; and beginning in 1887, a new Indian policy 
was adopted. Since this time, the Indians have been dealt with 
as individuals, rather than as tribes. In many cases, the head of 
the family has been given his own farm under restrictions that pre* 
vent him from selling it for a period of years. By this new plan, 
about one half of the 300,000 Indians living in the West have re¬ 
ceived farms of their own. Thus after many years of failure in 
our Indian policy, a wise attempt is being made to encourage 
the Indians to become citizens and to look after themselves. 

Development of the Southwest. While the Union Pacific was 
opening the Central West, and the Northern Pacific the great 
Northwest, a third railway was being built through the southern 
part of the United States. This was the Santa Fe, which 
































496 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

crossed Kansas, New Mexico, and Arizona to Los Angeles. 
Connecting lines were built into Texas, and soon the Lone Star 
State had the largest railway mileage of any state in the Union. 
San Antonio, Dallas, and Fort Worth became thriving inland 
centers of trade, while Galveston and Houston developed into 
important seaports. 

The Santa Fe road also hastened the development of Okla¬ 
homa, which formed the western part of what was called 
the Indian Territory. Large tracts of public land were thrown 
open in this territory in 1889; and on the day announced in 
the President’s proclamation, one hundred thousand men, 
women, and children raced across the border to secure home¬ 
steads. Before nightfall, Guthrie was a city of 10,000 in¬ 
habitants, with a bank, a daily paper, and a city council; while 
thousands of farms had been staked out on the Oklahoma 
plains. Within a year, there were 60,000 white settlers in the 
territory; and in 1907 Oklahoma, to which Indian Territory had 
been united, was admitted as the forty-sixth state. 

The lack of rainfall in Arizona and New Mexico delayed the 
development of this region, but irrigation at last solved the 
problem, and the Southwest joined the march of progress. 
The railroads brought in thousands of settlers, who engaged 
in mining, agriculture, and stock raising. Congress admitted 
Arizona and New Mexico as states in 1912, thus completing the 
Federal Union. 

The Passing of the American Frontier. With the settlement 
of Oklahoma and the six northwestern states admitted in 
1889-1890, the public lands of the United States were practi¬ 
cally exhausted. The building of the Pacific railroads and the 
influx of settlers that followed, had done their work ; and for the 
first time in our national life, there was no longer a western 
frontier. With the disappearance of free public lands, a new era 
began in our history. Men who were restless and discontented, 
or who had made a failure in the settled portion of the country, 
could no longer mend their fortunes in the West. As a result, 
there were more conflicts between labor and capital than ever 
before. 


THE NEW WEST AND THE NEW SOUTH 497 


The frontier had a permanent effect on American life, for 
it made our government more democratic than it otherwise 
would have been. The frontiersmen loved freedom, and were 
independent in thought and action; they disliked restraint, 
hated delay, and thought that the East was much too conserva¬ 
tive. The West led the way in granting universal suffrage, 
and in demanding the abolition of slavery ; while from the rude 
cabins of the frontier came such leaders as William Henry 
Harrison, Andrew Jackson, and Abraham Lincoln. 

The New South. The rebuilding of the South in the half 
century following the Civil War is one of the most striking 
chapters in our history. That great conflict brought ruin and 
poverty to the southern states; and for ten years after its close, 
they had to endure the robbery and demoralization of the 
reconstruction governments. With the end of reconstruction, 
the South took up with splendid courage the task of creating a 
new industrial life. The old plantation system with its pic¬ 
turesque life and slave labor was gone forever. The negro 
now worked for wages, like the field hands at the North, or 
else cultivated a few acres of his own. The South soon found 
that free labor is more efficient than slave labor. Emancipation 
also proved a boon to the poor whites of the South, who made 
better progress now that manual labor was no longer thought 
degrading. 

Changes in Agriculture. The use of free labor was only one 
of the many changes in southern industry. Another was the 
breaking up of the large plantations. Many planters were 
compelled to sell part of their lands at the close of the war, for 
emancipation had destroyed much of their working capital; 
and between 1860 and 1880 , the average size of the southern 
farms decreased one half. The division of these large estates 
proved a boon to the South. Small farms meant better methods 
of production, a more scientific tillage of the soil. On the 
great plantations before the war, there were immense tracts of 
wild woodland; to-day these wastes have become small farms, 
cultivated with careful economy. As a result, thousands of 
immigrants from the North have found homes in the new South. 


498 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


This has led to an increase in the number of schools and churches, 
making rural life in the South more like that in the North and 
West. 

Another change is the greater variety of crops that are grown. 
Before the war, the southern planter relied on one staple crop, 
either cotton, tobacco, sugar, or rice. Other crops were neg¬ 
lected ; as a rule, even the meat eaten by the landowner's family 
was not produced on the plantation. To-day the southern 
farmer is learning to diversify his crops, and to raise cattle and 
hogs as well as cotton and tobacco. Dairying, horticulture, and 



© Ewing Galloway 


Interior of a Modem Dairy Bam 

truck raising have become important industries as a result of 
using resources that slavery left untouched. 

Growth of Manufactures. Most striking of all is the growth 
of southern manufactures. Before the war, the South was 
content to be a producer of raw materials. It was an agricul¬ 
tural section, exchanging its staples for manufactured goods 
made in the North or in Europe. To-day, while agriculture is 
still the dominant industry, manufactures are developing rap¬ 
idly. Many cotton factories have been established, and the 
mills of North Carolina and South Carolina spin more than one 
half of the cotton grown in those states. 

The immense deposits of coal underlying the mountains 
of the South, its vast resources of natural gas, and large forests 




THE NEW WEST AND THE NEW SOUTH 499 


of pine and hardwood, are being drawn upon to make it a manu¬ 
facturing region. A rich mineral section stretching from West 
Virginia to northern Alabama has been opened up; and the 
proximity of coking coal and limestone to the ore has built 
up a great iron industry. In 1890 the South produced as much 
coal, iron ore, and pig iron as the entire country did in 1870. 
The South now rivals Pennsylvania in the production of pig 
iron; and Birmingham, Alabama, has become a second Pitts¬ 
burgh. Saw mills and furniture factories are utilizing the 
wealth of the southern forests, and tobacco factories have 
multiplied. This growth of manufactures has increased the 
number of dwellers in towns and cities, thus creating a better 
market for the farm products of the surrounding country. 

Southern Railways. The South, like the West, had been 
greatly aided by the construction of new railway lines. The 
Southern Pacific is a transcontinental line connecting New 
Orleans and Galveston with Los Angeles and San Francisco; 
while a network of railroads consolidated into three or four im¬ 
mense systems now covers the South. Through their immigra¬ 
tion and agricultural bureaus the railways have done much to 
attract settlers, and to build up southern industries. A Cotton 
Centennial Celebration was held at New Orleans in 1884 to cele¬ 
brate the one hundredth anniversary of the first shipment to 
Europe of a bale of American cotton. This exposition, like that 
held at Atlanta in 1895, at Nashville in 1897, and at Jamestown 
in 1907, showed what the new South is accomplishing in edu¬ 
cation, agriculture, manufacturing, and mining. 

Progress in Education. There has also been a marked ad¬ 
vance in education. The South made little progress toward 
a system of free public schools before the Civil War; but to-day 
every southern state maintains a complete school system, 
including separate schools for the colored children. The num¬ 
ber of public high schools has increased to more than 3000, while 
for higher education there are state universities supported by 
public taxes. Illiteracy has been reduced from thirty-two per 
cent in 1890 to seventeen per cent in 1910. During the last 
twenty-five years the number of school children and the number 


500 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


of schools have doubled, while the expenditure for education has 
increased threefold. Many industrial schools for the colored 
race have been established, the most noted of which is the 
Tuskegee Institute, founded by Booker T. Washington. He was 
graduated from another excellent school, Hampton Institute. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXXII. 
Harding, S. B., Select Orations Illustrative of American History: 

The New South (Henry W. Grady), pp. 489-500. 

Paxson, F. L., The New Nation, chs. II, IX, XII. 

Sparks, E. E., National Development (American Nation Series), chs. 
IV, XIV, XV. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Railroads and Industry. Bogart, E. L., Economic History of 
the United States, ch. XXV. 

2. The Public Lands. Sparks, E. E., The United States, I, ch. 
Ill; II, ch. II. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Westward Movement, ch. XXII. 

Guitteau, W. B., Preparing for Citizenship, ch. XVIII. 

Paxson, F. L., The Last American Frontier, ch. XXII. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR PUPILS 

1. The Union Pacific Railroad. Barstow, C. L., The Progress of 
a United People, pp. 135-140 ; Paxson, F. L., The Last American 
Frontier , ch. XIII. 


CHAPTER XLI 


THE AGE OF BIG BUSINESS 

The Growth of Corporations. The rise of large corporations 
in the business world was one of the results of the Industrial 
Revolution. That revolution was marked by the change from 
hand labor to machine labor. At first the partnership was 
employed as a means of obtaining the larger capital demanded 
by the new industrial methods. But the age of big business 
that followed the Civil War demanded an immense amount of 
capital, more than even wealthy partners could supply; and 
hence the corporation gradually came into use for large industrial 
enterprises. The corporation secures large amounts of capital by 
dividing its stock into many small shares. These shares are 
sold to numerous individuals who, by their purchase, become 
stockholders in the corporation. The control of the corpora¬ 
tion is vested in a small board of directors elected by the 
stockholders, and having power to act for them in most cases. 

Combinations of Capital. As the corporations grew larger 
and stronger, they became eager to buy out or drive out their 
smaller rivals, whose competition often interfered with their 
control of the market. The Standard Oil Company formed a 
combination of oil refineries in 1882, and its example was soon 
followed by the Sugar Trust, the Whisky Trust, and many 
others. By uniting all the large companies in one line of pro¬ 
duction into a single great combination or “ trust,” many advan¬ 
tages were gained. Before the Sugar Trust was formed, about 
forty sugar refineries were in operation, but none of them could 
work to their full capacity; and as a result of keen competition, 
eighteen of them went into bankruptcy. The trust was formed, 
and it promptly shut down several of the refineries which it had 

501 


502 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


bought. It then ran the rest to their full capacity all the time, 
and in this way made a large saving. 

Large combinations are also able to make a saving in the 
matter of freight charges. For example, the Standard Oil 
Company, with its large refineries at Bayonne, New Jersey, on 
the Atlantic seaboard, and others near Chicago, has a great 
advantage over its rivals that have but a single refinery from 
which to ship all orders both east and west. Again, manu¬ 
facturing establishments are often embarrassed by the difficulty 
of securing a supply of raw materials at the exact time needed, 
and in the proper quantity and quality. On the other hand, 
the producers of raw material are sometimes unable to secure 
a market for their product. Hence many corporations own or 
control companies which produce the raw materials that they 
use. For example, the United States Steel Corporation, with 
its own ore mines at the head of Lake Superior; its fleet of boats 
for carrying the ore down the lakes; its own railroad, the 
Bessemer and Lake Erie, for transporting ore from Lake Erie 
to the Pittsburgh district; and with its own coal mines for 
producing coke and steam coal, — controls not only the sources 
of its raw materials, but also the transportation of these mate¬ 
rials to the point of use. 

Another example, typical of the moderate-size corporations, 
is the Pittsburgh Plate Glass Company, which owns coal mines 
to supply its fuel, chemical plants to furnish the materials 
needed in making glass, besides a dozen widely distributed 
plants for the manufacture of its finished product. A com¬ 
bination of this character has great advantages over a single 
factory which must buy its raw materials in an uncertain market; 
and such combinations are not only legitimate, but are im¬ 
perative to large-scale production. 

The Trusts and the Public. If the public could receive the 
benefit of these savings, combinations would be an unmixed 
blessing; but if the savings go to pay large dividends instead 
of lowering prices, then the consumer is not benefited. The 
danger in the case of large combinations is that of monopoly; 
for with competition destroyed, the trust or combination is able 


THE AGE OF BIG BUSINESS 


503 


to fix the price to the consumer. Then too, the large com¬ 
binations have at times used unfair and illegal methods in 
crushing out their smaller competitors. For example, the 
Standard Oil Company was able for many years to secure lower 
freight rates from the railroads than those paid by its com¬ 
petitors. 

At length it became necessary to regulate the trusts by law 
in order to protect independent producers from unfair methods 
of competition, and to guard consumers against the dangers of 
monopoly prices. State after state tried to curb the power 
of the trusts, but these state laws proved ineffective. This was 
partly due to the difficulty of the problem, partly to the fact 
that each state could regulate only the business which the 
corporation carried on within its own borders. So in 1890, 
Congress tried to solve the problem by passing the Sherman 
Anti-Trust Act. This law made illegal all trusts or combina¬ 
tions which aim to secure a monopoly, as well as any agreement 
in restraint of interstate or foreign trade. The Sherman Act 
proved almost as ineffective as the measures passed by the 
states; for although there were many prosecutions, it was 
impossible to prevent the movement toward combination. 

In 1914, Congress again tried to solve the problem by pro¬ 
viding for a Federal Trade Commission of five members ap¬ 
pointed by the President. This Commission is to supervise the 
activities of large corporations so as to prevent unfair competi¬ 
tion. The Clayton Anti-Trust Law, also passed in 1914, seeks 
to check monopoly by naming the particular acts which are in 
restraint of trade, and therefore illegal. 

Railway Combinations. In the railway as in the industrial 
world, combination was the rule after the Civil War. Many 
new lines were being built, and many of the smaller roads were 
combined into larger units. For example, the five lines between 
Buffalo and Chicago along the southern shore of Lake Erie were 
united to form the “ Lake Shore,” now a part of the New York 
Central system. This combination of the smaller roads was at 
first opposed by the public; but it was the natural result of the 
wasteful competition that had prevailed in the railway world. 


504 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


In many cases this excessive competition had proved injurious 
both to the roads and to the communities which they served. 
Between two points with a single line of railroad, rates were 
often exorbitant; but if competing lines connected two cities, 
the rates were sometimes below cost. In the latter case, the 
railways compensated themselves by heavy charges between 
points where there was no competition. Not only did the rail¬ 
roads discriminate between localities, but lower rates were often 
granted to favored shippers, thus making possible the creation 
of monopolies in certain industries. 

The Interstate Commerce Act of 1887. Both the shippers 
and the public at last demanded that the government should take 
steps to regulate the railway traffic. Relief was first sought 
from the state governments, many of which established railway 
commissions, with power to fix maximum rates. But regulation 
by any state could apply only to the business wholly within its 
own boundaries; whereas two thirds of the revenue of the rail¬ 
roads was derived from interstate traffic, or that between dif¬ 
ferent states. 

Unless the federal government should take the matter in 
hand, it was plain that there could be no effective control of the 
railroads. Accordingly, Congress passed the Interstate Com¬ 
merce Act of 1887. This measure prohibits charges which 
favor certain individuals or localities; it requires the railroads 
to publish their rates for carrying passengers and freight, and 
forbids changes in rates except with the approval of the Com¬ 
mission. To enforce its provisions, the President appoints an 
Interstate Commerce Commission of nine members. This 
Commission has power to require reports as to the operation of 
railroads, to hear complaints, to summon witnesses, to make 
investigations, and under the Hepburn Act of 1906, to fix 
maximum rates. The Commission may forbid railroads to 
continue actions which it deems illegal, and may establish max¬ 
imum rates by which the roads are bound ; but its decisions are 
not final, being subject to review by the courts. 

How Combinations of Capital Affect the Laborer. The 
movement toward the control of industry by large corporations 


THE AGE OF BIG BUSINESS 


505 


had far-reaching results on the position of the workers. The 
personal relation that had existed between the owner of a small 
manufacturing concern and his workmen was now completely 
destroyed. The stockholders in the corporation had no first¬ 
hand information about factory conditions, but they were 
anxious for large dividends; while the directors and managers 
usually took slight interest 
in the welfare of their 
laborers. The very size of 
the large corporations was a 
menace to the workmen; 
for the rate of wages, as 
well as the price to the con¬ 
sumer, was no longer con¬ 
trolled by free competition. 

Disputes between labor and 
capital became more fre¬ 
quent and more violent; 
and the only recourse of the 
laborers was to combine, 
as the capitalists themselves 
had done. 

Labor Unions and Fac¬ 
tory Laws. Small labor 
unions had existed before 
the Civil War, but they 
were not combined into a single organization. An attempt was 
made soon after the war to unite all the laborers of the country 
in an order called the Knights of Labor. A larger organization 
was formed in 1881, known as the American Federation of Labor. 
This is a combination of the labor unions of the United States and 
Canada; and under the presidency of Samuel Gompers, it has be¬ 
come a powerful agency for the promotion of labor interests. 
The object of labor unions is to better the condition of the 
workers, to secure higher wages, and shorter hours of work. 
In the early days of the factory system, men worked from 
fourteen to sixteen hours a day. At present the average 



Samuel Gompers 

Through his effort has come much of the 
legislation uplifting labor and improving 
workingmen’s social conditions. 





506 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


working day is about nine hours, and the goal of the eight-hour 
day seems about to be realized. 

In many other ways, labor conditions have been improved. 
Nearly every state has factory laws, which are enforced by 
inspectors who travel over the district. Factory laws have 
three principal objects. First, the protection of the health of 
employees, by securing proper ventilation, lighting, and good 
sanitary conditions in each factory or workshop. Second, the 
prevention of accidents, by requiring guards on dangerous 
machinery and elevators; also by requiring the inspection of 
boilers, and the construction of suitable exits and fire escapes. 
Third, the regulation of the conditions of employment, especially 
in the case of women and children, by restricting the hours of 
labor, prohibiting night work, and forbidding the employment of 
children under a certain age, usually fourteen or sixteen years. 
Within recent years, many states have passed Workmen’s 
Compensation Acts, under which laborers who are injured may 
receive compensation without bringing suit in the courts for 
damages. These laws are in the interest of the public as well 
as the laborers; for the welfare of the state depends upon the 
welfare of its workers. 

Employers’ Associations and Welfare Work. The organiza¬ 
tion of strong labor unions led in turn to the formation of 
employers’ associations, to resist the increasing demands of the 
laborers. A National Association of Manufacturers was formed 
in 1893, which included employers in all parts of the country; 
and a later organization, known as the Citizens’ Industrial 
Association, appeared in 1903. This organization is made up of 
national, district, and local associations of employers, just as 
the American Federation of Labor is made up of national, 
district, and city labor unions. The object of these employers’ 
associations is to protect the interests of individual members, to 
resist unfair demands and methods on the part of labor, and 
to secure cooperation among employers in case of strikes. 

Instead of seeking to resist the growing demands of labor, 
other employers have tried to improve labor conditions by 
means of welfare work among their employees. Many em- 


THE AGE OF BIG BUSINESS 


507 


ployers have provided night schools for their workmen, besides 
parks and playgrounds as recreation centers, together with free 
medical attendance, accident insurance, and old age pensions. 
Reading-rooms, baths, and public dining-rooms are now often 
included in model factories. 

The Ford Automobile Company of Detroit has introduced a 
still different plan for its army of workers. The Ford plan is not 
to build libraries, gymnasiums, and lunch rooms for the employ¬ 
ees, but instead to give them the money to do things for them¬ 
selves in a way best suited to the needs of each individual. 
In 1914 the Ford Company reduced its hours of labor from nine 
to eight, established a minimum wage of five dollars a day, and 
inaugurated a profit-sharing plan under which workers of good 
character and habits received five, six, and seven dollars a day. 
The first year’s trial of the new plan increased the efficiency 
of the Ford shops by nearly twenty per cent. After two years 
of profit sharing, the men had increased their deposits in savings 
banks by $5,000,000, their life insurance by $12,000,000, and 
their investment in homes by nearly $7,000,000. 

Strikes and Industrial Unrest. The strike is the most power¬ 
ful weapon employed by laborers to enforce their demands. 
From 1877 to 1905 there were thirty-six thousand strikes in the 
United States, involving nearly nine million workers. Usually 
these strikes were to secure recognition of the unions, better pay 
or shorter hours for the workers, or to prevent a decrease in 
wages. 

In 1877 occurred the greatest strike which the country had 
known up to that time. It began on the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad, the immediate cause being a ten per cent cut in wages. 
The strike spread to the lines of the Pennsylvania when that 
company ordered all freight trains run as double-headers, so as 
to dispense with the services of one half of its men. When the 
railroads attempted to run trains with new crews in place of the 
strikers, serious riots occurred. The strikers were determined 
that their places should not be filled by non-union men. For 
several days the city of Pittsburgh was in the hands of a mob 
that destroyed ten million dollars’ worth of railroad property. 


508 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER* 


Locomotives, cars, round-houses, and freight-depots were 
burned ; the state militia failed to put down the rioters, and not 
until the President sent federal troops to the city was order 
restored. The courts afterwards held that Allegheny County 
was liable to the railroad company for the property destroyed. 
This decision made it clear that the public, as well as em¬ 
ployers and workmen, has a vital interest in labor disputes. 

Industrial Unrest — Anarchy in Chicago. The entire period 
from 1876 to 1896 was one of industrial unrest and agitation, 
Capital and labor were arrayed against one another as never 
before in our history, and strikes occurred on a much larger scale 
now that labor, as well as capital, was better organized. The 
open warfare between labor and capital broke out with renewed 
violence in 1886; and from the shipyards of Maine to the rail¬ 
ways in Texas and the Far West, great strikes occurred in every 
branch of industry. 

Chicago and St. Louis were the storm centers, and in both cities 
there was violence and bloodshed. In Chicago, fifty thousand 
laborers went on strike to enforce their demand for an eight- 
hour day. A band of anarchists, men opposed to government 
of any kind, thought this a favorable time to put their theories 
into practice. These anarchists were for the most part for¬ 
eigners driven out of Europe, who now planned to attack the 
government under which they found refuge. They had no 
connection with the strikers, but hoped to win their support. 
On May 4, 1886, an anarchist leader addressed a mass meeting 
of workingmen in Haymarket Square. In the midst of his wild 
harangue, a battalion of police broke up the meeting and placed 
him under arrest. A moment later a bomb was hurled into the 
ranks of the police, killing seven men and wounding sixty others. 
Of the ringleaders in this outrage, four were hanged after a fair 
trial, and two were sentenced to prison for life. It was the first 
time that the cowardly anarchists had tried their methods in 
America. 

The Railway Strike of 1894. The great railway strike of 
1894 began when three thousand workmen in the car shops of 
the Pullman Company demanded better wages. Most of 


THE AGE OF BIG BUSINESS 


509 


the men were members of the American Railway Union, an 
association of railway employees. This powerful organization 
ordered a sympathetic strike; that is, directed its members not 
to handle any train on which there were Pullman cars. The 
strike spread rapidly, and soon nearly every railroad from 
Chicago to San Francisco was tied up. Serious riots broke 
out in Chicago, where a large amount of railway property was 
burned; and President Cleveland finally ordered federal troops 
into Illinois to prevent further interference with the mails and 
with interstate commerce. Several officers of the American 
Railway Union were arrested for disobeying an injunction, or 
order of the federal court, warning them not to interfere with 
the railroads. Their arrest, followed by the moving of trains 
under the protection of regular troops, brought the strike to an 
end. It had cost the railroads in loss of earnings and destruc¬ 
tion of property nearly $6,000,000; the strikers lost $2,000,000 
in wages, while the loss to the country at large was estimated 
at $80,000,000. 

Arbitration of Industrial Disputes. Several states have tried 
to prevent strikes and lockouts by providing for boards of 
arbitration. These boards usually consist of three or five 
members appointed by the governor, employers and employees 
being equally represented. When labor difficulties arise, it is 
their duty to investigate the situation, and if possible bring 
about a settlement. They may arbitrate the controversy 
provided both parties consent, but have no power to compel 
arbitration or to enforce their award. Congress has also passed 
an arbitration act for railroads and their employees. The 
President appoints a board of mediation, which has succeeded 
in settling several railroad controversies, including the serious 
strikes threatened in 1913 and again in 1914. Because of the 
growing importance of labor interests, the Department of 
Labor was organized as a separate executive department in 
1913; and the Secretary of Labor became a member of the 
President's Cabinet. A division of conciliation in this de¬ 
partment has already had considerable success in preventing 
strikes. 


510 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

The Socialist Movement. The spirit of unrest in the labor 
world made many converts to the economic doctrine called 
socialism. The Socialists believe that land should be owned 
in common, and that government should own and operate the 
railroads, telegraph lines, grain elevators, and all large-scale 
industries. Capitalists are to be eliminated entirely under 
their scheme of production; for the government is to own and 
control all the tools and plants of industry, and direct all 
occupations, the workers being rewarded according to their 
needs. Several political parties have been organized to carry 
out these theories. The strongest of these is the Social Dem¬ 
ocratic or Socialist party, formed in 1898 by Eugene V. 
Debs and his supporters. The Socialists have won some 
success in local elections, while in presidential contests their 
largest vote was in 1912, when their ticket received 901,873 
votes. 

Organized labor has not generally adopted the principles of 
socialism. Most American workingmen accept the common- 
sense idea that industry requires employers as well as employees, 
capital as well as labor. When the United States entered 
the World War in 1917, many prominent Socialists left the 
party because of its disloyal platform adopted at St. Louis. 
Among these were such leaders as Charles Edward Russell, 
John Spargo, and Allan L. Benson. 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, E. B., The United States in Our Own Times, ch. XI. 
Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXXV. 

Dewey, D. R., National Problems, chs. Ill, XII, XVIII. 
Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Interstate Commerce Act, pp. 581-590. 

Morse, E. W., Causes and Effects in American History, ch. XIX. 
Paxson, F. L., The New Nation, chs. X, XVIII, XIX. 

Sparks, E. E., National Development, ch. V. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, II, ch. XVII. 


THE AGE OF BIG BUSINESS 


511 


SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Trusts. Bogart, E. L., Economic History of the United States, 
ch. XXIX ; Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United 
States, ch. XXXI ; Jenks, J. W., The Trust Problem, chs. IV, VII, 
IX-XI ; McLaughlin, A. C., Readings in the History of the Amer¬ 
ican Nation, chs. LIX-LX. 

2. Labor Problems and Organizations. Bogart, E. L., Economic 
History of the United States, ch. XXXII ; Callender, G. S., Eco¬ 
nomic History of the United States, ch. XIV ; McLaughlin, A. C., 
Readings in the History of the American Nation, ch. LXI ; Paxson, 
F. L., The New Nation, ch. VII; American Federation of Labor History 
Encyclopedia Reference Book; Gompers, Samuel, Labor and the Common 
Welfare. 



Building Locomotives in a Modern Plant 


The manufacture of locomotives and railway cars is one of our most important 
industries. During the last twenty years the locomotives built have steadily 
increased in size, power, and weight. This is due to the demand for faster and 
heavier trains in the passenger service; also for heavier trains in the freight 
service in order to reduce the cost of hauling. Many of the passenger locomo¬ 
tives now built weigh 140 tons, while freight locomotives weighing over 200 
tons are not uncommon. 











CHAPTER XLII 


POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS 



The Election and Assassination of Garfield. The close 
presidential contest of 1876 convinced the Republicans that only 
a strong candidate could win the election of 1880. In the 
Republican convention at Chicago, the friends of ex-President 

Grant attempted to break 
the third term tradition 
by nominating the famous 
general who had twice led 
his party to victory. The 
Grant men failed to secure 
a majority of the delegates ; 
and after a long contest, the 
convention named James A. 
Garfield of Ohio for Presi¬ 
dent, and Chester A. Arthur 
of New York for Vice 
President. The Democrats 
chose for their standard- 
bearer General Winfield S. 
Hancock, one of the heroes 
of the Union army at Gettys- 


James A. Garfield 


burg. The Republicans won the election, but only four months 
after his inauguration, President Garfield was shot by a half- 
crazed office seeker. He died on September 19, 1881, Vice 
President Arthur then being sworn in as President. 

Civil Service Reform. The assassination of President Gar¬ 
field was indirectly due to a party quarrel over the appointment 
of a collector of customs for the port of New York; and this 

512 


POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS 


513 


tragedy helped to bring about a much-needed reform in our 
civil service. Since the time of President Jackson, the political 
offices within the gift of the government had been looked upon 
as rewards for faithful party workers. The dismissal of a host of 
officials at the beginning of each new administration demoralized 
the public service; for under this Spoils System, party loyalty 
rather than ability was the basis for appointment to office. 

After a century’s experi¬ 
ence with the Spoils System, 
public opinion compelled a 
change; and in 1883 Con¬ 
gress passed the Civil Serv¬ 
ice Act. This law pro¬ 
vides that appointment to 
office, as well as tenure and 
promotion, shall depend 
upon efficiency rather than 
upon party service. A 
Civil Service Commission of 
three members conducts 
competitive examinations 
for all positions in the classi¬ 
fied service. Appointments 
are made from those ap¬ 
plicants whose papers are 
graded highest on the civil service examination ; and the persons 
appointed cannot be removed except for inefficiency. 

During the administration of President Arthur, 15,000 
federal officers were placed under the new civil service rules. 
President Cleveland added 55,000 and President Roosevelt 
87,000 more. At the present time, about three fourths of the 
entire number of federal employees are under civil service rules. 
The merit system of appointment has greatly improved the 
public service; and a similar plan has been adopted in many 
cities, and by several state governments. 

The Immigration Problem. Since the founding of our 
government, more than twenty-five million immigrants have 



Chester A. Arthur 





514 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

come to the United States, and to-day it is estimated that there 
are thirteen million persons of foreign birth living here. In the 
single year of 1905, one million immigrants landed on our shores, 
or more than all the colonists who came to America from the 
first landing at Jamestown until the Declaration of Independ¬ 
ence. Our traditional policy has always been to welcome the 
honest men and women of other lands who wish to come here; 
and our' country’s wonderful development would have been 

impossible without the brain 
and muscle of the millions 
of immigrants who have 
turned to America as the 
land of opportunity. 

At times our hospitality 
has been abused; and Euro¬ 
pean governments have been 
known to use the United 
States as a dumping ground 
for convicts, paupers, an¬ 
archists, and other unde¬ 
sirable citizens. Hence in 
1882 Congress passed a law 
excluding from this country 
the pauper, criminal, and 
insane classes of aliens, also 
anarchists, persons suffering 
from contagious disease, and Chinese laborers. A treaty was 
made with Japan in 1907, by which Japanese laborers were also 
excluded. 

Immigrants from Southern Europe. Beginning about 1880 
there has been a marked change in the source of our immigration. 
Before that time the great majority of immigrants came from 
Great Britain, Germany, and the Scandinavian countries; 
while only a small proportion came from the peoples of southern 
and eastern Europe. But since 1880 the immigration from 
southeastern Europe has greatly increased, while that from 
northern Europe has relatively declined. 





POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS 


515 


With this change in the source of our immigration, there has 
been a corresponding change in the character of the immigrants 
themselves. The immigrants from northern Europe were better 
educated, more familiar with representative government, 
and in many cases were skilled artisans and mechanics. In 
contrast with them, a large proportion of the immigrants from 
southeastern Europe are illiterate, or unable to read and write 
their own language; and nearly all are unskilled workers. The 
demand for the exclusion 
of illiterate immigrants led 
Congress on three occasions 
to pass bills debarring im¬ 
migrants who could not 
read, but each time the 
measure was vetoed by the 
President. At last in 1916, 
it was possible to secure the 
necessary votes in Congress 
to pass this measure over 
the President’s veto; so 
that immigrants who are 
unable to read their own 
language are now excluded 
from the United States. 

The Demand for Tariff James G . Blaine 

Reform. Throughout the Courtesy of the Maine State Library, 
Civil War, high tariff duties Augusta, 

were levied in order to raise revenue, and also to protect Ameri¬ 
can manufacturers who were paying internal revenue taxes on 
their products. The high tariff rates were continued after the 
war, the surplus revenue being used to reduce the national debt. 
The Republican party favored the policy of protection, but 
many Democrats began to urge a reduction in tariff duties. 
They pointed out that a large surplus was piling up in the 
national treasury, and said that the high tariff duties promoted 
the growth of large corporations by helping them secure a 
monopoly of the domestic market. 





516 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


The tariff question became a leading issue in the presidential 
campaign of 1884. The Democrats maintained that only ar¬ 
ticles of luxury should be heavily taxed, while articles of neces¬ 
sity ought to be admitted free of duty. Their presidential 
candidate was Grover Cleveland, who had made a splendid 
record as governor of New York. The Republicans nominated 
James G. Blaine, who had served as Speaker of the House of 

Representatives, as Senator 
from Maine, and as Secre¬ 
tary of State under Presi¬ 
dent Garfield. A new re¬ 
form movement now sprang 
up in the ranks of the Re¬ 
publicans, much like that 
in the campaign of 1872. 
These independent Repub¬ 
licans, who were promptly 
nicknamed “Mugwumps,” 
refused to support Blaine 
because they did not ap¬ 
prove of his political record. 
The campaign that followed 
was one of the most exciting 
in our history; and for the 
first time since the Civil 
War, the Democrats won the victory. But they could not carry 
out their campaign promise to lower the tariff rates, since the 
Senate was Republican. 

The tariff question again became the chief issue in the presi¬ 
dential election of 1888, but this time President Cleveland was 
defeated by his Republican opponent, Benjamin Harrison of 
Indiana. The Republicans also secured control of both houses 
of Congress, which promptly passed the McKinley Tariff Act of 
1890. This law received its name from William McKinley of 
Ohio, who was chairman of the Ways and Means Committee in 
the House of Representatives. The new act was a protective 
measure which made the duties even higher than during the 



Benjamin Harrison 




POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS 


517 


war. The Republicans had answered the challenge of the 
Democrats to reduce the tariff by raising it higher than ever 
before. 

The Wilson Tariff Law, 1894. The growing demand for 
lower tariff rates carried the Democratic party to a sweeping 
victory in the presidential contest of 1892, and Grover Cleveland 
became President for a second term. The House Committee on 
Ways and Means drew up the Wilson Tariff Bill, which as 
finally amended in the Senate made only slight reductions in 
the tariff rates. President Cleveland denounced the measure 
as “ a record of party perfidy and dishonor ” ; but believing it 
better than the McKinley Tariff, permitted the bill to become a 
law without his signature. Since import duties were reduced, 
it was necessary to provide some other means of raising revenue. 
Accordingly, the Wilson law levied a tax of two per cent on all 
incomes above $4000. The Supreme Court held this tax un¬ 
constitutional, so that it could not be collected; and without 
the income tax, the Wilson Act did not yield enough revenue to 
run the government. 

Later Tariff Acts. The success of the Republicans in the 
presidential election of 1896 led to another revision of tariff rates. 
Congress passed the Dingley Tariff Law, which restored the 
duties of the earlier McKinley Act, and in some cases made them 
even higher. The tariff agitation that had prevailed for fifteen 
years now began to subside. The new law remained on the 
statute books for twelve years, during a period of great pros¬ 
perity. The Republicans passed another high tariff measure 
in 1909, but after the Democratic victory in 1912, the rates were 
reduced by the Underwood Tariff Act. 

Frequent revision of tariff duties tends to unsettle the business 
of the country, and it is unfortunate that Congress has insisted 
on treating the tariff as a political question, instead of as a 
business matter. A better method was made possible in 1916, 
when Congress created a Tariff Commission to study this subject 
and report on needed changes in the rates. 

The Presidential Succession Act. In the year 1886, Congress 
passed an important law known as the Presidential Succession 


518 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


Act. This provides that in case of the death or disability of 
both President and Vice President, the office of President shall 
be filled by the Secretary of State. If that officer does not 
possess the qualifications required by the Constitution for 
President, then the succession passes to the Secretary of the 
Treasury, and so on down through the Cabinet, the first seven 
members being eligible in the order in which the departments 
were created. Under the original law passed in 1792, the 
President pro tem of the Senate succeeded the Vice President, 
then the Speaker of the House of Representatives — a new 
presidential election to follow within two months. The new 
law makes it certain that the succession shall pass to a man of 
the same political party as the President. 

The Panic of 1873. About once every twenty years, begin¬ 
ning with 1819, our country has suffered from a money panic or 
period of severe hard times. Next to the panic of 1837, that of 
1873 was the worst in our history. It began with the failure 
of Jay Cooke and Company, a large banking firm in Philadelphia. 
The chief cause of the trouble was excessive railroad building, 
together with wild speculation in western lands. During the 
four years before 1873, twenty-four thousand miles of railway 
lines were built. These roads were of immense service in 
opening up the West; but in many cases their earnings were not 
large enough to pay interest on the borrowed capital. The 
banks that had loaned money to the railroads received their 
bonds in exchange, which they undertook to sell to investors. 
When the railroads failed to pay the interest on these bonds, 
the banks that held them began to fail, while thousands of 
private investors saw their securities shrink in value. 

The day after the failure of Jay Cooke and Company, eighteen 
banking firms in New York City closed their doors. Panic 
terror then spread throughout the country. Depositors has¬ 
tened to withdraw their money, banks were unable to make 
loans to business men, and thousands of failures resulted. Mills 
and factories were everywhere closing down, workingmen were 
discharged and wages reduced, while strikes and lockouts added 
to the general distress. This period of hard times lasted for 


POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS 


519 


five years, during which there were nearly fifty thousand failures, 
while three million men were out of employment. 

Resumption of Specie Payments. During the Civil War, 
the Union government issued paper money in large quantities. 
These notes were valueless in themselves, but the government 
made them legal tender; that is, declared that every one must 
accept them in payments of debts. There was no gold or silver 
in the treasury with which to redeem the greenbacks, which 
depended for their value on the likelihood that the government 
would some day redeem them in coin, or specie. The war 
had been at an end for fourteen years before the government was 
able to do this; but Congress finally voted that after January, 
1879, the greenbacks should be redeemed in gold coin. The 
Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman, accumulated a large 
stock of gold, so that any one desiring to exchange greenbacks 
for coin might do so. But just as soon as every one became 
convinced that the government could and would give gold in 
exchange for notes, nobody cared to have it. Ever since this 
resumption of specie payments, the greenbacks have been 
worth one hundred cents on the dollar. 

The Greenback Party. When the greenbacks were first 
issued in 1862, the intention was to redeem them as soon as 
possible, and withdraw them from circulation. But after part 
of the greenbacks had been redeemed and canceled, a strong 
protest was made against this policy. A new political party, 
the Greenback party, insisted that the notes should not be 
withdrawn from circulation, but should be reissued. Partly 
owing to this protest, Congress ordered the reissue of the green¬ 
backs whenever paid into the treasury. So we still have green¬ 
backs in circulation to the amount of $346,000,000, besides 
several other kinds of paper money. A gold reserve of $150,- 
000,000 is kept on hand in the national treasury for the re¬ 
demption of the greenbacks. 

The Question of Free Silver Coinage. Under the first coinage 
act passed by Congress in 1792, there was to be free coinage of 
both gold and silver. In other words, any one might take either 
metal to the mints and have it coined into money, which would 


520 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


then be legal tender for all debts. Since gold is much more 
valuable than silver, the law provided that the silver dollar 
should contain 371^ grains of pure silver, or fifteen times the 
weight of the gold dollar. Later the ratio was changed to 16 
to 1. Only a small amount of silver was brought to the mints 
after 1840 ; and in 1873 Congress passed a law that discontinued 

the coinage of the silver 
dollar, and made gold the 
sole standard of value. 

This act attracted little 
attention at the time, but 
in later years, as prices fell 
sharply, many people de¬ 
manded that the mints of 
the country should again be 
opened to the free coinage 
of silver. They claimed 
that the fall in prices was 
due to the scarcity of money 
material, and that men who 
owed money could repay it 
more easily if both gold and 
silver were coined at the 
mints. Free coinage of sil¬ 
ver was strongly urged by the new Populist party, which in¬ 
cluded many farmers who were receiving low prices for their 
products. 

The Sherman Silver Purchase Act. In an effort to please the 
friends of silver, Congress passed the Sherman Silver Purchase 
Act of 1890. This law provided that the government should buy 
a large amount of silver each month, store it in the treasury 
vaults, and issue treasury notes equal in amount to the value 
of the silver purchased. This measure led to a serious financial 
crisis in 1892, at the beginning of President Cleveland’s second 
administration. The treasury department felt obliged to 
redeem these notes in gold, and at this critical time, every one 
seemed to want gold in exchange for notes. Worst of all, 




POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS 


521 


no sooner were the notes redeemed than they must be reissued, 
to be again presented for more gold. Thus the notes formed an 
endless chain, constantly draining the treasury of its gold supply. 
The treasury department had to sell millions of dollars worth 
of bonds in order to secure a supply of gold with which to 
redeem the paper notes. Still the gold flowed out of the treasury, 
until at last President Cleveland called a special session of 
Congress, and urged the repeal of the Silver Purchase Act. 
The Senators from the silver-mining states fought bitterly to 
prevent this, but after three months of stormy debate, Congress 
repealed the law. 

The Panic of 1893. Much of the mischief had already 
been done, and the panic of 1893 was well under way. Foreign 
investors began to withdraw their capital, fearing that our 
country could not pay its obligations in gold. The fall in the 
price of silver spelled disaster for the western mining interests ; 
while the failure of the corn crop brought ruin to thousands 
of farmers. Manufacturers and business men could no longer 
obtain loans, credit collapsed, and failure followed failure. 
Two hundred railroads went into the hands of receivers, while 
the number of commercial failures was three times as great as 
in 1873. In the large cities, thousands of men were out of work 
and on the verge of starvation. 

The Free Silver Campaign of 1896. At the close of President 
Cleveland’s administration, the country was still suffering from 
the effects of the panic. The Republicans charged that the hard 
times were due to the Wilson Tariff Law passed by the Demo¬ 
crats. They nominated for President a strong champion of pro¬ 
tection, Governor William McKinley of Ohio, and declared in 
favor of the gold standard. The Democrats argued that the hard 
times were caused, not by the tariff, but by a scarcity of money. 
They demanded that government should open its mints to the 
free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. This 
meant that the government was to receive 371| grains of silver, 
then worth as bullion or metal only fifty-two cents, and stamp 
it as one dollar in money. The Republicans pointed out that 
this would drive gold out of circulation, for people would pay 


522 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


their debts with the silver dollars, worth only about fifty cents 
as measured in gold. 

The national Democratic convention nominated a young 
Nebraskan, William Jennings Bryan, who had made an eloquent 
appeal in the convention for the free coinage of silver. Bryan 
was a wonderful orator; during the campaign he traveled eight¬ 
een thousand miles, and made six hundred speeches. But 

his party was divided on 
the money question, for 
President Cleveland and 
many eastern Democrats 
were opposed to free silver 
coinage. At the polls, the 
voters endorsed the policy 
of protection and rejected 
free silver. William Mc¬ 
Kinley became President 
with 217 electoral votes 
against 176 for Bryan, while 
the Republicans also se¬ 
cured control of Congress. 

The Gold Standard Act 
of 1900. The outbreak of 
the Spanish-American War 
in 1898 occupied the atten¬ 
tion of the country so fully 
that there was no time for financial legislation during Presi¬ 
dent McKinley’s first term. The Republicans reelected Presi¬ 
dent McKinley in 1900, and Congress passed an act declaring 
that the gold dollar should be the standard unit of value. 
That is, gold is to be the standard by which the prices of all 
commodities are measured. In keeping gold as its sole stand¬ 
ard of value, the United States followed the example of the 
leading nations of the world. Gold has been generally chosen 
because it is mined in less quantities than silver, and because 
its value does not fluctuate so greatly. Hence if prices are based 
on gold, they will vary less than if based on silver. The country 




POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS 


523 


has really been on a single gold standard since 1873, so that the 
new law did not introduce a change. It was only a definite 
announcement that the gold standard would be continued, and 
that there would be no free coinage of silver. 

The Federal Reserve Act of 1913. The country passed through 
another severe financial crisis in 1907, and Congress began to 
study how to prevent such difficulties in the future. During 
President Wilson’s first administration, an important law was 
passed which may accomplish this result. The Federal Reserve 
Act of 1913 provides for a system of Federal Reserve Banks 
which do not receive deposit from individuals, but from the 
different banks of the country. When money is scarce, the 
reserve banks may issue notes to the banks that belong to the 
system, in exchange for securities held by them; and the in¬ 
dividual banks can then loan these notes out to borrowers. The 
national government also deposits much of its surplus money 
with the reserve banks, instead of placing it in the government 
vaults ; and part of this money can be loaned to banks through¬ 
out the country on good security. In this way more money can 
be made available during hard times, and it is hoped that the 
plan will put an end to our money panics. 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, E. B., The United States in Our Own Times, chs. X, XII, 
XVI, XVII. 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, chs. XXIII, XXIV, 
XXVI. 

Dewey, D. R., National Problems, chs. II, IV-V, XV-XVII. 
Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United Stales, chs. 
XXX-XXXI. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, chs. 
XXVIII, XXXII. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory: Civil Service Act, pp. 575-581. 

Morse, E. W., Causes and Effects in American History, ch. XVIII. 
Paxson, F. L., The New Nation, chs. IV, XIV. 


524 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Finances of the Civil War. Dewey, D. R., Financial History 
of the United States, chs. XVI-XXII ; Guitteau, W. B., Govern¬ 
ment and Politics in the United States, pp. 292-293. 

2. Immigration. Coolidge, A. C., The United States as a World 
Power, ch. II ; Guitteau, W. B*., Government and Politics in the 
United States, pp. 390-392 ; Hall, F. F., Immigration, pp. 3-13, 
36-79, chs. X-XIV ; Hart, A. B., National Ideals Historically 
Traced (American Nation Series), ch. Ill ; Latane, J. H., America 
as a World Power (American Nation Series), ch. XVII. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 


Barstow, C. L., The Progress of a United People, pp. 26-32. 
Guitteau, W. B., Preparing for Citizenship, ch. XVII. 



Open Hearth Furnaces of the National Tube Company 


Impurities in the iron ore are removed by the process of smelting in furnaces 
constructed of steel and infusible brick. The iron ore together with coke and 
limestone is placed in the furnace, and as the coke burns by means of a forced 
draft, the iron ore melts. The iron is heavy, but the impurities are light and 
float as slag on top of the liquid iron. The iron is then drawn off into bars 
called pig iron. 








CHAPTER XLIII 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


Spain’s Colonial Policy. In the sixteenth century, Spain was 
England’s chief rival in the struggle for colonial empire and for 
the world’s trade. Spain was not liberal in the treatment of 
her colonies, and she failed to profit by the experience of her 
rival. After the American Revolution, Great Britain adopted 
a different policy toward 
her remaining colonies. She 
granted them large powers 
of self-government, and no 
longer tried to use them 
merely as storehouses for 
British merchants and man¬ 
ufacturers. In 1867 all of 
the Canadian provinces ex¬ 
cept Newfoundland were 
organized into a federal 
union, the Dominion of 
Canada, with a Parliament 
and ministry similar to that 
of Great Britain, and a 
governor-general appointed 
by the crown. The Com¬ 
monwealth of Australia was 
organized on a similar plan 
in 1901. But history taught Spain no lesson. At the beginning 
of the nineteenth century, she still ruled her colonies by the 
methods of three hundred years before. One by one, the Span¬ 
ish colonies in Central and South America declared their inde¬ 
pendence, until only Cuba and Porto Rico remained out of all 
Spain’s New World empire. 



William McKinley 

Courtesy of the Courtney Studio, 
Canton, Ohio. 


525 




526 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


Spain ruled these islands with the same harsh tyranny that 
had lost her great empire. Laws for Cuba were made in 
Madrid; they were executed by a governor-general and other 
Spanish officials, who lived in Cuba only to make their own 
fortunes as quickly as possible. The revenue from Cuba in 
1895 was twenty-six million dollars, but of this sum only one 
million was spent for education and public works on the island. 
The remainder went to support Spain’s army and navy, to pay 
the interest on her debt, and to meet the salaries of Spanish 
officials. 

Cuba Rebels against Spain. The Cubans rose in repeated 
revolts against Spanish oppression; but each revolt ended in 
defeat and worse misrule. It took Spain ten years to put down 
the rebellion of 1868, and at its close she promised reforms that 
were never carried out. The Cubans again took up arms in 
1895, and this time one hundred thousand Spanish soldiers 
could not crush the outbreak. The Spanish government then 
determined to starve the Cubans into submission. General 
Weyler ordered the rural inhabitants to come into the garrison 
towns, where they were shut up in concentration camps. With 
no one left to cultivate the plantations, the Cuban army must 
surrender or starve. Nearly two hundred thousand Cubans 
died in concentration camps from starvation and disease, but 
still the fight for liberty went on. 

Our Country’s Interest in Cuba. The United States urged 
Spain to grant the reforms demanded by the Cubans, but Spain 
replied that Cuba already enjoyed “ one of the most liberal 
political systems in the world.” As a result of the rebellion 
our trade with Cuba, amounting to $100,000,000 each year, was 
destroyed, while American citizens on the island lost much of 
their property. Once more President McKinley tried to induce 
Spain to make concessions, but she delayed until at last the 
Cubans would accept nothing less than complete independence. 
By the year 1898, the “ Pearl of the Antilles ” had become a 
place of misery and starvation. At last the United States re¬ 
solved in the interests of humanity to make the cause of Cuba 
her own. 



THE WAR WITH SPAIN 527 

The Destruction of the Maine. An event occurred at this 
critical time which hastened the conflict. Early in 1898 the 
battleship Maine entered Havana Harbor to protect Ameri¬ 
can interests. Three weeks later, while lying peacefully at 
anchor, a terrible explosion sank the ship with two hundred 
and sixty of her men. Investigation of the wreck showed that 
the explosion was probably caused by a submarine mine. 


© Underwood and Underwood. 

The Maine , March 16, 1912 

A commission was appointed several years after the war with Spain to raise 
the Maine and discover how it was sunk. A cofferdam was built around the 
warship, the hull ipade water-tight, and then floated. It was afterwards towed 
out to sea and buried with full naval honors. 

It was impossible to prove who had committed the foul deed, 
but the American people believed that the Spaniards were 
responsible. “ Remember the Maine ” became the watchword 
of the hour, and the whole country demanded war. Congress 
promptly voted to expend fifty million dollars for national 
defense. 

Our Ultimatum and the Declaration of War. On April 19, 
the anniversary of Lexington, Congress passed a resolution 
declaring that Cuba ought to be free, and that Spain must 















528 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 



withdraw her forces from the island. The President was 
authorized to use the entire land and naval forces of the United 
States to bring this about. Congress also declared that the 

United States did not intend 
to annex Cuba, but would 
leave the government of the 
island to its people. Spain 
was given five days in which 
to answer these resolutions, 
which were virtually an ulti¬ 
matum. Her reply was to 
recall the Spanish minister 
from Washington, and to 
give our minister at Madrid 
his passports. On April 25, 
Congress voted that war 
existed between the United 
States and Spain. It was de¬ 
cided to borrow $200,000,000 
by issuing bonds, also to 
raise revenue by means of 
a stamp tax, as had been 
done in the Civil War. The 
navy was increased, and the 
Atlantic coast defenses were 
strengthened. 

Dewey’s Victory at Ma¬ 
nila Bay. The first fighting 
occurred far from our own 
shores. When war was de¬ 
clared, our Pacific fleet was 
at Hong Kong, China, un¬ 
der the command of Com- 
were cabled to Dewey to 
and capture or destroy the 


© Underwood and Underwood. 

Admiral George Dewey on the deck 
of the Olympia 


modore George Dewey. Orders 
proceed to the Philippine Islands 
Spanish fleet. Before daylight on May 1, 1898, Dewey’s six 
warships, with the Olympia in the lead, sailed into Manila Bay. 










THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


52U 

The Spanish fleet was inferior to his squadron, but it had the aid 
of the shore batteries. The battle began at five o’clock in the 
morning, and by noon Dewey had won a complete victory. 
The enemy’s fleet was destroyed, and six hundred Spanish 
sailors were killed or wounded. Our ships were practically 
unharmed, and only eight men were wounded. Some three 
months later, transports carrying American troops arrived 
on the scene, and the city of Manila was occupied. 

Attitude of Germany and Great Britain. While he awaited 
the arrival of American soldiers, Dewey’s position was difficult be¬ 
cause of the warships which the European powers sent to Manila 
Bay. All the European-nations except Great Britain were in 
sympathy with Spain, but Germany was the only one guilty of 
any breach of neutrality. Although her interests in the Philip¬ 
pines were slight, Germany sent five warships to Manila Bay; 
and the German admiral repeatedly disregarded Dewey’s rules 
for the blockade of the harbor. On one occasion he even landed 
a boat-load of provisions for the Spanish forces in the city, a 
breach of neutrality almost equivalent to an act of war. Finally, 
Dewey sent word to Admiral von Diederichs that the next 
German vessel which violated the blockade would be fired upon. 
“ And tell him,” added Dewey, “ that if he wants a fight, he 
can have it right now.” Whether the German admiral’s 
conduct was the result of his own ideas, or whether he acted 
under orders, has never been ascertained. It is known, however, 
that Great Britain’s three warships in Manila Bay were under 
sealed orders which were disclosed to only two persons, the 
British Admiral Chichester and Dewey himself. There are 
good grounds for believing that in the event of a conflict with 
the German warships, Dewey would have had the support of the 
British fleet. 

Our Campaign in Cuba. While these stirring events were 
taking place across the Pacific, our navy and newly recruited 
army prepared for a campaign against Spain’s forces in Cuba. 
Admiral Cervera’s fleet had sailed from the Cape Verde Islands 
for an unknown destination. Did the Spanish admiral intend 
to bombard the cities on our Atlantic coast? Or would he 


530 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


try to capture the Oregon, which was coming around Cape 
Horn from San Francisco to reinforce the Atlantic fleet ? To be 
ready for a sudden attack, Commodore Schley was placed in 
command of a flying squadron of swift cruisers; while Admiral 
Sampson was given the task of blockading the coast of Cuba, 
so as to cut off reinforcements and supplies. 

Admiral Cervera managed to evade our warships; his fleet 
found a haven in Santiago Harbor, whereupon Sampson and 
Schley united their fleets for a blockade. By sinking the collier 
Merrimac across the harbor’s mouth, Lieutenant Richmond 
Hobson tried to bottle up the Spanish fleet so as to make 
escape impossible. The Merrimac did not sink at the right 
moment, so the daring plan failed. Meantime, our army pre¬ 
pared for a campaign in Cuba. General Shafter with 16,000 
men landed near Santiago, and pushed forward against the city. 
Our troops won brilliant victories at San Juan Hill and El Caney, 
positions that defended Santiago. A few days later Santiago itself 
surrendered, and with it the entire Spanish army in eastern Cuba. 

Destruction of Cervera’s Fleet. While the American troops 
were closing in on Santiago, Admiral Cervera determined to 
make a dash for liberty. On the morning of July 3 his six 
warships were discovered slowly steaming down the narrow 
channel of the harbor. The American ships at once closed in, 
directing their fire against Cervera’s flagship, which led the line. 
In vain the Spanish cruisers tried to escape into the open sea. 
Our battleships formed a parallel line abreast of the enemy, 
pouring on them a deadly fire of shells. Within four hours, 
every Spanish ship was sunk, and Admiral Cervera with seven¬ 
teen hundred men were prisoners. We lost only one man, and 
not a single ship. 

The victory of Santiago ended the war in Cuba. An expedi¬ 
tion under General Nelson A. Miles was then sent against Porto 
Rico. Town after town was easily captured, when suddenly 
the march to victory was interrupted. Realizing her complete 
defeat, Spain decided to ask for peace. 

The Treaty of Paris. Commissioners from the United States 
and Spain met in Paris to draw up a treaty of peace, which was 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


531 


signed on December 10, 1898. Spain gave up all authority 
over Cuba, which became an independent republic. She ceded 
Porto Rico to the United States, together with the island of 
Guam (in the Ladrones), and the entire Philippine archipelago. 
In return, the United States agreed to pay Spain twenty million 
dollars. 

Results of the War. The Spanish-American War had several 
important results: 

(1) It united the North and the South as never before. Men 
who had worn the gray fought side by side with the men of the 
North, and the new friendships effaced the last traces of hostility 
between the two sections. 

(2) The war was a convincing proof of our utter lack of 
military preparedness. 

(3) It gave Cuba her independence. 

(4) The United States secured important colonies, the 
Philippines, Hawaii, and Porto Rico. 

(5) These new possessions, with our growing trade and 
wider interests, soon made the United States a world power. 

Our Country Not Prepared for War. The war proved that 
the United States was not prepared to fight against a strong 
foe, and it was fortunate that our enemy was one of the weakest 
nations in Europe. Our officers were not used to handling large 
bodies of troops; many of our soldiers were still armed with 
Springfield rifles of the Civil War'pattern; we had only a small 
supply of smokeless powder; and there was a great lack of 
uniforms, tents, ambulances, and military equipment of every 
kind. Victory was won, not by an efficient military organiza¬ 
tion, for this we did not have, but by virtue of the bravery of our 
volunteers and handful of regulars. Our navy, too, did splendid 
work, and proved to be better prepared for service than the 
army. 

Soon after the treaty of peace, our war department was re¬ 
organized on a better basis. 1 But the beginning of the conflict 
with Germany in 1917 found our country almost as unprepared 
for war as in 1898. Our nation has clung to the ideal of peace, 
placing its trust in arbitration, while other countries have been 


532 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


creating large armies and navies. The lesson of the Spanish- 
American War, like that of the War of 1812, was ignored by our 
people. That lesson is, that to be well prepared for defense 
is the best means of safeguarding our rights as a nation. 




Cuba Becomes 


Old Central School, San Carlos 

The type of school under the Spanish government. 


an Independent Re¬ 
public. As soon as 
the Spanish forces 
were withdrawn 
from Cuba, our 
army engineers took 
up the work of creat¬ 
ing sanitary condi¬ 
tions throughout 
the island, espe¬ 
cially in the cities. 
Here, as later on 
the Isthmus of Pan¬ 
ama, yellow fever 
was conquered by 
warfare against the 
mosquito. Indus¬ 
try was fostered, a 
modern system of 
education estab¬ 
lished, and every 
effort made to pre¬ 
pare the Cuban peo¬ 
ple for their task 
of self-government. 
This work accom¬ 
plished, our troops were withdrawn in 1902, and the govern¬ 
ment was turned over to the Cubans. 

The United States reserved the right to intervene in order 
to preserve Cuba’s independence, to restore order, or to compel 
the payment of debts to foreign creditors. An insurrection in 
1906 made it necessary for us to send troops to the island. 


New Intermediate School, Camiling, Tarlac 
Province 

The latest developments in American school archi¬ 
tecture are now applied to Philippine conditions. 
Photographs from the Bureau of Insular Affairs. 

















THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


533 


President Roosevelt appointed a military governor, order was 
soon restored, and after three years our forces were again with¬ 
drawn. Since then peace has ruled in Cuba, and her people have 
apparently learned the lesson of self-government. 

Our Government of the Philippines. The inhabitants of the 
Philippines, like the Cubans, had taken up arms against Spanish 
tyranny. They wanted independence, and at first refused to 
recognize our authority over the islands. Under a native chief, 
Aguinaldo, the Filipinos waged a guerrilla warfare for nearly two 
years, but the capture of their leader ended the insurrection. 

The vast Philippine archipelago is peopled by numerous 
tribes, many of which are but slightly civilized. Self-govern¬ 
ment was out of the question when Spain surrendered the islands, 
but the United States is educating the people so that they may 
become prepared to govern themselves. Meantime, executive 
authority is vested in a governor and other officers appointed by 
the President, while the Filipinos elect their own legislature. 
Our country has spent large sums for schools, libraries, sani¬ 
tation, and public works on the islands, and much progress has 
been made. Independence has been promised to the Philippines 
as soon as their people show a capacity for self-government. 

Annexation of Porto Rico and Hawaii. Porto Rico is a 
permanent possession of the United States. It is governed by 
executive officers appointed by the President, most of whom 
must be native Porto Ricans. The voters choose the legislature, 
and the island is represented in Congress by a commissioner. 
Hawaii was also annexed in 1898 at the request of its people, 
and given our usual form of territorial government. The 
President appoints the governor, while the voters elect the 
legislature. 

The United States Becomes a World Power. The most 
important result of the war with Spain was to make the United 
States a world power, with possessions and interests that are 
world wide. Whether for good or for ill, the happy isolation of 
Washington’s day became a thing of the past. Many of our 
citizens regretted this situation. In the Senate, the peace treaty 
with Spain was ratified by only one vote more than the necessary 


534 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


two thirds. Even some of the Senators who voted for the 
treaty were opposed to our holding the Philippines. They be¬ 
lieved that the Republic ought not attempt to govern distant 
islands, that “ imperialism ” is a menace to our national welfare. 
But the United States could not honorably deliver the islands 
back to Spanish tyranny, and their people were not capable of 
self-government. So the trend of events, rather than our own 
choice, compelled us to take up what Rudyard Kipling calls the 
“ white man’s burden.” With Hawaii as an outpost, with 
the Philippines in our possession, and a growing trade with Asia, 
we began to take more interest in the affairs of the Far East. 
This was soon shown by our part in putting down the insur¬ 
rection in China. 

The Chinese Boxer Rebellion, 1900. China is the oldest and, 
from a military point of view, the weakest nation in the world. 
Taking advantage of her inability to resist aggression, European 
nations began to occupy the richest portions of her territory. 
At the close of the Spanish-American War, the partition of China 
seemed near at hand. With no army or navy worthy of the 
name, the Chinese government was powerless to resist; but at 
last a secret society known as “ Boxers ” took up arms to 
exterminate the hated foreigner. Aided by native troops, the 
Boxers attacked the foreign missions, killed the German min¬ 
ister, and besieged the residences of the foreign ambassadors 
in Peking. At this crisis, an army made up of American, 
European, and Japanese soldiers was sent to rescue the ambas¬ 
sadors. When the allied forces reached Peking; the revolt 
promptly collapsed. 

How should China be punished for the Boxer outrages? Our 
Secretary of State, John Hay, finally persuaded the European 
nations not to demand more Chinese territory as an indemnity. 
The United States did not wish to see China divided up among 
the powers of Europe. Our country favored the “ open-door ” 
policy; that is, a policy which would permit all nations to trade 
with China on equal terms. Instead of giving up more terri¬ 
tory, China was forced to pay an indemnity of $333,000,000 to 
the nations whose subjects had been robbed and killed. Our 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


535 


share of the indemnity was about $24,000,000, but a few years 
later the United States returned one half of this sum, keeping 
only enough to cover the actual losses suffered by American 
citizens. China showed her appreciation of this act of good will 
by placing the money returned in a special indemnity fund, 
to be used for the education of Chinese students in American 
colleges and universities. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, ch. XXXVIII. 
Coolidge, A. C., The United States as a World Power, ch. VI. 

Hart, A. B., American History Told by Contemporaries, IV, chs. XXX- 
XXXII. 

Macdonald, William, Documentary Source Book of American His¬ 
tory : Recognition of the Independence of Cuba, pp. 597-598 ; 
Treaty of Paris, pp. 602-608. 

Paxson, F. L., The New Nation, ch. XV. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

Our Territorial Possessions. Bruce, H. A., The Romance of 
American Expansion, ch. VIII ; Coolidge, A. C., The United States 
as a World Power, chs. VII-VIII ; Guitteau, W. B., Government and 
Politics in the United States, ch. XXXIII ; Landon, J. S., The 
Constitutional History and Government of the United States, ch. XII ; 
Mowry, W. A., Territorial Growth of the United States, chs. IX—XI. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Progress of a United People, pp. 70-77. 
Griffis, W. E., The Romance of Conquest, chs. XXVII-XXIX. 
Hitchcock, Ripley, Decisive Battles of America, chs. XXI-XXII. 


CHAPTER XLIV 


OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 

President McKinley’s Reelection and Assassination. The 

question of retaining the Philippines became one of the chief 
issues in the presidential election of 1900. The Republicans 
renominated President McKinley, who had a record of faith¬ 
ful service during his first term, and for Vice President named 
Theodore Roosevelt of New York. The Democrats again 
nominated William Jennings Bryan of Nebraska, on a platform 
which denounced colonial expansion or imperialism. The elec¬ 
tion resulted in a Republican victory, and President McKinley 
was inaugurated for his second term on March 4, 1901. 

While attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo 
about six months later, the President was shot by an anarchist, 
dying on September 14. Vice President Roosevelt then became 
President, and his administration was so successful that he was 
reelected in 1904 by the largest popular majority ever given to 
any President. President Roosevelt was a man of boundless 
energy, as well as of very high ability. As police commissioner 
of New York City, as assistant secretary of the navy, and as 
governor of New York, he had become famous for his ability to 
get things done; and this same trait was shown during the seven 
years of his presidency. 

An Inter-Oceanic Canal. From the time of Balboa’s dis¬ 
covery of the Pacific Ocean, men had dreamed of a canal across 
the narrow neck of land which connects North and South 
America. Spain, England, and France each in turn became 
interested in an Isthmian Canal, but it remained for the United 
States to transform the dream into a reality. The long voyage 
of the Oregon during the Spanish-American War proved the 
military importance of an inter-oceanic canal; and every one 

536 


OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 


537 



could see that our expanding trade would be greatly aided by a 
water route across the Isthmus. 

Before beginning the work of construction, the United 
States had to overcome many obstacles. First we had to secure 
Great Britain’s consent to 
set aside the Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty of 1850. 

This was an agreement that 
neither the United States 
nor Great Britain should 
have exclusive control of 
any canal built across the 
Isthmus. Great Britain 
finally consented to a new 
treaty, giving the United 
States the sole right to 
construct and operate the 
canal; while in return, our 
country guaranteed that it 
should be open to the 
vessels of all nations on 
equal terms. A long discus¬ 
sion followed as to the best 
route, Nicaragua or Pan¬ 
ama. A commission ap¬ 
pointed by President Roose¬ 
velt finally recommended in 
favor of Panama, provided 
the United States could pur¬ 
chase the rights and prop¬ 
erty of the French Panama 
Company. This company ? 
organized by the French 

engineer, De Lesseps, had undertaken to build a canal across the 
Isthmus, but gave up the work before it was half completed. 
The United States bought out the rights of the French Company 
for $40,000,000, then attempted to persuade Colombia to grant 


© Underwood and Underwood 

Theodore Roosevelt 

“ In order to succeed,” said Roosevelt in 
1912, ‘‘we need leaders of inspired ideal¬ 
ism, leaders to whom are granted great 
visions, who dream greatly and strive to 
make their dreams come true; who can 
kindle the people with the fire from their 
own burning souls. The leader for the 
time being, whoever he may be, is but an 
instrument, to be used until broken and 
then to be cast aside; and if he is worth 
his salt he will care no more when he is 
broken than a soldier cares when he is 
sent where his life is forfeit in order that 
the victory may be won.” 









538 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

a right of way across the Isthmus. Our liberal offer for the 
narrow strip of land needed was a cash payment of $10,000,000, 
together with an annual subsidy of $250,000; but Colombia 
withheld her consent, thinking that the United States could be 
forced to pay a much larger sum. About this time the prov¬ 
ince of Panama seceded from Colombia, and its independence 
was promptly recognized by President Roosevelt. Panama 
accepted the compensation that Colombia had refused, and 
ceded a strip of land ten miles in width, extending across the 
Isthmus from Colon on the Atlantic coast to Panama on the 
Pacific, a distance of about fifty miles. Colombia was greatly 
displeased over this outcome, but in 1921 the difficulty was 
settled by treaty. Colombia was given $25,000,000 as compen¬ 
sation, besides special privileges in the use of the canal. 

Building the Panama Canal. Before the work was begun, 
our army engineers established sanitary conditions throughout 
the canal zone, where mosquitoes and yellow fever had long 
held sway. Construction began in earnest in 1904, under the 
direction of Colonel George W. Goethals of the United States 
Army; and the completed canal was ready for use in 1914, 
having cost our government $375,000,000. The Panama Canal, 
unlike that at Suez, is of the lock type. For nearly three fifths 
of its length it runs through the valley of the Chagres River. 
This has been converted into a lake twenty-two miles long by 
means of the immense Gatun Dam, ninety feet high and a mile 
and a half long. This lake is about eighty-five feet above the 
sea level, so that three pairs of locks were built at Gatun, each 
with a lift of about twenty-nine feet. Vessels pass through the 
canal in from ten to twelve hours, whereas the voyage around 
Cape Horn required from thirty to forty-five days. 

The canal has increased the efficiency of our navy by making 
it possible for the Atlantic fleet to reach the Pacific coast 
promptly, or for the Pacific fleet to come to the defense of the 
Atlantic seaboard. Commercially, the canal is of great impor¬ 
tance. It reduces the distance from New York to San Francisco 
by eight thousand miles; while from New York to Japan and 
Australia it cuts off four thousand miles. 



OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 539 

Public Improvements at National Expense. Soon after the 
completion of the Panama Canal, our government began the con¬ 
struction of a trunk line railroad in Alaska, in order to open up 
the vast resources of that country. Nearly all of the countries 
of Europe own and operate their railways, but the Alaskan line 
is the only government-owned railroad in the United States. 


© Underwood and Underwood. 

A Lock in the Panama Canal 

An electric engine on the track at the side is towing a transport filled with 
New Zealand troops homeward-bound after the World War. The American 
soldiers on the canal bank are giving the “ Anzacs” a rousing welcome. 

The Panama Canal and the Alaskan Railroad show the change 
that has occurred in the policy of the national government con¬ 
cerning public improvements. In our earlier history, the states 
undertook to build the turnpikes and canals necessary to improve 
transportation, for most people thought that the federal govern¬ 
ment had no right to spend money for this purpose. But soon 
the states were glad to receive grants of public lands to aid them 
in this work; while at a later date, the national government 





540 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

promoted railroad building by giving the companies immense 
tracts of western lands. To-day the federal government spends 
millions of dollars each year for internal improvements, and no 
one questions its right to do so. Extensive river and harbor 
improvements are carried on, such as the construction of break¬ 
waters and piers at Chicago, Cleveland, Buffalo, and Milwaukee; 
and vast sums are expended annually for the deepening of 
harbors, principally by dredging. 

Conservation of Natural Resources. President Roosevelt 
performed a splendid service by calling attention to the need of 
greater care and economy in the use of our natural resources. 
No country is so richly endowed as the United States in fertility 
of soil, in wealth of forests, and in mineral products, waterways, 
and water power. Unfortunately, many of our people have 
acted as if the wonderful storehouse provided by nature could 
never become exhausted. Our great forest areas have been 
stripped of trees by owners who cared only to make money 
as fast as possible. Young trees that should have been spared 
were taken for telegraph poles or railroad ties, and no effort was 
made to replace them by planting. Terrible forest fires in the 
Northwest swept away millions of dollars’ worth of valuable 
timber, adding to the work of destruction. 

The Establishment of Forest Reserves. At last men began 
to realize that the destruction of our forests meant even more 
than the loss of our timber supply. The productiveness of our 
farms was seriously threatened, for forests protect the head¬ 
waters of the large rivers, thus securing a uniform flow through¬ 
out the year and providing water for irrigation. President 
Roosevelt in 1908 invited the governors of all the states and 
territories to meet at Washington to discuss the question of 
conserving our natural resources. This was the first of the an¬ 
nual meetings of what is now called the “ House of Governors.” 
At this conference it was agreed that each governor should 
recommend to his own state the measures that would help con¬ 
serve its resources in forests, lands, water, and minerals. 

As a further step toward conservation, the national govern¬ 
ment has set aside a vast area of one hundred thousand square 


OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 


541 


miles, known as forest reserves. These reserves, in extent as 
large as the states of Wisconsin and Illinois taken together, are 
held in trust by the national government for the welfare of the 
entire country. The reserves are so located as to protect the 
headwaters of our large rivers; they are guarded by men who 
ride through the forests on horseback, watching for fire and for 
timber thieves. A large amount of lumber is sold each year; 



The Roosevelt Dam, Salt River, Arizona 

The government built the dam to irrigate 200,000 acres, and charged off 
the cost of $10,000,000 against the land so benefited. 


but government officials decide what timber may be cut, and 
new trees are planted in place of those cut down. Many of the 
states have also set aside forest reserves, which are managed in 
the same way as the national reserves. 

Irrigation Work of the National Government. Irrigation is 
another important aid to agriculture, especially in the arid lands 
of the West and Southwest. By constructing immense dams 
and reservoirs in this region, the national government has 
transformed millions of acres of desert lands into fertile farms. 




542 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


These lands are sold to settlers upon small annual payments, 
which will ultimately cover the cost of the irrigation works. 
Within the last twenty years, the amount of land irrigated 
in the United States has been increased from three million to 
more than thirteen million acres. These irrigation projects 
have cost large sums, but the cost is small in comparison with 
the values created by changing desert wastes into fertile farms. 

The Discovery of Gold in Alaska. In the year 1896, rich 
deposits of gold were discovered near Klondike Creek in the 
remote Canadian territory of Yukon, a region almost within 
the Arctic circle. Still larger deposits were soon discovered 
in the Nome district of Alaska, and the rush to the new gold 
fields was like that to California in 1849. During the six years 
that followed the discovery, Alaska yielded $132,500,000 in 
gold; and the treasure seekers learned that the territory held 
immense coal deposits, besides a great quantity of valuable 
timber and a vast area suitable for agriculture. The popula¬ 
tion of Alaska increased rapidly, and the question of the correct 
boundary between Canada and Alaska became more important 
than ever. In the year 1909, a great exposition was held at 
Seattle to show the progress of Alaska and Washington. One of 
the striking features of the exposition was a monument eighty 
feet high, covered with gold from the Yukon district. 

Arbitration of the Great Coal Strike. In 1902, a strike of one 
hundred and forty-five thousand anthracite coal miners in 
Pennsylvania threatened the welfare of the entire country. The 
miners demanded better pay, shorter hours, and recognition of 
their union. The attempt of the operators to work the mines 
with non-union men led to riots and the calling out of the state 
militia; and the strike, which began in May, was still in progress 
as winter drew near. Meantime, the price of coal increased 
rapidly as the supply dwindled; many factories had to close 
down, and people were beginning to suffer from lack of fuel. 
President Roosevelt determined to interfere in order to prevent 
a coal famine. He called to Washington representatives of the 
miners and operators, and urged them to arbitrate their differ¬ 
ences ; otherwise, the federal government might be forced to 


OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 


543 


take steps to operate the mines. The strikers and their em¬ 
ployers finally agreed that the questions at issue should be 
settled by a commission appointed by the President. The miners 
went back to work, and during the winter the commission de¬ 
cided in favor of most of their demands. 

International Arbitration. In foreign affairs, a great event 
occurred in 1899 when the czar of Russia invited the nations of 
the world to send representatives to a peace conference at The 
Hague, Holland. Twenty-nine countries were represented, 
including the United States and the leading countries of Europe 
and South America. It was decided to establish a permanent 
court of arbitration at The Hague ; and rules were adopted which, 
it was hoped, would make warfare less inhuman. Declarations 
were signed by some of the leading powers against the throwing 
of bombs from balloons, against the use of projectiles filled with 
poison gases, and against the use of dumdum bullets. 

The United States had always favored arbitration as a means 
of settling disputes with other nations; and since Washington’s 
time, our country had concluded fifty-seven arbitration treaties. 
So it was not surprising that the United States and Mexico were 
the first nations to submit a case to The Hague Court for decision. 
A few years later, the United States and Great Britain asked 
this tribunal to decide the century-old dispute concerning our 
fishery rights off the coast of Newfoundland. Our claim was 
that the treaty of 1783 gave American fishermen the right to 
ply their calling in Newfoundland waters ; whereas Great Britain 
insisted that these rights were annulled by the War of 1812. 
The Hague Court decided that while Great Britain had the right 
to make reasonable rules concerning her fisheries, she could not 
prohibit our citizens from fishing on the Banks, or forbid them to 
land at Newfoundland ports in order to buy bait and supplies. 

Another important arbitration occurred in 1903, when the 
United States and Great Britain appointed a special commission 
to decide the dispute over the boundary between Alaska and the 
Dominion of Canada. Each nation appointed three members 
of this tribunal, which decided in favor of the United States. 
This favorable award was the result of the impartiality of 


544 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


England’s Chief Justice, Lord A1 verst one, who voted in favor 
of our claim. Great Britain accepted the award in spite of Can¬ 
ada’s vigorous protest. 

Claims against Venezuela. Many of the countries of South 
America have borrowed large sums of money from people 
living in Europe; and in some cases, the failure to pay these 
debts when due has led to serious difficulties. For example, 
the subjects of Germany loaned $20,000,000 for the construction 
of a railroad in Venezuela, in return for which the Venezuelan 
government guaranteed dividends of seven per cent. These 
dividends were not paid; and at the same time, British and 
Italian creditors were unable to secure payment of their claims. 
So in 1902, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy resorted to a 
blockade of Venezuelan ports as a means of collecting the debts 
due to their subjects. The situation was much like that of forty 
years before, when three European governments took action 
against Mexico. 

Our government was placed in a difficult position. The Mon¬ 
roe Doctrine forbade any attempt by foreign powers to in¬ 
terfere with the republics of South America, or to annex their 
territory; but it did not protect them from the consequences of 
refusing to pay their just debts. As President Roosevelt said : 
“ We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it 
misconducts itself, provided that punishment does not take the 
form of the acquisition of territory by any non-American 
power.” At the same time, we could not approve this coercion; 
for the seizure of Venezuela’s ports and customhouses might 
easily lead to a permanent occupation of her territory, just as in 
the case of Mexico. Finally, the United States persuaded the 
three European countries to accept Venezuela’s promise to set 
aside part of her customs revenue each year for the benefit of her 
creditors, and to submit the claims themselves to arbitration. 
It was decided that Venezuela owed $8,000,000 instead of the 
$40,000,000 claimed by her creditors, and they were paid ac¬ 
cordingly. 

Santo Domingo Becomes Bankrupt. The little republic of 
Santo Domingo was the next country to get into financial 


OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 


545 


difficulties. As a result of frequent revolution and systematic 
plundering of the public treasury, the government found itself 
bankrupt, with a debt of $32,000,000. Two thirds of this 
amount was due to European creditors, and their governments 
notified the United States that unless we took charge of the 
Dominican customhouses, they would be compelled to do so. So 
President Roosevelt, acting with the consent of the government 
of the island, appointed a receiver of Dominican customs, who 
carries on his duties under the protection of a United States 
gunboat. This arrangement is still in force, and has proven 
satisfactory both to Santo Domingo and to her creditors. A 
similar plan is in force for the control of the finances of Haiti. 

President Roosevelt as Peacemaker. In the summer of 1905, 
the eyes of the world were turned toward the Peace Conference 
at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. In the Far East, Russia and 
Japan had been waging a bloody war for nearly eighteen months 
over their respective claims in Korea and Manchuria; but 
although defeated, Russia was not ready to yield. President 
Roosevelt finally offered the friendly services of the United 
States in arranging a meeting for the discussion of peace terms. 
Russia and Japan replied by sending representatives to Ports¬ 
mouth, where a treaty of peace was signed. 

Our Relations with Japan. Japan’s growing power in the 
Far East, together with her frank ambition to dominate China, 
has made her a strong commercial rival of the United States in 
the Pacific Ocean. Her claim to a paramount interest in China 
was formally recognized by the United States in 1917; and the 
Paris Conference gave her special privileges in Shantung Prov¬ 
ince. However, Japan has accepted our principle of “ the open 
door,” or equal trade rights in Chinese territory for all nations. 

Japanese immigration to this country has led to some fric¬ 
tion, chiefly because of the attitude of California and the Far 
West toward the Japanese. A serious difficulty arose in 1906 
when the Board of Education of San Francisco passed a reso¬ 
lution requiring Japanese and Chinese children to attend sep¬ 
arate schools, instead of being educated with the white children 
of that city. Japan protested against this action as a violation 


546 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


of her treaty rights with the United States, and as an affront 
to her as a nation. President Roosevelt persuaded the Cal¬ 
ifornia authorities to compromise the matter ; but in 1913, 
California brought on a new crisis by passing a law which for¬ 
bade the Japanese to own land for agricultural purposes. Japan 
made a strong protest against this measure, which was passed 
against the wishes of the administration at Washington. Her 
protest still stands, and the difficulty has not yet been adjusted. 
California’s action was the result of her natural opposition to 
Japanese or Chinese immigration. Japan herself does not wish 
her subjects to come to the United States in large numbers ; and 
she has made an informal agreement with our government not 
to issue passports to Japanese laborers who wish to come here. 

The Australian Ballot. The quarter century between the 
years 1888 and 1913 was marked by many efforts to make our 
government more democratic. The first step in this direction 
was the adoption of the Australian ballot. Before the year 
1888, the ballots used at elections were usually provided by the 
candidates themselves, or by their party organizations. These 
ballots were of various sizes and colors, so that it was easy for 
party workers, standing near the ballot box, to see how each man 
voted. This prevented independent voting, for men who did 
not vote as their employers wished might be discharged. It 
also encouraged dishonest voting. Corrupt men bought votes 
for a few dollars each, and made sure of their purchase by 
watching the voter place his ballot in the box. 

An important reform came between the years 1888 and 1895, 
when nearly all the states adopted the Australian ballot, so-called 
because it was first used in that country. Under this plan, the 
names of all the candidates are printed on a single official ballot 
which the voter receives from an election official when he enters 
the voting place. Sometimes the names of the candidates are 
printed in parallel columns, underneath the party name and 
emblem. In other states, the names of the candidates are 
arranged in alphabetical order under the title of the office, 
followed by the name of the political party. The voter marks 
the ballot in secret, in a booth provided for that purpose. He 


OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 


547 


then folds the ballot with the names hidden and deposits it in 
the ballot box, so that no one except himself knows for whom 
his vote is cast. 

Both the states and the national government have passed 
laws to prohibit corrupt practices in elections. These acts re¬ 
quire candidates for office to file sworn statements of the 
amounts expended by them or in their behalf for election 
purposes; and severe penalties are provided against bribery or 
intimidation of voters. These measures, together with the 
Australian ballot, have done much to secure the free and honest 
elections without which democratic government is only an empty 
form. 

The Direct Primary System. Within recent years, the people 
all over the country have demanded that government should be 
brought more directly under popular control. As a result, 
many states have abolished the convention method of nominat¬ 
ing candidates in favor of the direct primary system. Under 
this plan, candidates for political office are nominated by a 
direct vote of the members of their party. The names of 
persons who wish to be nominated are placed on the ballot, 
and on a certain day an election is held. This is similar to a 
regular election except that the voters declare to which party 
they belong, and vote only for the candidates of that party. 
Those persons are nominated who receive the largest number 
of votes cast by the party members. This plan aims to do 
away with the abuses of the convention system and machine 
control, and to make the party more directly responsible to its 
members. At first used only for local offices, direct primaries 
have grown in favor, until now, in addition to local candidates, 
state officers and United States Senators are often nominated in 
this way. 

Direct Legislation. In many states, the trend toward de¬ 
mocracy was shown by the adoption of constitutional amend¬ 
ments which permit the people themselves to vote directly on 
laws, instead of depending solely upon their legislatures. This 
direct legislation, as it is called, is accomplished either through 
the referendum or the initiative. The referendum is the sub- 


548 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

mission to voters of a measure passed by the state legislature, 
or by the council of a city or village. If the voters approve the 
measure it becomes a law, otherwise it is of no effect. The refer¬ 
endum is often employed in the case of a proposed bond issue; 
or to determine whether liquor shall be sold in a certain locality; 
or whether a franchise or privilege shall be granted by the city 

government to a street rail¬ 
way or other public service 
corporation. It is of es¬ 
pecial value in local affairs, 
where the issue is simple 
and easily understood by the 
voters. On the other hand, 
if numerous measures are 
submitted at any one elec¬ 
tion, the voters are likely to 
give them slight considera¬ 
tion. 

Another form of direct 
legislation is the initiative, 
which empowers a certain 
percentage of the voters to 
propose laws. For example, 
the constitution of Oregon 
provides that eight per cent 
of the voters may propose 
a measure, which must after¬ 
wards be submitted to the voters at an election. If approved 
by them, it becomes a law just as if passed by the legislature. 

Woman’s Suffrage. The granting of the ballot to women is 
another sign of the recent movement to make our government 
more democratic. Like the initiative, the referendum, and the 
direct primary, this movement had its origin in the West. 
Wyoming gave women the right to vote when it was organized 
as a territory in 1869 ; Colorado, Idaho, and Utah took the same 
step between 1890 and 1893. During the years 1910 to 1917, 
woman’s suffrage was adopted by nine other states, namely: 



Dr. Anna Howard Shaw 


Photograph by courtesy of the Massa¬ 
chusetts’ Woman Suffrage Association. 

One of the foremost leaders in the long 
struggle to secure equal suffrage for all 
citizens. 




OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 


549 


Arizona, California, Illinois, Kansas, Montana, Nevada, New 
York, Oregon, and Washington. Finally, the suffrage leaders 
turned their attention to Congress, and demanded that the 
national constitution be amended, giving woman the right to 
vote throughout the entire United States. After a long con¬ 
test, Congress in 1919 passed a resolution to this effect; this 
Nineteenth Amendment 
was ratified, and became 
part of the constitution in 
August, 1920. 

Other Recent Amend¬ 
ments. Two important 
amendments were added to 
the federal Constitution in 
the year 1913. The Six¬ 
teenth Amendment author¬ 
ized Congress to tax in¬ 
comes, while the Seven¬ 
teenth Amendment provides 
that United States Senators 
shall be elected by a direct 
vote of the people, instead 
of by the state legislatures. 

By the year 1917, twenty- 
seven states had forbidden 
the manufacture or sale of 
intoxicating liquor within 
their borders. Finally, the supporters of prohibition were able 
to secure the necessary two-thirds vote in Congress for the sub¬ 
mission of a national prohibition amendment. By January, 
1919, three fourths of the state legislatures had ratified this 
Eighteenth Amendment. It forbids the manufacture or sale of 
liquor throughout the entire United States after January 16,1920. 

The Payne-Aldrich Tariff Law. William H. Taft of Ohio 
succeeded Theodore Roosevelt as President on March 4, 1909, 
having defeated William J. Bryan, twice before the standard- 
bearer of the Democratic party. The new President had been 



Courtesy of Mr. Taft. 

William Howard Taft 

Whose conspicuous services as President 
and later as private citizen during the 
World War mark him as one of the great 
Americans of the age. 




550 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

Secretary of War under Roosevelt’s administration, and the 
tariff was the chief issue of the campaign. Shortly after his 
inauguration, President Taft called Congress in special session 
to consider the tariff question. After a five months’ debate, 
Congress passed the Payne-Aldrich Act, a high tariff measure. 
This time the Republicans were not so well united in favor of 
protection; and a group of Republican members of Congress, 
called insurgents, declared that the tariff rates ought to be 
reduced. They charged that by shutting out foreign competi¬ 
tion, the tariff was aiding the trusts to control prices. 

Results of the Insurgent Movement. The insurgent move¬ 
ment in the Republican party led to several important results. 
For many years the Speaker of the House of Representatives had 
exercised large powers over legislation; indeed, his position was 
second in importance only to that of the President himself. 
But in March, 1910, Republican insurgents, aided by the 
Democrats, deprived the Speaker of some of his powers. As a 
result, members of the House have more control over its pro¬ 
ceedings. The House of Representatives now elects its own 
committees, instead of permitting the Speaker to appoint 
them. 

The insurgent movement continued to gain force, until 
in the presidential campaign of 1912 it led to the formation of 
the Progressive party. This new party was made up of the 
supporters of ex-President Roosevelt, who again became a 
candidate for the Republican nomination in 1912. But the 
Republican convention renominated President Taft, whereupon 
the Progressives held a separate convention, and nominated 
Roosevelt amid wild enthusiasm. This split in the Republican 
ranks made certain the election of the Democratic nominee, 
Governor Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey. Of the 531 elec¬ 
toral votes, Wilson received 435, Roosevelt 88, and Taft 8. 
The Democrats also secured control of both houses of Congress, 
and thus were in a position to carry out their policies. 

President Wilson and Mexico. Among the important 
measures of President Wilson’s first administration were the 
Underwood Tariff Act, the Federal Reserve Act, and the law 


OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 


551 


establishing a Federal Trade Commission. While Congress 
and the President were considering these questions, our relation 
with Mexico reached a critical stage. The revolution against 
President Diaz in 1911 overthrew the leader who had ruled 
Mexico with a strong hand for thirty years. A succession of 
revolts now seemed likely to prevent the establishment of any 
government strong enough to maintain law and order. The 
successor of Diaz was President Madero, but he was soon 
assassinated, and Ceneral Huerta proclaimed himself President. 

There was reason to believe that Huerta himself was re¬ 
sponsible for the murder of Madero ; and on this account, as well 
as because Huerta was attempting to rule as a dictator, Presi¬ 
dent Wilson refused to recognize him as the lawful ruler of 
Mexico. This policy angered Huerta’s supporters, and soon 
the lives and property of our citizens in Mexico were in serious 
danger. In April, 1914, Mexican soldiers at Tampico arrested 
several United States sailors, two of whom were forcibly taken 
from a launch flying the American flag. President Huerta 
promptly ordered the release of the prisoners, but refused 
Admiral Mayo’s demand for a salute to our flag by way of 
apology. President Wilson then ordered our fleet to occupy the 
port of Vera Cruz, which was easily captured by United 
States marines. In the end, the dispute was settled through 
the friendly mediation of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. It was 
agreed that President Huerta should resign from office, and 
that the United States should recognize the provisional govern¬ 
ment which would then be established. 

United States Troops Enter Mexico. General Carranza 
became the next president of Mexico, but one of his most skillful 
generals, Francisco Villa, soon headed a new revolt. When the 
United States recognized Carranza as President, Villa swore 
vengeance upon our citizens. Under cover of night, his troops 
made a raid on the town of Columbus, New Mexico, where 
they killed seventeen Americans (March 9, 1916). President 
Wilson ordered a force of regulars under General John J. Pershing 
into Mexico with orders to pursue and capture Villa, but that 
bandit chieftain scattered his forces and made good his escape. 


552 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


Although President Carranza had made no attempt to prevent 
the border raids, he protested strongly against our sending 
troops into Mexico, and refused to cooperate with them against 
Villa. Finally, Carranza ordered his forces to halt the advance 
of General Pershing's column, and at Carrizal the Mexicans 
killed a score of American troopers. 

War with Mexico now appeared certain, and on June 18, 1916, 
President Wilson called out the entire National Guard for 
service on the Mexican border. This action convinced the 
Mexican government that the United States was in earnest, and 
President Carranza proposed a conference to discuss the issues 
between the two countries. It was agreed that our troops 
should be withdrawn from Mexico, and that each country 
should guard its own side of the border. Our troops were 
accordingly withdrawn, but at the same time Mexico was 
notified that we reserved the right to pursue marauders across 
the border, if such action again became necessary. Later 
events disclosed that the German government had bribed the 
Mexican revolutionists to attack the lives and property of our 
citizens in Mexico and along the border. By involving the 
United States in a war with Mexico, the German government 
believed that our nation would be less able to defend itself 
against German outrages on the high seas. 

The Presidential Election of 1916. The national nominating 
conventions of 1916 were held just as the country seemed on the 
verge of war with Mexico. President Wilson had no rival for 
the Democratic nomination; while the Republicans chose as 
their candidate, Charles E. Hughes, then serving as Justice of 
the United States Supreme Court. The supporters of ex- 
President Roosevelt tried to secure his nomination by the 
Republicans as well as by the Progressive party. When 
the Republican convention nominated Justice Hughes, Mr. 
Roosevelt declined the Progressive nomination, urging his fol¬ 
lowers to support the Republican candidate. In their appeal 
to the voters, the Democrats pointed to the record of President 
Wilson’s administration; they had passed some of the meas¬ 
ures promised in their platform of 1912, and their candidate 


OUR OWN TIMES AND ITS PROBLEMS 


553 


had kept the country out of the World War. The contest 
proved a close one, but the final returns showed the reelection 
of President Wilson. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, E. B., The United States in Our Own Times, ch. XXX. 
Bassett, J. S., Short History of the United States, chs. XXIX-XL. 
Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, ch. 
XV. 

Latane, J. H., America as a World Power, chs. VII, XI-XV, XVIII. 
Paxson, F. L., The New Nation, ch. XVII. 

Sparks, E. E., The United States, II, ch. XVIII. 

SPECIAL TOPICS FOR TEACHERS 

1. Modem Agricultural Methods. Bogart, E. L., Economic 
History of the United States, chs. XX, XXIII. 

2. Commercial Expansion. Bogart, E. L., Economic History of 
the United States, ch. XXXII. 

3. Conservation of Natural Resources. Bogart, E. L., Economic 
History of the United States, ch. XXXIII ; Van Hise, C. R., The 
Conservation of Natural Resources in the United States. 

4. The Initiative and Referendum. Guitteau, W. B., Govern¬ 
ment and Politics in the United States, pp. 102-103 ; McLaughlin, 
A. C., Readings in the History oft the American Nation, ch. LXV ; 
Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems in the United 
States, ch. XXII. 

5. The Conduct of Political Campaigns. Guitteau, W. B., Gov¬ 
ernment and Politics in the United States, ch. XXXVII ; McLaugh¬ 
lin, A. C., Readings in the History of the American Nation, chs. LXVI- 
LXVIII ; Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems in 
the United States, chs. XI-XIV, XIX. 

6. Present-Day Parties and Issues. Guitteau, W. B., Govern¬ 
ment and Politics in the United States, pp. 459-462 ; Paxson, F. L., 
The New Nation, ch. XX ; Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and 
Party Problems in the United States, ch. IX. 

7. The Panama Canal. Coolidge, A. C., The United States as a 
World Power, ch. XV ; Latane, J. H., America as a World Power, 
ch. XII. 


CHAPTER XLV 


THE PROGRESS OF A HALF CENTURY, 1865-1915 

Population and Industrial Life. The half century since the 
Civil War has been an era of marvelous growth and prosperity. 
Since 1865 our population has trebled, and to-day more than one 
hundred million people live in the United States. Much of this 
increase is due to immigration, for Europe has sent us twenty 
millions of her population since 1870. The peopling of the West 
has added twelve new states to the Union, so that our flag now 
has forty-eight stars. Progress in industry has been even more 
rapid than the growth in population. The value of our agricul¬ 
tural products is seven times as great as in 1865, while the value 
of our manufactures has been multiplied by twelve. Until the 
close of the war, agriculture was still our dominant industry; 
but to-day the United States is the foremost manufacturing 
nation of the world. As a result of this growth of manufac¬ 
tures, more of our people now live in cities than in the country. 
Meantime, life on the farm, as*well as in the cities, has been 
transformed through the use of modern inventions and improved 
methods of production. 

Our Supremacy in Agriculture. Our country’s wonderful 
development in agriculture during the last fifty years is due 
chiefly to three causes: 

(1) The opening up of new lands in the West under the 
Homestead Act, and the increased number of small farms in the 
South. 

(2) The use of improved machinery, so that one farm 
laborer to-day can do the work of five men in 1865. 

(3) More intelligent farming, largely the result of the work 
of the Department of Agriculture, and of the state agriculture 
colleges and experiment stations. 

554 


THE PROGRESS OF A HALF CENTURY 


555 


Agriculture as a Science. Our national Department of Agri¬ 
culture was established in 1862. This department now em¬ 
ploys about fifteen thousand persons who give expert aid to 
farmers on such questions as soil management, drainage, irri¬ 
gation, the breeding of live stock, the destruction of insect 
pests, and the prevention of disease among sheep and cattle. 
Our farmers have learned to rotate their crops so as to prevent 
soil exhaustion, and to keep careful records of costs in order to 
know which crop pays best. This scientific knowledge, together 



Courtesy of the Department of Agriculture. 

Stock Raising, Sierra Bonita Ranch, Arizona 


with such improvements as the self-binding reaper, the gasoline 
motor for plowing and cultivating, the wire fence, the inter- 
urban railway, improved roads, the automobile, the telephone, 
and rural free delivery, have ah combined to revolutionize farm 
life. 

To-day corn instead of cotton is king of our agricultural crops. 
The value of our corn crop in 1919 was $3,507,000,000, while 
the cotton crop was worth $2,355,000,000. The United States 
leads the world in the production of corn and cotton, and holds 
second rank in the production of wheat and oats. Three fourths 






556 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


of our corn crop is fed to live stock, and comes to the market in 
the form of beef, pork, and dairy products. Cotton is still our 
chief agricultural export; of this product the South grows sixty 
per cent of the world’s supply. 

Our Position as a Manufacturing Nation. The enormous 
growth of manufactures since the Civil War is the most striking 
fact in our industrial history. Our country held fourth place 
among the manufacturing nations of the world in 1865; while 
thirty years later, the United States had won first place, our 
present position. This industrial supremacy is the result of 
many advantages: 

(1) Our vast territory, with its immense agricultural and 
mineral resources. 

(2) A magnificent system of inland waterways, supplemented 
by the largest railway system in the world. 

(3) The concentration of manufacturing in large plants, 
making possible large capital, expensive machinery, minute 
subdivision of labor, and the many economies of large-scale 
production. 

(4) The American genius for invention 

(5) The energy and efficiency of our workers, trained under 

a system of free education. # 

New Uses for Steel. Our iron and steel industry has made 
wonderful progress since 1864. Bessemer’s discovery of a cheap 
process of converting iron into steel wrought a revolution in this 
industry, and steel began to supplant iron for general use. The 
frames of our large office buildings are now built of steel, the 
railroads use steel instead of iron rails, the cars and locomotives 
are built of steel, while our ocean liners and freight steamers 
are steel ships. For these and a thousand other uses, including 
tools and machinery of every kind, steel is the one indispensable 
material. Cheap iron ore, cheap coal, and cheap water trans¬ 
portation to bring them together, are the factors which have 
made the United States the world’s chief producer of steel. 
Another important factor is large-scale production with its 
many advantages. The United States Steel Corporation, 
with its capital of $1,400,000,000, has brought under one man- 


THE PROGRESS OF A HALF CENTURY 


557 


agement iron and coal mines, railways and steamers, coke-oven 
and blast furnaces, steel plants and machine shops. 

Progress in Other Industries. Steel is not the only industry 
in which the United States leads the world. Our cotton mills 
employ four hundred thousand hands, and each year produce 
goods worth over $600,000,000. Our slaughtering and meat¬ 
packing industry, centered in Chicago, Kansas City, and Omaha, 
has an annual output valued at over one billion dollars. Our 



Courtesy of the Armour Company 


The Armour Meat-Packing Plant, Chicago 

This plant covers 98 acres of city blocks. 

annual output of lumber products also exceeds the billion-dollar 
mark. With the increased use of electricity for lighting, power, 
and transportation, our copper industry has expanded until it is 
equal to that of all the rest of the world combined. The United 
States mines more coal than any other country, produces more 
petroleum than all the rest of the world, and has nearly two 
fifths of the world’s railway mileage with which to transport its 
products to market. 

Our Great Industrial Sections. The census of 1920 gives a 
list of nearly three hundred manufacturing industries in which 
the people of the United States are engaged. These industries 
are scattered over the whole country, but four states surpass 
all others as manufacturing states. These are New York, 
Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Massachusetts, each of which in 1920 
produced manufactures valued at more than $2,000,000,000. 
Three other states, Ohio, New Jersey, and Michigan, each had 
products valued at $1,000,000,000. 





558 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


Some industries are confined not only to a certain state, but 
to a particular city which has specialized upon the production 
of some commodity. For example, Minneapolis is famous for 
its flour mills; Omaha for its meat-packing industry; Grand 
Rapids for its furniture ; Detroit for automobiles; Pittsburgh 


for iron and steel products; 
Paterson for silk goods; Wal¬ 
tham for watches; Lynn for 
boots and shoes; and Provi¬ 
dence for jewelry. This local¬ 
ization of industries may be 
due to the nearness of the raw 
material, or to the presence of 
coal fields. In some indus¬ 
tries, as in cotton manufac¬ 
turing, an even, moist climate, 
like that of Fall River and 
New Bedford, is a favorable 
condition. With other ad¬ 
vantages equal, industries are 
more likely to locate where 
laborers are numerous and 
efficient, and where capital is 
easily available. 



© Harris and Ewing 

Alexander Graham Bell 

Inventor of the telephone (1872). 


The Age of Electricity. Electricity has come to be of such 
importance in modern industry that the period since the Civil 
War is sometimes called the “ age of electricity.” After several 
unsuccessful attempts, the first telegraph cable was laid across 
the Atlantic in the year 1866. At the Centennial Exposition 
in 1876, Alexander Graham Bell exhibited his new invention, 
the telephone. Beginning about 1880, the dynamo came into 
general use for the purpose of generating electricity on a large 
scale. The dynamo is commonly driven by means of a steam or 
gasoline engine, or by a water wheel; and the electric current 
which it generates can be carried long distances by wire, and 
sold to consumers for use as light or power. By means of a 
motor, the electric current is used to drive machinery; for 








THE PROGRESS OF A HALF CENTURY 


559 



example, the Niagara River furnishes the electric current which 
lights the streets and buildings of Buffalo, and runs its factories. 
By 1895, nearly all of the street cars in the country were being 
moved by electric motors, instead of by horses. Then followed 
the rapid construction of electric interurban lines, uniting city 
with country as never before. Arc lighting w'as introduced 
in 1880, and this was followed by the use of the incandescent 
filament which to-day 
lights thousands of homes 
throughout the country. 

Scientists had long known 
that electricity travels 
through space without the 
necessity of using a 
wire. Finally, in 1896 
an Italian scientist, Mar¬ 
coni, invented a wireless 
apparatus for telegraphing 
through space. Soon wire¬ 
less messages could be sent 
across the Atlantic, or from 
ship to ship in mid-ocean. 

Later experiments in wire¬ 
less telephony made it possi¬ 
ble to send the human voice 
across the ocean; and in 
1919 a Marconi engineer 
seated in a wireless station 
in Ireland talked with an 
operator in Nova Scotia. 

In the field of surgery, 
a new use for electricity 
has been found in the X-ray, a device which enables the 
surgeon to photograph the bones of a living body. 

An Age of Inventions. Many other wonderful inventions 
and discoveries belong to the half century following the Civil 
War. These include the Westinghouse air-brake, the Janney 


Underwood and, Underwood 

Thomas A. Edison 

Edison’s success is due not only to his 
wonderful native ability, but also to his un¬ 
tiring energy and industry. His inven¬ 
tions have given employment in this coun¬ 
try alone to one million people. 




560 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

car-coupler, the compressed-air drill, dynamite, the barbed-wire 
fence, the machine for making tin cans, the Owens bottle¬ 
making machine, the gas engine, the automobile, the passenger 
elevator, the typewriter, the dictaphone, the cash register, the 
adding machine, the phonograph, the moving picture, and a 
thousand other devices that have transformed industrial and 
social life. In a single year (1912), our government granted 

thirty-five thousand patents 
to inventors. Modern war¬ 
fare was made more deadly 
by the introduction of high 
explosives, by the invention 
of the machine gun, the sub¬ 
marine, the aeroplane, and 
the dirigible balloon. The 
Wright brothers of Day- 
ton, Ohio, constructed the 
first successful aeroplane in 
1903. 

Expositions or World's 
Fairs. This wonderful prog¬ 
ress in science and industry, 
as well as in education and 
the fine arts, was exhibited 
in a series of magnificent 
expositions. The World's Columbian Exposition, held at Chi¬ 
cago in 1893, marked the four hundredth anniversary of the 
discovery of America. The Exposition was to have been held 
in 1892, the anniversary year of the discovery, but the magni¬ 
tude of the preparations delayed the opening until the follow¬ 
ing year. The site chosen was Jackson Park on the lake front, 
the largest building being that devoted to manufactures and 
liberal arts, which covered forty-four acres. It is estimated 
that twelve million people saw the wonderful exhibits, which 
were planned to show the progress of the world since the time 
of Columbus. For example, in the transportation building were 
shown the old Conestoga wagon and the stage coach of one 









THE PROGRESS OF A HALF CENTURY 


561 



hundred and fifty years ago, side by side with a huge modern 
locomotive. 

Eight years later a great Pan-American Exposition was held 
at Buffalo (1901). This aimed to show the world the resources 
and achievements of the American continents, also to promote 
closer trade relations between the United States and the coun¬ 
tries of Central and South America. In the year 1904, the 
one hundredth anniversary of the purchase of Louisiana was 
celebrated by the Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis. 


The famous sky-line of New York looking north from the harbor, showing 
Battery Park, which is at the southern tip of Manhattan Island. The 
tallest tower in the center is the Woolworth Building, which has 60 stories 
and is 792 feet high. The tower on the left is the Singer Building and the 
one on the right is the Municipal Building. 

In the following year, an exposition at Portland, Oregon, marked 
the anniversary of the journey of Lewis and Clark to the 
Columbia River Valley. The last, and in some respects the 
greatest, of the series of world's fairs was the Panama-Pacific 
International Exposition, held at San Francisco in 1915. 

Foreign Commerce. Our foreign trade is seven times as 
large as in 1860. Before the Civil War, we bought more goods 
from other countries than we sold to them, paying for the 
difference in gold or in securities. Now the balance of trade, as 
it is called, is largely in our favor. This means that the United 







562 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

States is no longer a borrowing country, but has an industrial 
surplus. European countries are debtors, not creditors, of the 
United States. Before the great World War, less than one 
tenth of our immense foreign trade was carried in American 
ships. The destruction in a single year of more than six million 
tons of shipping by German submarines made it necessary for 
the United States to enter upon a shipbuilding program of 
gigantic proportions. Within a few years, our country regained 
its early position as one of the great carrying nations of the world. 

Remarkable Growth of American Cities. The rapid growth 
of cities is one of the most striking facts in our history. When 
Washington was President, only about three per cent of the 
population lived in cities; at present more than one half of our 
people are city residents. In 1790 there were only six cities 
with over 10,000 population; to-day there are sixty-eight 
cities with a population of 100,000 or more. At the outbreak of 
the Revolution, Philadelphia was the largest city, with about 
30,000 people; the last census gave greater New York a popu¬ 
lation of 4,766,483, and eighteen other cities a population of 
over 250,000. During the decade from 1910 to 1920, the urban 
population of the United States increased nine times as fast as 
the rural population. 

This increase in urban population is due chiefly to the develop¬ 
ment of great manufacturing industries, employing thousands 
of workmen. In addition to large numbers of native workers, 
these industries attract hosts of immigrants from Europe. 
Then, too, large numbers of people are drawn from the country 
to the city on account of the larger business opportunities which 
city life seems to promise; while others come in search of better 
educational and social advantages. 

Problems Confronting Our Cities. Many serious problems 
have resulted from this wonderful growth of our cities. First, 
there is the question of providing school accommodations for 
the rapidly increasing number of city children. The problem 
of education in the large industrial cities is made more difficult 
by the annual arrival of thousands of immigrants, whose 
children must be transformed through the public school system 


THE PROGRESS OF A HALF CENTURA 


563 


into intelligent and loyal American citizens. Then, especially 
in the larger cities, there is a serious housing problem. In 
great centers of population like New York and Philadelphia, a 
thousand people sometimes dwell in a single city block, and there 
are hundreds of families each living in a single room. This 
congestion of population in the tenements invites disease, and is 
a constant menace to the health and morals of the entire city. 
Hence the question of regulating tenements, and indeed the 
whole problem of protecting the city’s health, becomes a matter 
of vital public concern. 

Another difficult municipal question is that of transportation. 
Rapidly growing cities require enlarged transportation facilities, 
in order that the thousands of toilers may be able to reach their 
work; hence our largest cities, New York, Chicago, Boston, and 
Philadelphia, have built elevated railroads, in addition to the 
usual surface car-lines. New York and Boston have also pro¬ 
vided immense subway systems. Other difficulties arise from 
the rapid growth of cities to a size not anticipated when the city 
was founded. The lack of adequate provision for parks and 
public squares, the failure to provide wide business streets and 
boulevards, and to reserve land for public buildings, often 
necessitates reconstructing certain portions of the city at a large 
expense. 

Our Most Serious Municipal Problem. The solution of these 
problems is made more difficult by the fact that city residents 
are not acquainted with one another, as in the country. Even 
candidates for the ward offices are often unknown to the majority 
of voters within the ward; and too often voters blindly cast a 
partisan ballot, regardless of the merits of the candidates. 
So numerous are the officials, and so complicated is the question 
of responsibility for results, that voters cannot readily detect 
mismanagement of the city’s business. Hence, although our 
municipal governments spend more money in proportion to the 
population than either the state or national governments, city 
residents often become indifferent concerning the management 
of public affairs. Frequently they permit professional politi¬ 
cians to run the city government to please themselves. 


564 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

The Commission Plan of City Government. The large num¬ 
ber of city officials, and the distribution of authority among 
many boards and officers, makes it difficult to hold any one 
responsible for the management of the city’s business. One of 
the most promising means of correcting this condition is known 
as the commission plan of city government. Under this plan, 
the entire city administration is intrusted to commissioners, 
usually five in number, elected by the voters of the city. One 
of the commissioners has the title of mayor, and has general 
supervision over the entire administration. Each of the other 
commissioners has charge of one of the four city departments: 
(1) the department of finance, (2) that of waterworks and 
sewers, (3) police and fire protection, and (4) streets and public 
property. All of the commissioners meet together to pass 
ordinances, to make important appointments, vote appropria¬ 
tions, and award contracts. 

The commission plan does away with the city council, and 
makes the government of the city more like that of a business 
corporation, which intrusts large powers to a small board of 
directors. Thus it has the great merit of definitely locating 
responsibility for the city’s administration. More than five 
hundred cities have now adopted some form of commission 
government, and the system is rapidly growing in public favor. 

The City-Manager Plan. Within recent years, many cities 
have adopted a still different system, known as the city-manager 
plan. Under this plan, the voters elect three or five commis¬ 
sioners; but instead of carrying on the administration them¬ 
selves, the commissioners employ a city manager for this work. 
The city-manager plan aims to secure expert service in carrying 
on the city’s business, in the same way that a corporation 
employs a capable manager for its affairs. Dayton, Ohio, is 
the largest city that employs a city manager. 

The New Education. The chief merit of the early district 
school system was that it placed elementary education easily 
within the reach of all. Its drawback was that pupils of all ages 
and grades were taught by one teacher, who could give only a 
small amount of time to each class. To overcome this dis- 


THE PROGRESS OF A HALF CENTURY 


565 


advantage, all the district schools of the township are now often 
consolidated in one centrally located building, with several 
teachers. By this plan, pupils can be graded, and the different 
classes placed in separate rooms; and at the same time, better 
paid and better trained teachers can be employed. Township 
or union high schools are also established on this plan, since 
it is impossible for each small district to support a separate 
high school. The disadvan¬ 
tage of consolidating rural 
schools is the distance that 
pupils must travel to reach 
the centralized school. This 
difficulty has been met in 
many communities by pro¬ 
viding a wagon or a motor 
bus which transports pupils 
to and from school. 

Administration of City 
Schools. Each city ordi¬ 
narily constitutes a sepa¬ 
rate school district, with its 
own board of education 
chosen by the voters, as in 
the case of rural schools. 

This board employs the 
superintendent and teach¬ 
ers, purchases school sites, 
erects and maintains build¬ 
ings, and sometimes furnishes the textbooks and supplies used 
by the pupils. The elementary school buildings usually con¬ 
tain from eight to forty rooms, the classes being graded from 
the primary room through the eighth grade (or, through the 
sixth grade, in case the city has adopted the Junior High School 
plan). Kindergartens are often provided for children between 
the ages of four and six years ; special instructors supervise the 
work in manual training, domestic science, sewing, drawing, 
music, physical training, and penmanship; playgrounds are 



Courtesy of George H. Palmer. 


Alice Freeman Palmer 

As President of Wellesley College, Alice 
Freeman became one of our foremost 
modern educators. 



566 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


equipped in connection with each building; special classes care 
for children who are backward or mentally defective; school 
physicians and nurses endeavor to guard against contagious 
disease, and to raise the physical standard of pupils; open-air 
schools are maintained for children who are threatened with 
tuberculosis; while night classes offer educational opportunities 
to those unable to attend day school on account of their em¬ 
ployment. 

City High Schools. In addition to its elementary schools, 
every city maintains one or more high schools. These are 



Courtesy of W. M. Davidson. 


The Schenley High School, Pittsburgh 

Among the finest in architecture and equipment. 

often housed in splendid buildings, which cost from $400,000 in 
the smaller cities to $1,500,000 in the larger ones. The high 
school course comprises four years of study, following the eight 
years of the elementary schools; or three years, if the Junior 
High School plan has been adopted. The modern high school 
has been called the “ people’s college ”; and the work of these 
schools to-day is more than equivalent to that of the colleges of 
forty years ago. Most high schools offer several courses of 
study, from which the pupil may choose the one that he wishes 
to follow. Well-equipped laboratories are provided for work 
in chemistry, physics, physiology, and the other sciences; while 
many high schools have a splendid equipment for work in 










THE PROGRESS OF A HALF CENTURY 


567 


manual training, domestic science and art, commercial branches, 
and other practical subjects. 

State Educational Department. In most commonwealths 
there is a state superintendent or commissioner of schools, 
elected by the voters of the state or appointed by the governor. 
This officer collects statistics, inspects school systems, reports 
to the legislature or governor concerning the needs of the schools, 
and in general looks after the educational interests of the entire 
state. In some commonwealths there is a state board of educa¬ 
tion with important duties, such as preparing courses of study, 
examining teachers, and sometimes selecting uniform textbooks 
for use throughout the state. 

Compulsory Education Laws. In our country, education is 
considered not only a privilege, but a duty. Hence, nearly all of 
the states have compulsory education laws that require all 
children from eight to fourteen, or from eight to sixteen years of 
age, to attend school. The employment in industry of children 
under fourteen or sixteen years is generally prohibited; and a 
fine may be imposed upon parents or employers who violate the 
law. The object of compulsory education is to protect the 
state from ignorance by assuring each child at least the elements 
of an education. 

State Universities. In addition to the many private colleges 
and universities throughout the Union, forty commonwealths 
maintain state universities which students may enter upon 
completing their high school course. The state universities 
offer a wide variety of courses in order to equip their students 
for many different pursuits, — for business life, teaching, law, 
medicine, pharmacy, engineering, forestry, and agriculture. 
These institutions aim to make their work practical, and directly 
related to the life of the people of the state. They seek to im¬ 
prove agricultural methods, to advance manufacturing interests, 
and to raise the standard of education and health among the 
people. 

American Literature. In literature there are many great 
names in the period since the Civil War. As a humorist, 
Samuel L. Clemens, better known as Mark Twain, has a world- 


568 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

wide reputation. Among the writers of prose fiction, William 
Dean Howells and Bret Harte have produced work worthy of 
the masters of the earlier period; while other famous names are 
those of Henry James, Francis Marion Crawford, and a group 
of southern writers, George W. Cable, Joel Chandler Harris, 
Thomas Nelson Page, and James Lane Allen. Among the poets 
are Sidney Lanier, Eugene Field, Walt Whitman, Joaquin 
Miller, and James Whitcomb Riley. Such historians as Fran¬ 
cis Parkman, John Fiske, John Bach McMaster, and James 
Ford Rhodes, have continued the work so well begun by Ban¬ 
croft, Prescott, and Motley. 

Within recent years New York City has become the mecca 
for authors from all over the country. Among the poets whose 
work was written in the metropolis are Bayard Taylor, Thomas 
Bailey Aldrich, Edmund Clarence Stedman, and Richard 
Watson Gilder. Our most gifted essayists during the period 
since the Civil War are George William Curtis, Thomas Went¬ 
worth Higginson, Charles Dudley Warner, and Donald Grant 
Mitchell. Two masters of the short story are Edward Everett 
Hale, who wrote The Man Without a Country , and Francis 
Richard Stockton, author of The Lady or the Tiger? Among 
the New England writers famous in the field of the short story 
are Celia Thaxter, Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, Sarah Orne Jewett, 
and Mary E. Wilkins-Freeman. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Andrews, E. B., The United States in Our Own Times, ch. XXII. 
Guitteau, W. B., Government and Politics in the United States, chs. 
IV-VI. 

Sparks, E. E., National Development, chs. I—III. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Barstow, C. L., The Progress of a United People, pp. 146-153. 
Guitteau, W. B., Preparing for Citizenship, ch. X. 

Mowry, W. A., American Inventions and Inventors, pp. 111-116, 252- 
297. 


CHAPTER XLVI 


DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL IN THE WORLD WAR 

The Rise of Modem Germany. At the Hague Conference 
of 1907, one power had voted against every proposal to reduce 
the size of Europe’s great armies and navies. That power was 
the German Empire, voicing the will of Prussia, its largest and 
most powerful state. Prussia owed its own existence largely 
to successful wars, and the German Empire owed its existence 
to Prussia. From a second-rate power in 1860, Prussia rose 
under Bismarck’s- policy of “ blood and iron ” to become the 
strongest military force in Europe. Bismarck accomplished 
this result by means of a military system which compelled every 
man in the country to serve a certain number of years in the 
army, and to be ready at a moment’s notice to join his regiment 
if there came a call to war. With a great military machine 
fully organized and equipped, Bismarck was ready for the 
aggressive wars by which he meant to make Prussia the ac¬ 
knowledged leader of Germany. Aided by Austria, Prussia 
in 1864 tore from Denmark the provinces of Schleswig-Holstein; 
next Austria herself was crushed by Prussia, and ousted from 
the German Confederation (1866); and finally France was 
vanquished, robbed of two of her richest provinces, and com¬ 
pelled to pay a huge war indemnity as the price of peace. While 
his victorious armies were laying siege to Paris, the king of 
Prussia was crowned German Emperor in the ancient palace 
of the French kings at Versailles (1871). 

Out of these three successful wars, modern Germany emerged 
with boundaries greatly enlarged, and with an implicit belief 
in war and military force as the best means of advancing her 
national power. Bismarck’s policy appeared fully vindicated, 
although it was a policy of fraud and trickery as well as of blood 

569 


570 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


and iron. Bismarck had muzzled the press of Prussia, bullied 
its parliament, and overridden the will of its people; but 
Germany readily forgave his methods in view of the great 
material gains from his policy. The constitution of the new 
empire gave the German people almost no political power; for 
the Reichstag or Parliament was only a great debating society, 
the real rulers being the emperor and the Prussian military 
leaders. 

The German Attitude toward War. In the half century 
that followed the Franco-Prussian War, the German people 
patiently endured the burden of immense standing armies and 
the expenditures for a greater navy. They accepted this situa¬ 
tion because they had been carefully educated to look upon war 
as something inevitable, as necessary to the future greatness 
of Germany. The schools throughout the empire distorted 
the facts of history and geography to teach the children of 
Germany that France was a nation of weaklings, Russia a 
nation of slaves; that most of the peoples of Europe were 
descended from Germans, and should be united within the 
empire; and finally that Germany must have larger boundaries, 
a result which could only be accomplished by a victorious war. 
The powerful military leaders, aided by the German press, 
preached the doctrine that war is a necessity, “ an ordinance 
of God for the weeding out of weak and incompetent individuals 
and States.” Thus modern Germany came to believe that a 
nation is not great unless it has military power; and that this 
power gives it the right to deal with weaker nations as it chooses. 
If a weaker people possesses anything that the rulers of a stronger 
people want, those rulers need only plead military necessity, 
and no law of man or God may stay them from working their 
will. “ Might makes right,” said the German militarist, 
“ and the dispute as to what is right is to be decided by war.” 

Germany’s Curious Notion of Race Superiority. Along with 
this doctrine that might makes right, that war is “ a beautiful 
and holy thing,” the Germans were taught another curious 
theory. This was that the German race is a race of superior 
beings as compared with other peoples; that its civilization 


DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


571 


( Kultur) is superior to all other civilizations; and hence that 
it is the duty of Germany to civilize and Germanize the world! 
“God has called us to civilize the world,” declared Emperor 
William II; “ we are the missionaries of human progress.” 

It is not strange that this people, feeling themselves to be 
superior beings, came to believe that Germany did not possess 
the colonies, the commerce, and the influence which such a 
superior nation ought to have. “ It is only by relying on our 
good German sword,” wrote the Crown Prince, “ that we can 
hope to conquer that place in the sun which rightly belongs to 
us. Till the world comes to an end, the ultimate decision must 
rest with the sword.” 

Germany’s Dream of World Empire. Inspired by these 
ideals, the military party which ruled Germany had for many 
years planned an aggressive war which should give Germany 
her place as the foremost world power. Not content with the 
provinces of Alsace-Lorraine which she had wrested from France 
in 1871, Germany planned in this new war to steal the north¬ 
eastern portion of France and to annex the whole of Belgium. 
This would give her immense fields of coal and iron ore, so nec¬ 
essary for industry, and especially for the manufacture of 
armaments ; while the seizure of the Channel ports would enable 
her to hold a dagger at the heart of England. For Britain, 
with her world empire, was the enemy which Germany ex¬ 
pected to attack eventually, although she hoped that this would 
be in a later war, after France and Russia were crushed. For 
was not England, a nation of tradespeople, among whom war 
was not glorified, already becoming decrepit? Was she not a 
“ colossus with feet of clay,” whose world empire would crumble 
before the might of the rising power in Central Europe ? So the 
favorite toast among German officers was to der Tag, the day 
on which the British fleet should be beaten, and London oc¬ 
cupied by a victorious German army. 

And after Britain, then America, peace-loving, idealistic, 
defenseless America, was to be taken in hand, and taught her 
proper and subordinate place in a world ruled by German 
power. “ I shall tolerate no more nonsense from America 


572 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

after this war! ” said Kaiser Wilhelm to our Ambassador 
Gerard, when President Wilson protested against the murder 
of American citizens on the high seas. 

The Spoils of a Successful War. On her eastern frontier, 
Germany’s spoils of war were to be Russia’s Baltic provinces, 
together with the territory to the southward; while Russian 
Poland was to become a vassal German state. A victorious 

Germany would then, as a 
matter of course, dominate 
Austria-Hungary, Turkey, 
the Balkan states, and Asia 
Minor, and thus form a 
great Middle-Europe Em¬ 
pire extending from the 
North Sea to the Persian 
Gulf. Nor did Germany 
intend to content herself 
with dominion over the con¬ 
tinent of Europe. The 
French and Belgian colonies 
in Africa were to be seized, 
for the simple reason that 
Germany had few colonies, 
and wanted more. Even 
free America was sooner or 
later to be brought under 
the dominion of the new 
world empire. Using the German colony in southern Brazil as 
a base of military operations, all the valuable portion of South 
America was to be brought under German rule. A power which 
treated its solemn promise to observe the neutrality of Belgium 
as a mere “ scrap of paper ” could hardly be expected to regard 
our Monroe Doctrine seriously. If the United States dared to 
resist, we had the Kaiser’s own word for it that he would toler¬ 
ate no nonsense from us. German armies would occupy our 
great coast cities, and the payment of a huge war indemnity 
would teach us proper respect for German Kultur. 



Courtesy of the Belgian Legation. 


King Albert 

Not a mere figurehead ruler, but a real 
leader of his people. 







DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


573 


This ambitious program was not the dream of a few German 
visionaries or jingoes. It was an actual plan, carefully worked 
out in detail by the war-mad clique which ruled Germany. 
The German people, it is true, were not consulted in the matter; 
there was no need to consult them, for Germany was ruled, 
not by her people, but by the Kaiser supported by the military 
leaders and the Prussian aristocracy. So audacious and so 
insolent is this German plan of world power that it startles 
our belief; yet in the fateful year of 1914 it came near to realiza-' 
tion. “ Now strikes the hour for Germany’s rising power,” 
wrote one of her editors as the German armies were launched 
across neutral Belgium to strike France at a point where she 
would not expect attack. Only the heroic resistance of the 
little Belgian army, the defeat of the German hordes by France 
in the battle of the Marne, and England’s unbroken power on 
the sea, prevented Germany’s dream of world empire from 
becoming an accomplished fact. 

Germany’s Allies and Her Military Preparations. Within 
two years after hostilities began, thirty-eight million men were 
bearing arms in the most terrible war of the world’s history. 
On the side of Germany were three of the central European 
countries, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey. Allied 
with France, England, and Russia in the struggle against world 
despotism were Italy, Belgium, Japan, Portugal, Serbia, and 
Rumania. 

From the outset, Germany had several advantages Over 
her opponents. For nearly fifty years she had been making ready 
for war, while England, Russia, and even France, were quite 
unprepared. Germany’s immense armies were fully trained 
and equipped; she had a vast supply of ammunition, machine 
guns, and heavy cannon, far exceeding that which all the rest 
of the world could assemble; she was ready with her poison 
gas shells, the use of which was forbidden by the rules of 
civilized warfare; she had her immense Zeppelins to hurl 
bombs upon unfortified cities, and her submarines for the 
murder of men, women, and children on the high seas. Along 
the Belgian frontier, Germany had built a complete system of 


574 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


railways for the quick invasion of Belgium and France; on 
her eastern frontier, a similar system was ready to carry her 
troops into Russia. In the year 1913, Germany increased the 
peace strength of her army to 900,000 men, and made ready 
to strike. The dispute between Austria and Serbia in 1914 
furnished the pretext for Germany’s ultimatum to Russia and 
France, followed by her declaration of war against those coun¬ 
tries. In violation of her solemn pledge to respect the neutrality 
of Belgium, Germany began hostilities by invading that country 
in order to strike France at her most vulnerable point. In this 
way Germany was able to intrench her armies on French soil 
before the Allies could make an effective resistance. 

The United States Faces the Problems of Neutrality. Ger¬ 
many began her invasion of Belgium and France in August, 
1914, and for two years and eight months the United States 
maintained an attitude of strict neutrality between the warring 
powers. With all of the great powers of Europe at war, Presi¬ 
dent Wilson’s position was a difficult one. The chief trouble, 
as during the Napoleonic wars, was with regard to our trade 
on the ocean. The United States tried to maintain the right 
of our citizens to trade with the countries at war, subject to 
the rules of international law. Under these rules, our ships 
had a right to the freedom of the seas provided they did not 
carry contraband of war, or attempt to break an established 
blockade. Even if they did either of these things, the penalty 
was seizure of the ship only, while the crews must be given an 
opportunity to save their lives. But from the outset, Germany 
disregarded international law on the ocean just as she had done 
on land by invading neutral Belgium. Her submarines sank 
several of our merchant ships without any regard for the safety 
of their crews. 

The Sinking of the Unarmed Lusitania. Finally, on 

May 7, 1915, a German submarine torpedoed the unarmed 
British liner Lusitania without warning. Twelve hundred 
men, women, and children were drowned, including 124 Ameri¬ 
cans. Our citizens were entirely within their rights in taking 
passage on the Lusitania , and the sinking of the steamer with- 



DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 575 

out giving its passengers and crew an opportunity to save their 
lives was not war, but murder. Yet medals were struck by the 
Germans to commemorate this event, and only evasive answers 
were given to our protests. Even after the Lusitania outrage, 
President Wilson made every effort to avoid war, but Ger¬ 
many merely concluded that our people were too cowardly to 
fight, and continued her policy of terrorizing on the high seas. 


© Underwood and Underwood. 

The Allies Pay Tribute to Washington at Mount Vernon 

The Right Honorable Arthur J. Balfour, British Foreign Minister, addressing 
the representatives of our Allies who brought flowers to place on Washington’s 
tomb. 

About one year later, the sinking of the British steamer Sussex 
without warning brought on a new crisis (March 24, 1916). 
The United States now made an imperative demand that Ger¬ 
many should conduct her submarine campaign in accordance 
with international law by warning ships before sinking them, 
and by placing their passengers and crews in safety. Germany 
made a conditional agreement to do this; later events proved 
that she had no intention of keeping her promise, but only 
wanted time to build more submarines. 







576 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

German Intrigues against the United States. Meantime, 

the German government carried on numberless intrigues in the 
United States, intrigues directed by her official representatives 
at Washington. She filled our country with spies; her agents 
placed bombs in merchant vessels about to sail from our ports; 
they stirred up strikes among our laborers, set fire to our 
munition factories, and bribed American writers and lecturers 
to oppose war with Germany even at the cost of our national 
self-respect. In the hope of bringing about a war between 
Mexico and the United States, Germany spent large sums on the 
Mexican revolutionists. Later, her foreign minister Zimmer- 
mann sent a dispatch to Mexico urging that country to ally 
herself with Germany against the United States, and try to 
draw in Japan on her side; by way of reward, Mexico was to 
receive Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico! But the crowning 
insolence of German diplomacy was the dispatch which Am¬ 
bassador Bernstorff cabled from Washington to his government 
at Berlin. He asked to be given authority to expend $50,000 
“ in order, as on former occasions, to influence Congress through 
the organization you know of.” 

Our Country decides to Fight for Democracy. On the last 
day of January, 1917, the German ambassador handed to our 
Secretary of State Lansing a note announcing the intention of 
Germany to adopt a ruthless submarine policy on a vast scale. 
After February 1, German submarines would endeavor to sink, 
without warning, every vessel that sought to approach either 
the ports of Great Britain or Ireland, or the western coast of 
Europe, or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Ger¬ 
many within the Mediterranean. This was a direct challenge 
to the United States; and President Wilson made the only 
possible answer by handing the German ambassador his pass¬ 
ports, thereby severing relations with a government which had 
repeatedly shown its bad faith. 

Following her new decree of ruthlessness, Germany sank 
eight more American ships. In all, two hundred and twenty- 
six American citizens, many of them women and children, 
had now lost their lives by the action of German submarines. 


DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


577 


Germany’s warfare against commerce had become, as Presi¬ 
dent Wilson said, a warfare against mankind; and on April 2, 
1917, he appeared before Congress to deliver his famous war 
message. The President recounted the outrages which Ger¬ 
many had committed against the lives and property of our 
citizens, and referred to her 
false promises made only 
to be broken. “ We shall 
not choose the path of sub¬ 
mission,” he declared, “ and 
suffer the most sacred rights 
of our nation and our people 
to be ignored or violated.” 

President Wilson solemnly 
advised Congress to accept 
the state of war which Ger¬ 
many had forced upon the 
people of the United States. 

“ It is a fearful thing to lead 
this great, peaceful people 
into war, into the most 
terrible and disastrous of all 
wars, civilization itself seem¬ 
ing to be in the balance. 

But the right is more 
precious than peace, and we 
shall fight for the things 
which we have always car¬ 
ried nearest our hearts — 
for democracy, for the right 
of those who submit to au¬ 
thority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights 
and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right 
by such a concert of free people as shall bring peace and safety 
to all nations and make the world itself at last free.” 

Why War was our only Recourse. A few days after the 
President’s message, Congress adopted a resolution that a state 



© Underwood, and Underwood. 

Woodrow Wilson 


In his war message to Congress, Presi¬ 
dent Wilson said : “We are glad, now tnat 
we see the facts with no veil of false pre¬ 
tense about them, to fight thus for the 
peace of the world and for the liberation 
of its peoples, the German people included ; 
for the rights of nations great and small 
and the privilege of men everywhere to 
choose their way of life and of obedience. 
The world must be made safe for democ¬ 
racy. Its peace must be planted upon the 
tested foundations of political liberty.” 




578 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

of war existed between the United States and Germany (April 6, 
1917). Three reasons made this decision imperative: 

(1) Because of the renewal by Germany of her submarine 
warfare in a more violent form than ever before, resulting in 
the loss of American lives and property on the high seas. As 
in the War of 1812, the United States was called upon to defend 
the principle that the deck of an American ship is the same as 
American soil, and that the flag which floats 
over the ship protects the lives of the men be¬ 
neath it. 

(2) Because of the menace to the Monroe 
Doctrine and to our own independence, result¬ 
ing from the ambitions of a war-mad Germany. 
If we had stayed out of the war, the Monroe 
Doctrine would have become an empty threat 
before a victorious Germany. 

(3) Because the European war had become 
a conflict between democratic nations on the 
one hand, and autocratic nations on the other. 
Germany had trampled under foot the law 
of nations, openly proclaiming that “necessity 
knows no law.” She threatened the freedom 
of the world, opposing her policy of might and 
force against the principles of right and hu- 

cases of the most manity. “The world,” as President Wilson 
ery SP1CU ° US braV ~ sa id, “must be made safe for democracy.” 

Little Belgium had a right to its own national 
life, the French people had a right to live in peace, American 
citizens had a right to travel on the ocean highways of the world 
free from the haunting terror of German ruthlessness. 

Conscripting a National Army. As in the case of all our 
previous wars, the United States was almost wholly unpre¬ 
pared in April, 1917. This was especially true of our army, 
which was so small and so poorly equipped that Germany 
looked upon it with contempt. Our entire army, including 
the National Guard, numbered only 202,000 men; and we had 
no trained reserves, since our people had never favored uni- 



The Congressional 
Medal of Honor 

Granted only in 





DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


579 


versal military service. We had scarcely enough uniforms 
even for this small force, while there was a sad lack of rifles, 
machine guns, artillery, airships, and all the weapons of modern 
warfare. Congress and the President now set earnestly at 
work to organize the nation for war, and within a year great 
results were achieved. In May, 1917, Congress passed a law 
which created a new national army, to be chosen by draft out 
of all the able-bodied men in the United States between the 
ages of twenty-one and thirty years, inclusive. In the follow¬ 
ing June, 9,650,000 young men were registered for war service 
before some 4000 local draft boards. It was decided that the 
first installment to be called out in 1917 should number 687,000 
men, and that about the same number should be called in 1918. 

Nearly all of these men were without any military training 
whatever; so it was necessary to establish a number of im¬ 
mense camps where they could be assembled and prepared 
for the stern work ahead of them. Within a few months, 
sixteen cantonments, or great army camps, were constructed 
at different points throughout the United States. Each canton¬ 
ment was really a complete city by itself, with accommodations 
for about 47,000 men. The entire National Guard was also 
called out, recruited to its war strength of 450,000 men, and 
sent into great tented camps. The regular army was increased 
by voluntary enlistment; and at the end of our first year of 
war, 1,500,000 soldiers were bearing arms for the United States. 

Our Army of Five Million Men. By the summer of 1918, 
it was evident that the United States must have still larger 
armies. Great Britain, France, and Italy had suffered enormous 
losses in their long heroic struggle to save the world’s freedom; 
while Russia had abandoned the Allies, thereby releasing many 
German divisions for service on the western front. So in 
August, 1918, Congress passed another draft law which required 
all men from eighteen to forty-five years, inclusive, to register 
for service. Our government now planned to have an army 
of four million men in France before the summer of 1919, be¬ 
sides another million in our training camps in this country. 
The military leaders of Germany had told their people that 


580 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


German submarines would make it impossible for us to send 
troops across the Atlantic. This theory proved incorrect; 
for within fifteen months after our declaration of war, we were 
sending troops to France at the rate of about 250,000 each 
month. When the armistice was signed, our army included 
3,734,420 men in service. Of this number, 2,002,175 were 
already overseas, while 94,000 more were on transports, en 
route to Europe. 

Expansion of the Navy. To protect these troops while 
crossing the Atlantic, and to aid in hunting down enemy sub¬ 
marines, our navy was greatly strengthened. The number 
of men was increased from 82,000 to nearly 500,000; and con¬ 
tracts were let for the construction of vessels of every type, 
from super-dreadnaughts to submarine chasers. Many pri¬ 
vately owned vessels, yachts, and fast motor boats were taken 
over, and transformed into patrol boats, submarine chasers, 
and mine sweepers. Our government also seized the German 
merchant ships that had taken refuge in our ports to avoid 
capture by the British navy. The German engineers tried 
to damage these vessels so that they could not be used; and 
the former commander of the Vaterland boasted that he would 
take off his hat to any American who could put his ship in 
shape in time to be of service during the war. Within six 
months from the day he made his boast, the engineers and 
artificers of the American navy had the former liner ready for 
service; renamed the Leviathan, she carried 12,000 American 
soldiers to France on each voyage. In all, some 1300 ships 
were added to our navy during the war. About 300 of these, 
with 75,000 men, were in European waters when hostilities 
ceased. 

Twenty-eight days after we declared war, our first squadron 
of destroyers and battleships reached England, ready to co¬ 
operate with the British and French fleets. “ When will you 
be ready for business? ” asked the British commander, on the 
morning of May 4. “ We can start at once/’ replied Admiral 

William S. Sims. “ We made preparations on the way over. 
That is why we are ready.” The American vessels immediately 


DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


581 


began operations in the submarine zone; and the losses from 
the German submarines steadily diminished from that time. 
In convoying our troops, American and British warships made 
a wonderful record. Two million soldiers were landed in France 
with the loss of only seven hundred men. Of this achievement, 
Archibald Hurd, the British naval expert, said: “ When the 

war is over, the nation will 
form some conception of the 
debt which we owe the 
American Navy for the 
manner in which it has 
cooperated, not only in con¬ 
nection with the convoy 
system, but in fighting the 
submarines. Some of the 
finest battleships of the 
United States Navy are now 
associated with the British 
Grand Fleet. They are not 
only splendid fighting ships, 
but they are well officered 
and manned. ,, 

American Industry Or¬ 
ganized for War. American 
industry, no less than the 
army and navy, had to be 
reorganized to meet the im¬ 
mense demands made upon 
it for guns, ammunition, air¬ 
planes, clothing, shoes, and 
above all else, for ships and food supplies. Modern warfare is 
a problem of industry as well as one of military tactics, and the 
great industrial strength of the United States was soon welded 
into a vast war machine. The bravest troops in the world 
would be helpless without an adequate supply of rifles and 
machine guns, backed up by heavy artillery, tanks, and airships. 
Except for a number of Springfield rifles, we had practically 



© Underwood and Underwood. 

William S. Sims 


Three things will always be remembered 
of Admiral Sims. He taught American 
gunners to shoot with deadly accuracy; 
he compelled American ship constructors 
to build warships of better design; and 
in the World War, he cooperated most 
effectively with the British navy in crush¬ 
ing the submarines. 






582 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


none of these weapons. Throughout most of the war, therefore, 
we had to rely upon France, especially for heavy artillery and 
for aeroplanes. But American manufacturers made tremendous 
efforts to provide for our military needs; and if the war had 
lasted a few months longer, our factories would have been sup¬ 
plying all of our own needs, and part of the equipment for the 
Allies as well. 

Production of Rifles, Artillery, and Gas. When the war 
began, we had on hand about 600,000 Springfield rifles. The 



© Underwood and Underwood. 


A Camouflaged Baby Tank in the Victory Loan Drive 

This two-man tank is drawing a captured German field piece under the 
Memorial Arch at Madison Square, New York, erected in honor of the return of 
the 27th Division. 

daily production of these was greatly increased, and the modified 
Enfield rifle was turned out in still larger numbers. When 
peace came we had 3,000,000 rifles on hand, and new ones were 
coming through at the rate of 50,000 a week. We had made 
50,000 of the heavy Browning machine guns, and more than 
that number of light Browning automatic rifles. 

Nearly all of our heavy artillery was purchased in France; 
but American plants were turning out 75’s and howitzers at 
a quantity rate when the armistice was signed. A few months 
more, and they would have been able to supply the needs of 






DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


583 


the largest army we could have put in the field; and the same 
was true of our production of high explosive shells and smokeless 
powder. We had devised a gas mask better than any used dur¬ 
ing the war; and our Division of Chemical Warfare was making 
all the varieties of gas known to the Germans, besides a new one 
by way of surprise, more deadly than the terrible mustard gas. 
We had built 3500 caterpillar tractors, each capable of carrying 
an 8-inch howitzer wherever it was needed, climbing out of shell 



These Curtiss JN-4’s, the best training plane developed in this country 
during the war, are executing the famous “V” battle formation. In the 
early days of the World War, aerial battles were between two opposing planes, 
“Knights of the Air.” Then the Germans developed the “Flying Circus,” a 
group formation which was eventually improved upon by the Allies. 

holes and across embankments, as occasion required. When the 
armistice was signed, our government was building 6000 of the 
French whippet tanks; and the summer of 1919 would have 
found our armies supplied with 10,000 Ford baby tanks, 
eabh equipped with two automobile engines and mounting a 
heavy Browning machine gun. 

Aircraft Production. Supremacy in the air had already 
proven of vital importance.to the armies fighting in France; 
so Congress promptly appropriated $640,000,000 for the build¬ 
ing of aeroplanes under the direction of the Aircraft Produc¬ 
tion Board. New methods of lumbering had to be devised in 
order to obtain the millions of feet of spruce needed for the 
framework; this lumber was seasoned by a new process to 
hasten production, and a special fabric of long-fiber cotton 




584 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


was invented for wing-covering, to replace the unobtainable 
Irish linen. 

So the story of our aircraft production is the story of the 
development of new industrial processes and methods, and of 
the training of thousands of men and women in new arts and 
crafts. Scores of factories were turned from normal pro¬ 
duction to specialized aircraft work. For example, typewriter 
and cash register factories were called upon to manufacture the 
nuts, bolts, and small metal parts needed; furniture factories 
had to learn the difficult art of manufacturing wings of spruce, 
covered with fabric; while automobile factories turned out 
the engines. These were the famous Liberty Motors, a high- 
power engine of which 31,000 had been produced when peace 
came. Many of these were purchased by the Allies, who 
redesigned their aeroplanes to take this lighter but more powerful 
engine. When the armistice was signed, our factories were 
at work upon a program that called for 51,000 Liberty Twelves 
and 8000 Liberty Eights; these were being turned out at the 
rate of 5000 a month, and this output would soon have been 
doubled. If the war had lasted until June, 1919, our armies 
on the western front would have been equipped with at least 
five times as many aeroplanes as the Germans had ever been able 
to put into service at one time. 

Shipbuilding becomes a Supreme Need. To transport our 
millions of soldiers to France, and to keep them supplied with food 
and munitions, called for a great fleet of merchant ships. When 
we entered the war, German submarines were destroying our 
vessels and those of the Allies at the rate of 500,000 tons a month. 
Unless our shipyards could build many new ships and build 
them quickly, we could not hope to win the war. So Congress 
authorized the expenditure of two billion dollars for the con¬ 
struction of an immense merchant fleet. One of our great 
captains of industry, Charles M. Schwab, was finally placed 
in charge of the work of construction. His task was to create 
out of almost nothing an immense merchant marine, to multiply 
our normal production of ships by twenty. This meant that 
our steel mills had to roll plates on a scale hitherto unknown; 


DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


585 


our makers of boilers and turbine engines had to multiply their 
output by ten; existing shipyards must triple and quadruple 
their facilities almost overnight; and a new industrial army 
of half a million men had to be created and taught the ship¬ 
building trades. 

When the United States entered the war, there were only 
sixty-one shipyards in the entire country. Eighteen months 
later there were 198 yards, 68 of which were building steel ships. 
When peace came, these yards had added to our merchant 
marine 496 new ships, aggregating nearly 3,000,000 tons; 
while 285 other ships had been launched, and keels laid for 743 
more. With the foreign-owned ships that had been seized 
as a war measure, our government was in control of 1656 
vessels, and contracts had been let for 1475 more. Although 
this program was not fully carried out, the United States con¬ 
structed one of the largest merchant fleets in the world. 

The new ships placed in commission required the services 
of thousands of seamen. The war found us as destitute of 
seamen as of shipbuilders, so it became necessary to establish 
a score of schools for training in seamanship. Several large 
vessels from the coast service were turned into huge training 
schools, where boys from the farms and from the great industrial 
cities learned the arts of splicing ropes and making knots, the 
use of the compass, and the indispensable duties of the lookout 
and the watch. No less than our soldiers in France and our 
mecnamcs in the shipyards, these men helped to win the World 
War for democracy. 

Cooperation Helps to Win the War. The success of our ship¬ 
building program was due largely to the hearty cooperation of 
the workmen in the various plants. Charles M. Schwab, who 
was popular with the steel workers everywhere, visited each 
shipyard and urged a speeding up of production. As a result, 
interesting competitions in riveting took place; the best record 
was made by John Omir, who drove 12,209 rivets in nine hours. 
The same enthusiastic support was given in every industry upon 
which the government made demands. American labor was 
thoroughly loyal; the workingmen realized that labor had a 


586 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

vital stake in this war against autocracy. The American Fed¬ 
eration of Labor took a patriotic stand upon the question of 
the hour, and its president, Samuel Gompers, was the trusted 
adviser of President Wilson on many occasions. 

Thousands of American manufacturers, business, and pro¬ 
fessional men, many of whom were executives of high talent, 

offered their services to 
the government without 
thought of recompense. 
Just as Charles M. Schwab 
came forward to speed up 
the shipbuilding program > 
so Edward R. Stettinius 
took charge of the manu¬ 
facture of munitions, John 
W. Ryan of aircraft produc¬ 
tion, Herbert C. Hoover of 
food production, and Vance 
McCormick of the difficult 
problems of the War Trade 
Board. 

Food, Fuel, and Trans¬ 
portation. Besides provid¬ 
ing food for our people at 
home and for our armies 
abroad, the United States 
had to send large supplies to 
the Allies. So the American 
farmers were called upon to 
do their part by raising larger crops than ever before; and the 
people all over the country were urged to conserve food, to eat 
less meat, sugar, and wheat, in order that more of these com¬ 
modities might be sent to Europe. Herbert C. Hoover, who had 
been in charge of American relief work in Belgium, was placed at 
the head of the National Food Administration, with powers that 
practically made him a food dictator. Acting under his direction, 
State Food Administrators were established in each state, and 



© Harris and Ewing. 


Charles M. Schwab 

Our master shipbuilder. On taking 
charge, Mr. Schwab said : “ I do not want 
to have any man in the shipyards working 
for me. I want them all working with 
me. Nothing is going to be worth while 
unless we win this war, and every one must 
do the task to which he is called.” 




DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


587 


local administrators in each county. As a result of the efforts 
and self-denial of our people, the United States was able to send 
abroad millions of tons of foodstuffs; and this unceasing stream 
of supplies from America was a potent factor in the final victory. 

The country’s supply of coal was taken in charge by the 
United States Fuel Commission, of which Harry A. Garfield 
was chairman. This body 
set prices for the different 
kinds of coal throughout 
the United States, and gave 
orders to the railroads con¬ 
cerning the transportation 
of fuel. This was neces¬ 
sary in order that the na¬ 
tion’s most important needs 
should be first supplied; 
above all, coal must reach 
the seaboard for ships about 
to sail abroad, and fuel 
must be supplied to the 
factories producing war ma¬ 
terials. The task of trans¬ 
portation soon proved too 
much for the railroads of the 
country, operating under 
separate management. In 
spite of their efforts, an im¬ 
mense amount of freight 
could not be moved, and 
the whole eastern section of the country faced a fuel famine in 
the fall of 1917. In order to solve this problem of distribution, 
the national government finally took charge of all the railway 
lines of the country. The Secretary of the Treasury, William G. 
McAdoo, was appointed Director-General of Railroads. A few 
months later, the government also took over the entire tele¬ 
graph, telephone, and radio service of the United States, placing 
it in charge of the Postmaster-General. 



© Underwood and Underwood. 

Herbert C. Hoover 


In one sense it is true that food won 
the war; for without the American farmer, 
the Allies must have surrendered. “In 
giving credit for results,” wrote Mr. 
Hoover concerning the Food Administra¬ 
tion, “no one will deny the dominant part 
of the American woman.” 




588 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

Financing the War. Immense sums of money, so large as to 
be almost beyond conception, were necessary for our vast mili¬ 
tary preparations. In the first year of the war, our total dis¬ 
bursements reached the startling figure of nineteen billions, or 
nearly five times the total cost of the Civil War. Of this im¬ 
mense sum, about one third was loaned to our Allies, the re¬ 
mainder being actual expenditures. To raise this revenue, the 
government resorted to taxation on a large scale, besides bor¬ 
rowing immense sums through the sale of bonds and other 
securities. The tax law passed on October 3, 1917, was planned 
to produce two and one half billions of revenue during the 
ensuing year, while the law of 1918 was to raise six billion 
dollars. The most important items in point of size were the 
tax on excess business profits, the tax on incomes, and the taxes 
on liquor and tobacco. There were also taxes on theater 
tickets and club dues, on promissory notes and deeds, besides 
taxes on freight and express shipments, on telegrams, motion 
pictures, automobiles and tires, together with an increase in 
postage rates. 

Besides the vast revenues raised by taxation, we had to 
borrow still larger sums; for before the close of the year 1917, 
the war was costing our government fifty million dollars each 
day. This was done by selling bonds, war-savings stamps and 
certificates, to be paid for out of future taxes. Our govern¬ 
ment wisely decided to sell its bonds directly to the people, 
through popular subscription; and in order that they might 
be within reach of all, bonds were offered in denominations as 
small as $50. Three great Liberty Loans, aggregating ten 
billion dollars, were made during the first year of the war; a 
fourth loan of over six billions was made in 1918; and a fifth 
Victory Loan of nearly five billions in 1919. On each occasion 
the people subscribed for more bonds than were offered for sale. 

As President Wilson pointed out, even the unheard-of money 
expenditures of the war would be worth while if they resulted 
in habits of thrift and self-denial among our people. So a 
war-savings plan was arranged by which even the smallest 
investors could aid the government with their savings. Thrift 


DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 589 

stamps costing twenty-five cents each were sold, sixteen of 
which, with a few cents additional, could be exchanged for a war- 
savings certificate. From this source the government was able 
to raise nearly one billion dollars during the first year of the war. 

Soldiers’ Insurance instead of Pensions. At the beginning 
of the Civil War, our government promised pensions to disabled 
soldiers, and to the families of men who were killed in fighting 
for the Union. A better plan was worked out when the United 
States entered the World War, by which the government pro¬ 
vided insurance instead of pensions for men in the service. A 
Bureau of War Risk Insurance in the Treasury Department 
insured the men at rates somewhat lower than they would 
pay in time of peace. The government also made a family 
allowance for each man in the , service who had a dependent 
wife or children. 

Disloyal Opposition to the War. Just as during the Civil 
War the Copperheads had opposed the Union cause, urging a 
complete surrender to secession, so in the crisis of 1917 many 
so-called pacifists argued that the United States must not 
use military force to defend her rights as a nation. These peace- 
at-any-price men, many of whom were in German pay, said that 
no matter what outrages Germany committed against us or 
against common humanity, we must tamely submit. Even 
when our government declared war, many of them continued 
their opposition. They held public meetings to indorse the 
position of a United States Senator who upheld Germany’s 
cause in Congress; they sent out pamphlets urging resistance 
to the conscription law; they tried to stir up strikes among 
our workmen, and aided the criminal violence of the organiza¬ 
tion calling itself the “ Industrial Workers of the World.” A 
number of these traitors were finally brought to trial, convicted, 
and sent to prison. 

Telling the People about the War. To give the people re¬ 
liable information about the war, an official Committee of 
Public Information was organized, with a well-known news¬ 
paper man, George Creel, as chairman. From its headquarters 
at Washington, this committee published a daily Official 


590 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


Bulletin, which gave out such military information as could 
properly be published. It also prepared a series of patriotic 
films, organized an army of public speakers, and issued a series 
of pamphlets explaining the war and its causes. 

Work of the American Red Cross Society. The American 
Red Cross Society worked hand in hand with the government 

to bring relief and comforts 
to the men in the camps and 
on the battle fields. This 
organization provided our 
soldiers with hand-knitted 
sweaters, socks, and hel¬ 
mets, with comfort kits and 
Christmas parcels. Thou¬ 
sands of the most skillful 
surgeons and physicians en¬ 
listed for service with our 
armies abroad. The Red 
Cross furnished them with 
the best equipment and 
supplies, maintained an am¬ 
bulance service manned by 
heroic drivers, built hos¬ 
pitals for the wounded men, 
and did everything possible 
to alleviate the horrors of 
war. 

Germany Slaughters the 
Helpless, and Calls it War. 

The American Red Cross 
also brought its message of 
relief and mercy to the destitute people of Belgium and France. 
In these countries a great part of the population had been left 
homeless and destitute by the savagery of the German armies. 
For example, German shells and German ruthlessness had razed 
one thousand French villages and towns so completely that 
often even the sites of the former buildings could not be found. 



Clara Barton 

Founder of the Red Cross, from a pho¬ 
tograph taken in 1875. 

The work of the Red Cross in the 
World War was a miracle of achievement. 
This organization enrolled in its member¬ 
ship 30,000,000 Americans, men, women, 
and children. It collected $300,000,000 
through voluntary contributions, and re¬ 
ceived besides the patriotic services of mil¬ 
lions of American women. 




DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


591 


When the German armies made a slight retreat in the spring 
of 1917, they wantonly destroyed ’everything in their path 
which could support the population, even cutting down the 
fruit trees and poisoning the wells. The able-bodied men of 
northeastern France and throughout the whole of Belgium were 
sent to enforced labor in German mines and on German farms. 



© International News Service 


Vise, Belgium, after Bombardment by German Batteries 

The town where the Germans committed the first atrocities on the civilian 
population. So great was the havoc wrought in Belgium and northern Frarice 
that an American private wrote home : “Jen, for some days I have been seeing 
these French people come home as we take back the country for them day by 
day. This morning after I left the chaplain, I saw a woman and two children 
come home to a piece of a wall and a door-step and a door-sill. Jen, it might 
have been you and little Joe and little Lou. . . .” 

Here they were worked at top speed, and almost starved to 
death at the same time. After they had become unable to 
work any longer, they were sent back to France to die, along 
with the old men and young children, whose ages made them 
unserviceable to thq Germans. 

In towns near the border, the American Red Cross established 







592 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

places of refuge where these poor people could rest and re¬ 
cuperate. Here thousands of haggard, helpless little children 
and aged grandparents arrived during the summer and fall of 
1917. So the American Red Cross carried on a fight no less 
gallant than that of our armies, housing and feeding the families 
of stricken France and Belgium, saving the babies, battling 
against tuberculosis, and building up great hospitals. Some 

idea of their work, and a true 
picture of German Kultur may 
be had from one day’s report of 
a Red Cross official: “ There 
arrived last week at Evian, 
where the refugees from France 
and Belgium are received back 
into France, a train loaded with 
Belgian children. There were 
680 of them — thin, sickly, from 
four to twelve years of age — 
children of men who refused to 
work for the Germans and of 
mothers who let their children 
go rather than to let them starve. 
They poured off the train, little 
ones clinging to the older ones, 
girls all crying, boys trying to 
cheer. They had come all the 
long way alone. On the plat¬ 
form were the Red Cross workers to meet them. Those chil¬ 
dren who could walk at all marched along crying, ‘ Meat, 
meat, we are going to have meat.’ Their little clawlike hands 
were significant, but a doctor said, ‘ We have them in time; 
a few weeks of proper feeding and they will pull up. Thirty 
per cent of the older refugees die the first month from ex¬ 
haustion. The children can and must be saved.’ ” 

Our Soldiers Arrive in France. The advance guard of the 
American army — a division of regulars — reached France in 
June, 1917. Its leader was General John J. Pershing, a West 



© Underwood and Underwood. 


John J. Pershing 

Commander in Chief of the Ameri¬ 
can Expeditionary Forces. 




DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL 


593 


Point graduate who had served in the Philippines and in Mexico, 
and who was now to have supreme command of our armies 
abroad. Other troops followed as rapidly as they could be 
equipped and ships found to transport them; and eighteen 
months after we entered the war, we had two million men over¬ 
seas. France gave our soldiers a welcome which made every 
true American proud that we were at last repaying our debt to 
the land of Lafayette and Rochambeau, the France which had 
given its blood and treasure to make our country free. Now 
the young giant of the West was sending its best manhood to 
fight with France and England and Italy to rescue Europe 
from the black despotism which hung over the whole world 
like a pall. For wherever liberty and self-government had 
developed, whether in France, or in England, or in the distant 
Orient, or in South America, there the Imperial German gov¬ 
ernment had been its foe. Even in our own fair land, German 
autocracy had done its utmost to bring on disorder, to violate 
law, to estrange our people from their true allegiance, and to 
discredit democracy. 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

American Year Book, 1915, 1916, 1917, 1918 (under International 
Relations, the Army, etc.). 

Committee on Public Information: Various pamphlets, especially 
War Cyclopedia; How the War Came to America; The Govern¬ 
ment of Germany; The Great War; German War Practices. 
Foerster, Norman, and Pierson, W. W., Editors, American Ideals. 
Gibbons, Herbert A., The New Map of Europe. 

Gibbs, Philip, The Way to Victory: I, The Menace. 

Harding, S. D., The Study of the Great War; A Topical Outline. 
Hazen, C. D., Europe since 1815. 

New York Times Current History , vols. XI-XX. 

Robinson, E. E., and West, V. J., The Foreign Policy of Woodrow 
Wilson. 

Rose, J. H., Origins of the War. 

Sarolea, Charles, The Anglo-German Problem. 

Simonds, Frank H., History of the Great War. 


594 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


University of Chicago War Papers: The Threat of German World- 
Politics; Americans and the World Crisis; Democracy, the Basis 
of a World-Order; Sixteen Causes of War. 

Usher, It. G., Pan-Germanism. 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Channing, Grace Ellery, Editor, War Letters of Edmond Genet. 
March, Francis A., History of the World War. 

Davis, William S., and others, The Roots of the War. 

Powell, Lyman P., Editor, The Spirit of Democracy. 

Thompson, John G., and Bigwood, Inez, Editors, Lest We Forget. 
Van Dyke, Henry, Fighting for Peace. 



© Underwood and Underwood. 

Raoul Lufbery 

This heroic American ace from Wallingford, Connecticut, was a member of 
the Lafayette Escadrille, a squadron of American aviators enlisted in the French 
army. This photograph was taken after an official presentation of another 
decoration. Behind him stands a member of the French Cabinet. 






CHAPTER XLVII 


THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


a dangerous enemy. They 
knew that our army was a 
very small one, and that we 
lacked the rifles, machine 
guns, airships, and other 
munitions necessary for 
modern warfare. They had 
the mistaken notion that 
American citizens of Ger¬ 
man descent would not sup¬ 
port their own government 
in case of war with Ger¬ 


many. And in any event, 
they argued, the United 
States could not get ready 
in time. The German Staff 
expected its veteran divi¬ 
sions to win a final decision 
on the western front before 
our raw recruits could be- 


Ferdinand Foch 

Appointed Commander in Chief of the 
Allied armies, March 28, 1918. The 
greatest military genius of the World 
War, Marshal Foch’s brilliant strategy 
turned the tide of German invasion into 


come an effective fighting * 

force. But the training armies: “You have won the greatest 

n{)mn o n f A mPriVn lihp tWp battle in histor y» and have saved the m ost 
camps or America, nice tnose 6acred cause _ the liberty of the world/ < 

of Great Britain, Canada, 

and Australia, were to disprove this theory. The fighting at 
Belleau Wood, Chateau-Thierry, and in the Argonne Forest 



What Germany Thought of Our Military Strength. Before 
our entry into the war, the German military leaders did not 
consider the United States 


© Underwood and Underwood. 


595 




596 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


demonstrated that the American soldier with six months of 
training was more than a match for the German veteran. Lack 
of training on the part of our troops was overcome in large 
measure by native ingenuity, courage, and skill. 

Russia Deserts the Allies. When the United States entered 
the struggle, Germany was at the height of her power, and was 
planning on a final victory within the next twelve months. 
Her armies then held enormous tracts of invaded territory. 
She had crushed Rumania and Serbia, and her iron heel was 
over Belgium and northern France. Moreover, by the close of 
1917, Russia was no longer on the battle line; betrayed by her 
leaders, she had deserted the Allies. The Russian revolution 
of March, 1917, drove the czar from his throne, and at first 
it seemed probable that Russia would become a democratic 
country, ruled by its people. But soon the extreme socialists, 
or Bolsheviki, seized control of the government. They dis¬ 
persed the National Assembly because it was too moderate to 
suit them, and began a rule more tyrannical and cruel than 
that of the czar himself. The leaders of this party, Lenine and 
Trotsky, were reported to be in the pay of Germany; and on 
seizing power they declared in favor of an immediate peace. 

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, March, 1918. These false 
leaders completed the betrayal of their country by the shameful 
treaty of Brest-Litovsk between Russia and the Central Powers. 
Under its terms, Russia was compelled to surrender five of her 
western provinces, to recognize the independence of the Ukraine 
and of Finland, and to cede territory in Asia Minor to Turkey. 
One good result came from this treaty: all the world at last 
realized how false the professions of the German leaders really 
were. They had told the Russians that they would accept the 
principle of “ peace without annexations and without indemni¬ 
ties.” Then after her armies were disbanded, they forced Russia 
to accept a treaty surrendering 56,000,000 of her people, one 
third of her manufactures, and three fourths of her coal and iron 
deposits. From these terms we can imagine what a German 
triumph on the western front would have meant to France 
and Belgium, and to the cause of civilization itself. 


THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


597 


Anarchy in Russia. Germany continued her invasion of 
Russia even after the Bolsheviki had made their abject sur¬ 
render. Her troops entered Odessa, capturing the Black Sea 
fleet, and moved eastward into the Crimea; meantime, other 
German troops occupied Finland and the Ukraine. Russia’s 
surrender left Rumania in a helpless position, surrounded 
by hostile powers. Germany now forced 
Rumania to accept a treaty that practically 
made her a vassal German state. Rumania 
ceded her province of Dobrudja to Bulgaria, 
and promised to pay Germany a huge war 
indemnity. 

Meantime, the Bolsheviki in Russia in¬ 
dulged in an orgy of bloodshed and violence. 

Knowing that they represented only a small 
minority of the population, the Bolsheviki 
believed that a policy of terrorism was 
necessary to compel their countrymen to 
accept their rule. Since the Allied powers 
would not recognize this government 
founded on violence, the Bolsheviki did 
all in their power to injure the Allied cause. 

They released the German prisoners of war, 
and permitted the German armies to seize 
great stores of military supplies which the 
Allies had sent into Russia. 

The Western Front in 1918. Those were 
anxious months for the Allies when Russia’s 
collapse released more than one million Ger¬ 
man soldiers for use on the western front. 

The Allied armies were outnumbered; they had suffered cruel 
losses in three years of heroic fighting, and only a few American 
divisions had as yet reached Europe. Meantime, General 
von Ludendorff, Chief of the German Staff, was planning to 
crush the Allied armies by a series of hammer blows. Five 
great drives, or large-scale offensives, were undertaken by the 
German armies between March 21 and July 18, 1918. These 



The French Legion 
of Honor 


Instituted by Napo¬ 
leon when First Consul, 
in May, 1802. Many 
Americans have been 
given this decoration, 
the most prized distinc¬ 
tion bestowed by the 
French Republic for 
the highest civil and 
military achievements. 




598 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 



The ground the Germans gained in each offensive lies between the broken 
line (the Hindenburg line) of March 21 and the solid line of July 18. Under the 
name of each drive appear the American units brigaded with the French and 
English. 


were intended to accomplish three objects: (1) to drive a 
wedge between the British and French armies; (2) to seize 
the Channel ports; (3) to capture Paris and compel France 
to sue for peace. 

The Germans did not gain any of their objectives, but for 
long weeks the Allied armies were in deadly peril. This was 
because they were outnumbered two to one, sometimes even 
three or four to one, at the point of attack. The German plan 
of offensive was to make a secret concentration of selected men, 
called shock troops, at some point; then by a surprise attack 
to break through the Allied line before re enforcements could 
be brought up. In meeting these offensives, the Allies were 






THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


599 


under two disadvantages. First, they could not know where 
the Germans would strike until after the offensive began. Then 
too, the Allied armies were not under a single commander, so 
that it was difficult to move British troops to the aid of the 
French, or to bring up 
French soldiers when the 
British needed re enforce¬ 
ments. 

The Drive toward 
Amiens, March, 1918. The 

first German drive was a 
thrust toward Amiens, in¬ 
tended to drive a wedge 
between the British and 
French forces. So fierce 
was the onslaught that the 
Fifth British Army was 
crushed by sheer weight of 
numbers, its 48 divisions 
overwhelmed by 114 of the 
enemy. For a few critical 
hours the Allied line was 
actually pierced, but the 
gap was closed by General 
Carey. He rounded up 
every available man, includ¬ 
ing laborers; clerks, dis¬ 
mounted cavalry, and a 
regiment of American engineers; and this scratch army in tem¬ 
porary trenches held back the enemy for six days. However, 
another drive of equal depth would mean supreme disaster for 
the Allies. The Germans had advanced for a distance of 
twenty-five miles, bringing Amiens and the main lateral railway 
behind the British lines within reach of their artillery. 

In this crisis it was determined to place ail of the Allied 
forces under one commander in chief. There was no difficulty 
in deciding who should fill this important position; for the 



© Underwood, and Underwood. 

Joseph Jacques Joffre 


Marshal Joffre, or “Papa” Joffre, as he 
is affectionately named by the French 
people, will always have a secure place in 
history as the commander who saved 
France in the first battle of the Marne. 
On his visit to this country in 1917, New 
York City presented the veteran marshal 
with a golden miniature of the Statue of 
Liberty. 





600 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

French leader, General Ferdinand Foch, was a master of strat¬ 
egy and the greatest military genius of the World War. Foch 
was the hero of the first battle of the Marne, when France saved 
the world’s civilization from German attack. It was during 
this battle that he sent his famous dispatch to Marshal Joffre: 
“ The enemy is attacking my flank. My rear is threatened. 

I am therefore at¬ 
tacking in front.” 

The decision for 
a unified command 
had the cordial sup¬ 
port of General 
Pershing and of 
Secretary of War 
Baker, who was then 
in France to learn 
at first hand about 
the military situa¬ 
tion. They cabled 
their views to Presi¬ 
dent Wilson, who 
promptly sent a 
message to the new 
commander in chief, 
congratulating him 
on his appointment. General Pershing at once went to the 
headquarters of Marshal Foch, and said: “ The American 
people would hold it a great honor for our troops were they 
engaged in the present battle. . . . Infantry, artillery, avia¬ 
tion— all that we have — are yours to dispose of as you will.” 
When these words were published, they thrilled all France and 
all America as well. 

The Thrust at the Channel Ports, April, 1918. The second 
German drive was an attempt to break through the British 
lines in Flanders and ,reach the Channel ports of Dunkirk, 
Calais, and Havre. The invaders gained some three hundred 
square miles of territory, but they suffered immense losses and 



© Underwood and Underuood. 


Sir Douglas Haig 

Succeeded Sir John French as commander in 
chief of the British armies in France. With forces 
much smaller than those opposed to him, Field- 
Marshal Haig held on with true British tenacity, 
until the day came for the final victorious advance 
of the Allied armies. Since Wellington, Britain has 
had no better soldier. 




THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


601 


failed to reach the coast. After three weeks of heroic resistance 
by the British troops, Field-Marshal Sir Douglas Haig issued 
his famous order: “ Every position must be held to the 
last man. There must be no retiring. With our backs to the 
wall, and believing in the justice of our cause, each one of us 
must fight to the end. The safety of our homes, and the free¬ 
dom of mankind depend alike upon the conduct of each one of 
us at this critical moment.” 

Help came to the British army at bay just in time to 
avert disaster. First to arrive were the French dragoons, 
covered with dust from their seventy-mile ride. Next came 
the French infantry in motor lorries, column after column, 
a winding river of blue pouring in behind the thin lines of 
khaki. The British had support at last, and the enemy could 
not pass. Yet the menace was still there, for Rupprecht, the 
Crown Prince of Bavaria, held twenty-nine divisions in re¬ 
serve, waiting until the French re enforcements should be 
called away. 

The German Drive against Paris. On May 27 the Ger¬ 
mans struck against the French lines opposite Soissons and 
Rheims, in an attempt to reach Paris. The French reserves 
had been concentrated in the region south of Amiens, near the 
junction of the British and French fronts. Hence only 
light reserves were available when twenty enemy divisions, 
about 300,000 men, were suddenly hurled at 100,000 French 
troops holding this part of the line. German tanks and shock 
troops quickly swept over the front-line trenches, while the 
artillery hurled gas shells into the area behind the Allied lines, 
so as to cut off retreat. The invaders crossed the Aisne, they 
crossed the Yesle, and swept on toward the Marne. The 
new battle front formed a vast triangle, with its apex pointing 
toward Paris, only forty-four miles away. Once again, as 
before that first battle of the Marne, the French capital was 
in deadly peril. The army that had ravaged Belgium and 
looted northern France was almost at its gate. Hidden in 
the forest of Coucy, a “ Big Bertha ” was hurling shells for a 
distance of seventy-five miles into the city itself. 



602 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

American Troops Defend Chateau-Thierry. The Allies 

faced a situation as grave as during the March offensive. 
Marshal Foch needed every available man. In this crisis 
the Third Division of American troops, which had just finished 


its preliminary training in the trenches, was hurried to the 
Marne. Its mptorized machine-gun battalion preceded it, 
and hejd the bridgehead at Chateau-Thierry against repeated 
enemy assaults. Near Jaulgonne, German troops managed 
to cross the Marne, but the infantry of the Third Division 
promptly thrust them back again. Meantime our Second 


Chateau-Thierry 


© Underwood and Underwood. 


In this town on June 6, 1918, our troops prevented the Germans from crossing 
the bridge over the Marne. When the great Allied advance began, they charged 
up this street, unchecked by the German machine guns placed in the clock tower 
from which this photograph was taken. 








THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


603 


Division, composed of the 5 th ^ and 6th Regiments of Marines, 
and the 9th and 23d Infantry ^ was rushed up in motor trucks 
from near Montdidier. This division captured the village of 
Bouresches, and held its ground against the famous Prussian 
Guards. 

The Marines Capture Belleau Wood. Next came the order 
to the Marine Brigade to capture Belleau Wood; and in the 
fight that followed, American marines proved themselves the 
equal of the British at Ypres, of the Canadians at Mons, of the 
French themselves at Verdun. Belleau Wood was filled with 
machine-gun nests, effectively screened by the dense forest; 
and the German defenders outnumbered our men by at least 
three or four to one. But the marines never faltered; singly 
and in little groups they attacked the machine-gun crews, 
using their rifles, hand-grenades, automatics, and bayonets. 
For eleven days they pushed their way steadily through the 
forest, fighting against terrific odds. Companies that went 
into the battle two hundred and fifty strong dwindled to fifty 
men, sometimes with only a sergeant left in command. The 
Germans brought up reserves, and concentrated their artillery 
fire on the woods, which they were ordered to retake at all 
costs. They used up three divisions in repeated assaults, 
but the thin line of marines held fast. By June 24 the last 
German was driven out of the woods, and 1400 prisoners were 
on their way to the rear. Soon afterwards the name Belleau 
Wood was changed by an official order of the French to Bois 
de la Brigade de Marine (Wood of the Marine Brigade). 

The action of which this fighting formed a part came to 
an end on July 1, when infantry regiments of the Second Division 
captured the town of Vaux, on the Metz to Paris road. As a 
result of this month of bloody fighting, the German rush toward 
Paris was definitely and finally stopped. It was the heroic 
French and British armies, aided by the timely arrival of 
American troops, which brought this about. The American 
troops did what fresh blood can sometimes accomplish on a 
football field. Until they came, the Germans had been steadily 
advancing toward the Allies , goal, attacking first one part of 



604 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

the line, then another, for gains that brought them nearer and 
ever nearer to Paris. Then the Americans came on the field, 
— reserve players, young and inexperienced at the game, but 
with a firm resolution to hold the line at all costs. Their 
dauntless spirit put new heart into the gallant French and 
British armies; the line held, and within a few months the 
Germans were fighting desperately to defend their own goal. 


U. S. Official Photograph. 

An American Patrol Advancing North of Verdun 

This ruined house at Montfaucon was the observatory of the German Crown 
Prince during his unsuccessful campaign against Verdun. 

The Last German Drives. General von Ludendorff was like 
a gambler led on by his gains to take more and more chances. 
After his enormous sacrifice of men, he did not dare give up 
the offensive and admit his failure. So on June 9 he began a 
fourth drive between Noyon and Montdidier. This time French 
reserves were at hand, and the Germans were repulsed with 
immense losses. The fifth and last German drive came on 
July 15, when Von Ludendorff hurled seventy divisions against 
the Rheims front. By this time the Allied lines had been 





THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


605 


strengthened by large numbers of American troops. Part of 
our Forty-second, or Rainbow Division, held the position east 
of Rheims against every attack; the Twenty-sixth Division 
captured Torcy; and the Third Division held the bank of the 
Marne opposite Chateau-Thierry. At this point a large force of 



© International News Service. 


French Infantry on the Double, Following up the German Retreat 

In the first battle of the Marne these heroic poilus won immortal fame for 
themselves and for France. Later, at Verdun, in the longest pitched battle of 
history, they stood like a cold blue rock against which the German armies were 
broken and shattered. 


German infantry tried to force its way across the river under 
cover of smoke screens, and supported by powerful artillery. 
By sacrificing a large number of men, the Germans gained a 
temporary foothold on the southern bank. The American lines 
were bent back for a brief space, but it was the recoil of a spring; 
for immediately afterwards our “ doughboys ” rushed forward 
with resistless force, driving the Germans across the river. 





606 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


The Turning of the Tide, July 18, 1918. This splendid de¬ 
fense at the third battle of the Marne paved the way for the 
brilliant counter-strokes by which Marshal Foch within a few 
months brought Germany to her knees. Foch launched his 
first counter-offensive on July 18, an attack from Chateau- 
Thierry along a twenty-five mile front between the Marne and 
the Aisne. The place of honor in this offensive was given to 
the First and Second Divisions of American troops, cooperating 
with the famous Moroccan division of the French army. Bat¬ 
tling incessantly day and night, the Allied forces pushed the 
invaders back across the Marne to the Yesle. This successful 
attack forced the Germans from a position that menaced Paris, 
and marked the turning of the tide. The offensive had passed 
from the Germans to the Allies, and under Marshal Foch’s 
bewildering blows, the invading armies were thrust back first 
at one point, then at another. There were now more than 
one million American soldiers in France, and their numbers 
and proven fighting ability made it possible to undertake a 
vast offensive against the enemy. 

American Troops Capture St. Mihiel. Up to this time, 
American soldiers had been brigaded with British and French 
troops at different points along the western front. Early 
in August, 1918, our First Army was organized under the 
personal command of General Pershing. This army took over 
the defense of the line running through St. Mihiel to a point 
opposite Verdun. Early in the war, the Germans had crossed 
the Meuse River at St. Mihiel, in an unsuccessful effort to en¬ 
circle Verdun. This made a peculiar hook or salient in their 
line; the Germans called it a dagger pointed at the heart of 
eastern France. 

Our First Army received permission to attack St. Mihiel 
on September 12. After four hours of artillery preparation, 
seven American divisions leaped from their trenches in the 
early dawn, and moved forward to the assault. Attacking 
both sides of the salient at once, they broke down the enemy’s 
defenses at all points, capturing village after village, and finally 
occupied St. Mihiel itself. So rapid was the advance that 





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THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


607 


several German cooks found themselves obliged to serve to 
the Americans hot food that had been prepared for their own 
men. In this first offensive, the American army captured 
16,000 prisoners and hundreds of guns, gained its objective, 
and placed itself in a position to threaten the fortress of Metz. 
As General Pershing said : “ The Allies found they had a formid¬ 
able army to aid them, and the enemy learned finally that he 
had one to reckon with.” 



© U. S. Official Photograph. 

Motor Transport of Infantry to the Front 

The 3d Battalion, 39th Regiment, 4th Division, leaving Rimaucourt, Haute 
Marne, for the Argonne battle front. 


A few figures will give some idea of the vast preparations 
necessary for an attack like that against St. Mihiel. The 
services of 600,000 men were employed in or behind the lines. 
One hundred thousand detailed maps and 40,000 photographs 
were printed and distributed, showing accurately every enemy 
trench line, gun position, hill, stream, and road within the area 
of attack. Five thousand miles of telephone wire were laid, 
connecting 6000 instruments; 4800 automobile trucks were 
used to carry the men and supplies to the front; while in the 
rear, 70,000 hospital beds were made ready for the wounded. 




608 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


More than 1,500,000 shells were fired during the engagement, 
besides millions of rounds of small-arm ammunition. 

Our Campaign in the Argonne Forest. The victory at St. 
Mihiel brought the American lines close to the outlying forts 
of Metz, and made possible the next move of our army. This 
was its splendid advance through the Argonne Forest, the 
objective being the railroad line running through Sedan and 
Mezieres. The action of our First Army was timed to corre¬ 
spond with that of General Gouraud’s Fourth French Army, 
advancing up the west side of the Argonne as our men pushed 
up the east side. The two armies were then to unite, cutting 
the enemy’s communications by rail, and crowding the Germans 
back upon the Ardennes Forest, through which a retreat was 
almost impossible. 

On September 26, American troops fought their way through 
the barbed wire entanglements and across the shell craters of 
No Man’s Land. Six of the nine initial attacking divisions 
had never been in a battle before, yet they soon captured the 
enemy’s first line defenses. There were four of these lines 
in all, running parallel and quite close together, so that they 
formed one quadruple system of defense. Moreover, the 
enemy’s lines ran through a hilly, densely wooded region, mak¬ 
ing his position so strong that for four years it had been looked 
upon as impregnable. Yet between September 26 and Novem¬ 
ber 7, the American army did the impossible; it broke through 
those four lines and reached Sedan. Our troops advanced 
rapidly during the first days, but soon the combat settled down 
into a steady, relentless struggle. The Germans had ample 
facilities for bringing up reserves, and they used up forty divi¬ 
sions in a vain effort to hold their positions. Our troops ad¬ 
vanced against machine guns spitting their hail of bullets, 
while thousands of cannon belched out shrapnel and explosive 
shells. One American battalion, advancing beyond its supports, 
was cut off and entirely surrounded by German troops. Prac¬ 
tically without food or water, the members of this heroic “ lost 
battalion ” defended themselves for three days against incessant 
attack, until finally rescued by their advancing comrades. 


THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


609 


At last, after six weeks of terrific fighting, the fourth German 
line was pierced. The American army reached Sedan, twenty- 
five miles from the point of departure. It had bagged 16,000 
prisoners, and gained its objective. General Pershing reported : 
“We had cut the enemy’s main line of communications, and 
nothing but surrender or an armistice could save his army from 
complete disaster.” The battle of the Meuse-Argonne was 
the greatest ever fought by American troops, and one of the 
greatest battles in history. More than 1,000,000 American 



U. S. Official Photograph. 


Blasting a Way through the Argonne Forest 

Battery D, 128th Regiment, Field Artillery, at Les Cotes de Florimont. On 
specially constructed tracks, this railroad mount followed up the German retreat 
through No Man’s Land. 

soldiers took part in the forty-seven days of fighting ; our 
artillery fired 4,200,000 rounds of ammunition — more than 
that used by the Union forces during the entire Civil War ; 
16,000 Germans and 3000 machine guns were captured, 
while our men paid for their splendid victory with 120,000 
casualties. 

Germany Attempts a Peace Drive, October, 1918. Mean¬ 
time, the Germans had fared no better elsewhere along the 
western front. In Flanders the British forces, aided by Belgian 
and American divisions, had waged a successful offensive. 






610 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


All of the Belgian coast was recaptured, besides the important 
French cities of Lens and Lille. In the center, the vaunted 
Hindenburg line had been pierced; Cambrai, St. Quentin, and 
Laon were taken. Two American divisions under the command 
of General Rawlinson took part in the attack at this point. 
“No troops ever fought more valiantly,” said their British 
commander. “ Inexperience cost them more men than they 
should have lost, but their courage and de¬ 
termination in the face of tremendous ob¬ 
stacles was magnificent. *’ Field-Marshal Sir 
Douglas Haig, the British commander in 
chief, gave our men this tribute: “The 
deeds of the Twenty-seventh and Thirtieth 
American divisions which took Bellecourt 
and Nauroy, and gallantly sustained the 
desperate struggle for Bony, will rank with 
the highest achievements of the war.” 

With the Hindenburg line broken in the 
center at Cambrai, and torn from its anchor 
position on the North Sea, the Germans had 
no other course except a general retreat from 
^ . France and Belgium; but a retreat before 

Guerre with Palm victorious Allied armies promised swift 

disaster. The mailed fist having failed, Ger¬ 
many resolved to try cunning instead. Her government re¬ 
quested President Wilson for an armistice, to be followed by a 
peace based on the principles announced by him. Realizing that 
a crushing military defeat was at hand, Germany hoped to nego¬ 
tiate a peace while she still held Belgium and northern France as a 
pawn. The President replied that he could not entertain any sug¬ 
gestion for an armistice so long as the German armies remained 
in the countries which they had invaded. Only the military ad¬ 
visers of the American and Allied forces could do this, on terms 
that would make it impossible for Germany to renew hostilities. 

The Surrender of Bulgaria and Turkey. On the Balkan 
front the Allied line extended from the Adriatic Sea to the 
iEgean, with headquarters at Saloniki. This line was held 






THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


611 


by a mixed force of British, French, Serbians, Greeks, and Ital¬ 
ians, under the command of General D’Esperey. In Septem¬ 
ber, 1918, the Allies began one of the most successful campaigns 
of the war. Advancing up the Vardar Valley, the Allied troops 
cut the communications between the two Bulgarian armies. 
The Bulgarians retreated 
eastward through the hills, 
abandoning Albania and 
Serbia. Within two weeks 
after the offensive began, 

Bulgaria asked for an armis¬ 
tice, accepted the terms 
offered, and withdrew from 
the war. 

Bulgaria’s surrender broke 
the line of communications 
between the Central Powers 
and Turkey. Constanti¬ 
nople, already menaced by 
the Allied forces at Saloniki, 
was soon threatened from a 
new direction. In the Jordan 
Valley, General Allenby’s 
British army waged one of 
the most brilliant campaigns 
of the war. Aided by the 
Arabs, the British forces 
destroyed three Turkish 
armies, occupied Damascus, 
the capital of Syria, and advanced against Aleppo. Turkey 
now followed Bulgaria’s example and sued for peace. The 
terms offered and accepted on October 31, 1918, were virtually 
a complete surrender. Nine days later, British and French 
destroyers entered the Dardanelles, while British troops took 
possession of the forts around Constantinople. 

The Collapse of Austria, November 3, 1918. A few days 
more witnessed the collapse of Austria. Her armies in Italy 



Sergeant York 

Alvin C. York was a Tennessee moun¬ 
taineer gathered in by the draft. While in 
action in the Argonne offensive, he used his 
rifle and pistol so effectively that 25 Ger¬ 
mans were killed and 132 others surren¬ 
dered to him in the belief that they were 
opposed by overwhelming numbers. Ser¬ 
geant York’s feat was one of the greatest 
individual exploits of the war. 



612 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


had won a great success at Caporetto; but in October, 1918, 
General Diaz began an offensive which practically destroyed 
the Austrian armies. Their retreat became a rout before the 
rapid advance of the Italians, who captured 400,000 prisoners 
and 7000 guns. Austria now begged for an armistice, which 
was signed on November 3. The terms were more drastic 
than those imposed upon Bulgaria, for 
Austria was regarded as the chief accom¬ 
plice in Germany’s crime. 

Germany Sues for Peace, November, 
1918. Deserted by her allies, and realizing 
that her armies in France faced a supreme 
military disaster, Germany was obliged to 
sue for peace. Her request for an armistice 
was forwarded by President Wilson to the 
Interallied Council at Versailles. This body 
drew up the terms which Marshal Foch sub¬ 
mitted to the Germans on November 7. 
Germany’s delegates signed the armistice at 
five o’clock on the morning of November 
11, while Marshal Foch signed on behalf of 
the Allies. At eleven o’clock, fighting ceased 
on all fronts, and the World War was prac¬ 
tically at an end. Meanwhile, the German Emperor and Crown 
Prince had fled to Holland, while General von Ludendorff took 
refuge in Sweden, and Admiral von Tirpitz in Switzerland. 
One by one, the rulers of the various German states were forced 
to abdicate their thrones. Germany was swept by a revolu¬ 
tion directed against her military leaders. 

The armistice terms were drawn with the idea of making 
it impossible for Germany to renew the war. She agreed to 
evacuate Belgium, France, Alsace-Lorraine, and Luxemburg, 
as well as the German territory on the left bank of the Rhine. 
Allied and American troops, advancing into Germany close upon 
the rear of her retreating armies, Were to occupy the Rhine 
cities of Mayence, Coblenz, and Cologne, with the bridge¬ 
heads on the eastern side of the river. Germany was to evacu- 



Order of the Crown 
of Italy 







THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


613 


ate Russia and Rumania, and annul her shameful treaties with 
those countries. She was obliged to surrender all of her prison¬ 
ers of war without reciprocal action on the part of the Allies; 
to give up immense military stores, including 25,000 machine 
guns and 1700 aeroplanes; to surrender all of her submarines, 
together with 10 battleships, 6 cruisers, and 50 destroyers. 



© Underwood and Underwood. 

The Army of Occupation at Coblenz 

A column of American troops crossing the pontoon bridge over the Rhine 
to help enforce the conditions of the armistice. Coblenz was a favorite city 
of the Kaiser, who maintained a palace there. 


The armistice was to last for thirty days, but could be extended 
by mutual consent. 

President Wilson’s Peace Principles. Following the con¬ 
clusion of the armistice, preparations were made for a confer¬ 
ence at Paris to draw up the treaty of peace. Its terms were 
to be based upon the fourteen points named by President Wilson 
in his message to Congress; for these had been accepted by 
the Allies and by Germany as embodying the principles of a 
just peace. These points, briefly stated, were as follows: 













614 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 



© Underwood, and Underwood,. 


The Return of the Fleet 

The first ships of the navy to return after the armistice, photographed as 
they lay at anchor in the Hudson River. 


(1) Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at. 

(2) Freedom of the seas, in peace and war. 

(3) Equality of trade conditions. 

(4) Reduction of armaments. 

(5) Adjustment of colonial claims with reference to the 
wishes of the governed population. 

(6) Evacuation of all Russian territory. 

(7) Evacuation and restoration of Belgium. 

(8) Evacuation of French territory, restoration of Alsace- 
Lorraine. 

(9) Readjustment of Italy’s frontiers along lines of nation¬ 
ality. 

(10) Independence and self-government for the different 
peoples of Austria-Hungary. 

(11) Independence of Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro. 

(12) Relinquishment of Turkish control over non-Turkish 
populations. 

(13) Erection of an independent Polish state, with free and 
secure access to the sea. 

(14) A League of Nations to guarantee independence and 
territorial integrity to great and small states alike. 





THE TURNING OF THE TIDE 


615 


Our Troops Return Home. Soon after the signing of the 
armistice, the United States began to demobilize the largest 
army it had ever called into existence. Within nine months 
all of the men had been brought back to the United States, 
except oux comparatively small army of occupation. The 
home-coming of the troops was the signal for enthusiastic recep¬ 
tions and public demonstrations from one end of the country 
to the other. The honor was deserved; for our soldiers had 
fought gallantly, and had helped to win the most stupendous 
conflict of history. 

Another great welcome was that given to the Atlantic Fleet, 
which for two years had guarded the seas under Admiral Sims 
and Rear Admiral Mayo. On April 14, 1919, the fleet steamed 
in stately column into New York Harbor and up the Hudson. 
There were 104 ships, including twelve super-dreadnoughts, 
seventy destroyers, and ten submarines. This was only a 
part of the great navy which, like our army, had done its full 
part in winning the final victory for democracy. 

REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Barbusse, Henry, Under Fire. 

Clemenceau, Georges, France Facing Germany. 

Daniels, Josephus, The Navy and the Nation. 

Dorr, Rheta Childe, A Soldier’s Mother in France. 

Gibbs, Philip, The Way to Victory: II, The Repulse. 

Gompers, Samuel, American Labor and the War. 

Latane, John H., From Isolation to Leadership. 

Law, Sidney, Italy in the War. 

McM aster, John Bach, The United States in the World War. 

March, Francis A., History of the World War. 

Marcosson, Isaac F., S. 0. S. — America’s Miracle in France. 
Masefield, John, The War and The Future. 

Sims, William S., The Victory at Sea. 


616 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Bott, Alan, Cavalry of the Clouds. 

Canfield, Dorothy, Home Fires in France. 

Catlin, Brigadier General A. W., With the Help of God and A Few 
Marines. 

Gibbons, Floyd, And They Thought We Wouldn’t Fight. 

Hall, James Norman, Kitchener’s Mob. 

Hay, Ian, The First Hundred Thousand. 

Masefield, John, Gallipoli. 

Palmer, Frederick, America in France. 

Thompson, John G., and Bigwood, Inez, Winning a Cause. 
Watkins, Dwight E., and Williams, Robert E., Editors, The Forum 
of Democracy. 



© Underwood, and Underwood. 

The Terror of the Submarine 

The U. S. Destroyer Fanning , with depth bombs stored in run-ways on the 
after-deck. These can be instantly released and dropped over the stern. 




CHAPTER XLVIII 


DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 



The Peace Conference. The greatest Peace Congress in 
all history assembled at Paris on January 18, 1919. All of 
the nations which had declared war against Germany were 
represented by delegates; 
and President Wilson him¬ 
self headed the delegation 
from the United States. It 
was decided that the five 
great Powers — the United 
States, Great Britain, 

France, Italy, and Japan 
— should be represented by 
five delegates each; while 
other countries were to send 
one or two delegates, ac¬ 
cording to their importance. 

Most of the decisions of the 
Congress were made by the 
Council of Four, consisting 
of President Wilson, and 
Premiers Lloyd George of 
Great Britain, Clemenceau 
of France, and Orlando of 
Italy. Delegates from the 
other Allied nations took 
part in the conference whenever questions came up that directly 
concerned their own countries. 

On the first day of the session, Premier Clemenceau was 
unanimously elected presiding officer. Long weeks of dis- 

617 


Courtesy of Mr. Lloyd George. 

David Lloyd George 

The greatest British Premier since Wil¬ 
liam Pitt; and like Pitt, Lloyd George 
saved the empire. This fearless, outspoken 
Welshman headed the coalition cabinet 
which carried Great Britain through the 
greatest struggle of her history to victory. 






618 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 



cussion followed, during which the Congress attempted to 
reconcile conflicting national claims, and to settle on a just 
basis the difficult problems arising from the war. Above all, 
the Peace Congress aimed to accomplish three great objects: 

(1) To promote coopera¬ 
tion among nations, and to 
remove the menace of future 


wars. 

(2) To compel Germany 
to make reparation for the 
immense losses of life and 
property due to her attempt 
at military conquest. 

(3) To recognize and safe¬ 
guard the principle of nation¬ 
ality, by giving political and 
economic freedom to peoples 
that were being ruled against 
their will by other nations. 

The League of Nations. 
The Congress agreed that a 
League of Nations was nec¬ 
essary to remove the menace 
of war which for centuries 
had hung over Europe like a 
pall. The delegates shared 
the opinion of President 
Wilson, who said, “The arrangements of the present peace 
cannot stand a generation, unless they are guaranteed by the 
united forces of the civilized world. ” Accordingly, a committee 
of fifteen delegates, with President Wilson as chairman, was 
appointed to work out a plan for a League of Nations. 

President Wilson presented the revised constitution or 
covenant for the League on April 28, 1919. The preamble 
states the objects for which the League was formed, namely, 
to promote cooperation, peace, and security among nations! 
Thirty-two countries were included as original members, while 


© Underwood and Underwood. 

Georges Clemenceau 

As Premier of France, Clemenceau, 
nicknamed the “Tiger,” never faltered, 
even in her darkest hour. His magnetic 
leadership inspired his countrymen to 
make their long, heroic stand in defense 
of the liberty of France and the freedom 
of the world. 







DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 619 

thirteen others were invited to join. Germany and her allies 
were not included, but may be admitted later when they have 
learned to respect treaties and international law. The powers 
of the League are vested in an Assembly and a Council. The 
Assembly is the larger body; in it each member nation is repre¬ 
sented, and casts one vote. The Council consists of nine mem¬ 
bers, one representative from each of the five great powers,— 
the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan; 
together with four others selected from time to time by the 
Assembly. The permanent seat of the League is at Geneva, 
Switzerland. 

Rights and Duties of Members. Members of the League 
assume certain obligations toward one another, as follows: 

(1) To reduce their armies and navies as suggested by the 
Council, but only with their own consent. 

(2) To exchange full information as to military and naval 
programs. 

(3) To respect the territorial and personal independence 
of each member of the League, and to guarantee each member 
against foreign aggression. 

(4) To submit all international disputes either to arbitration, 
or to judicial inquiry by the Council of the League. If the dis¬ 
puting nations choose arbitration, a peaceful settlement fol¬ 
lows as a matter of course. If they prefer the method of 
judicial inquiry, the League has six months in which to file its 
report. The covenant stipulates that there shall be no war 
until at least three months after this report is filed, so that a 
total delay of nine months is insured before resort can be made 
to military action. 

(5) To regard a country which violates the covenant as hav¬ 
ing committed an act of war against the League. Its members 
will then break off economic and other relations with the guilty 
state, and may send troops against it. 

(6) To submit all new treaties to the Secretary General of 
the League for publication. 

By a special clause it is provided that nothing in the covenant 
shall affect the Monroe Doctrine, or similar understandings 


620 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

in the interests of peace. The former German colonies, as 
well as the subject races of the Ottoman Empire, are hereafter 
to be governed by countries appointed by the League to act as 
guardians or mandataries. This plan is intended to em¬ 
phasize the principle of responsibility in dealing with backward 
and uncivilized peoples. Members of the League also agree 
to endeavor to secure fair and humane treatment of labor in 



© Underwood and Underwood. 


Germany Learns Her Fate at Versailles 

The Peace Conference assembled in the great hall of the Trianon Palace 
Hotel at Versailles. The tables were arranged in the form of a huge horseshoe, 
with seats for the sixty-nine delegates. Premier Clemenceau as President of 
the Conference is announcing the Allied peace terms to the Germans, who are 
at the extreme left in the picture. 


all countries; to aid in suppressing the traffic in opium and 
other dangerous drugs; and to encourage and promote the 
work of the Red Cross. 

Germany Receives the Peace Terms. After nearly four 

months of discussion, the treaty of peace was completed. It 
was presented to the German delegates on May 7, 1919, — the 
fourth anniversary of the sinking of the Lusitania. The con¬ 
ference between the representatives of the Allies and the Ger¬ 
man delegates took place in the dining hall of the Trianon 







DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 621 


Palace Hotel at Versailles. Premier Clemenceau, President 
of the Peace Conference, addressed the Germans as follows: 

“ This is neither the time nor the place for superfluous 
words. You have before you the accredited representatives 
of all the small and great powers united to fight together in 
the war that has been so cruelly imposed upon them. The 
time has come when we must settle our account. 

“ You have asked for peace. We are ready to give you 
peace. We shall present to you now a book which contains 
our conditions. You will have every facility to examine these 
conditions, and the time necessary for it. You will find us 
ready to give you any explanation you want, but we must say 
at the same time that this second Treaty of Versailles has cost 
us too much not to take on our side all the necessary precautions 
and guarantees that the peace shall be a lasting one.” 

Copies of the treaty were then handed to the German envoys, 
‘who were asked whether they had anything to say. Without 
rising from his seat, their spokesman read a speech in which 
he admitted Germany’s utter defeat, but tried to disclaim her 
responsibility for the origin of the war, and for the atrocities 
she had committed during its progress. “ Crimes in war 
may not be excusable,” said he, “ but they are committed in 
the struggle for victory and in the defense of national existence, 
and passions are aroused which make the conscience of peoples 
blunt.” Such was the German excuse for plunging the world 
into a war that cost eight million lives! 

Aims of the Peace Treaty. The terms offered to Germany 
provided the basis of a just and durable peace. The treaty 
aimed to secure four great objects: first, the future peace of 
the world; second, the permanent destruction of German mili¬ 
tarism ; third, reparation for the damage wrought by Germany’s 
invading armies and by her lawless submarines; fourth, free¬ 
dom for the subject peoples held unwillingly under the German 
yoke. 

(1) Security for the world’s peace. An earnest attempt was 
made to safeguard the world’s peace by establishing a League 
of Nations, the covenant of which forms the first part of the 


622 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


treaty. France was refused the boundary of the Rhine River, 
which General Foch declared to be her only sure barrier against 
German invasion. Instead, it was agreed that the United 
States and Great Britain should pledge their aid to France .in 
case of unprovoked attack by Germany. This agreement, 
however, was not ratified by the United States Senate. 

(2) Overthrow of German militarism. The treaty drew the 
fangs from Prussian militarism. It made a safe neighbor out 
of the nation which aimed to dominate the 



world by military might, by ruthless con¬ 
quest, by the violation of treaties and in¬ 
ternational law. Germany’s vast military 
framework, built up in forty years of prep- > 
aration for world conquest, was completely 
shattered. She was required to abolish 
conscription; her army was restricted to, 
100,000 men, made up of volunteers who 
enlist for a term of twelve years; and she 
was obliged to raze all forts and military 
works within a zone thirty-one miles east 
of the Rhine, so as to make it difficult for 
her to launch new invasions toward the west. 

On the sea, Germany became powerless 
for harm. Before the war she claimed a 
naval strength second only to that of 
Great Britain. The treaty reduced her navy to six battleships, 
six cruisers, and twelve torpedo boats, with a personnel of 
25,000 men. Germany was compelled to dismantle Heligoland, 
her island fortress guarding the Kiel Canal; she had to open that 
canal to all nations, and surrender her fourteen ocean cables. 
Germany was required to sweep up the mines in the North and 
Baltic seas; she was not permitted to have submarines or war 
aircraft; and she agreed to discontinue the import, export, 
and production of practically all war materials. 

(3) Reparation. Germany accepted full responsibility for 
the damage to other countries from a war resulting, as she was 
required to admit, from her own aggression. She promised to 


The English Distin¬ 
guished Service Order 




DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 623 


pay for the vast destruction wrought by her armies in invaded 
territory, especially in Belgium and northern France. In 
the devastated area of France, 1650 communes were blotted 
out of existence, 630,000 houses were completely or partially 
destroyed, together with 21,000 factories, 5,000 miles of rail¬ 
way, 5,000 bridges, and practically all the coal mines. For 
this terrible havoc, Germany promised to pay the Allies the sum 
of $33,000,000,000 in gold. Germany has delivered bonds for 
this sum, the debt being secured by her entire 
revenues and assets. These bonds are to be 
paid in annual installments of $500,000,000, 
besides an additional annual payment equal 
to" 26 per cent of the value of Germany’s 
exports. 

The losses inflicted upon Allied shipping 
by Germany’s submarines were to be in part 
repaid by the surrender of all German mer¬ 
chant vessels of over 1600 tons, and by her 
promise to build new ships for the Allies. 

In other words, Germany was required to 
replace about 3,000,000 tons of the 14,000,- 
000 tons of shipping that she had destroyed. 

Germany agreed to help rebuild the devas¬ 
tated regions of France and Belgium. She The Be Jf ian Croix 
promised to restore the machinery, works of 
art, and other goods stolen by her invading armies, or pay for 
them in money. The coal mines of the Saar Basin became the 
property of France, as compensation for the wanton destruction 
of the mines in northern France. Allied troops were to occupy 
the German territory lying between the Rhine and the French 
and Belgian borders for a period of fifteen years ; but this occu¬ 
pation is to be reduced at the end of each five-year period, 
if Germany fulfills her obligations. 

(4) Freedom for subject peoples. In Europe, Germany gave 
up about 36,000 square miles of territory won by former con¬ 
quests, and inhabited chiefly by people who have never wished 
to be German. Thus she ceded Alsace-Lorraine to France, 







624 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

thereby righting her theft of those provinces in 1871. She 
ceded to Belgium two small districts (380 square miles) between 
Luxemburg and Holland. Poland received most of Posen and 
West Prussia, with small portions of Silesia and East Prussia. 
Danzig on the Baltic, with about 700 square miles of surround¬ 
ing territory, was taken from Germany and internationalized; 
that is, placed under the guardianship of the League of Nations, 
so as to give Poland access to the Baltic Sea. Memel, the chief 
port for Lithuania, was likewise ceded to the Allied powers. 
The Saar Basin, a small district rich in coal deposits, is to be 
under international control for fifteen years; at the end of this 
period, its inhabitants are to decide by vote between Germany 
and France. As the result of a plebiscite held in 1920, Den¬ 
mark received the northern portion of Schleswig, thus regaining 
part of her territory annexed by Germany in 1864. 

Thus Germany lost territory in Europe about equal in size 
to the state of Indiana. She became in area smaller than 
Spain; and, in addition, East Prussia is separated from the 
rest of Germany by the Polish “ corridor,” a strip of territory 
connecting Poland with the Baltic. But her most serious loss 
is that of raw materials. With the surrender of Alsace-Lor¬ 
raine, Germany lost five sevenths of her iron ore, together with 
much of her potash and coal; while the territory ceded to 
Poland deprived her of additional iron and coal deposits. 

Outside of Europe, Germany gave up all territorial rights, 
including her colonies in Africa, her islands in the Pacific 
Ocean, and Kiaochow in China, — in all, one million square 
miles of territory. Germany had made a complete failure of 
her attempt to govern colonies; for she showed toward the 
partly civilized peoples under her rule the same arrogance and 
brutality that characterized her policy throughout the World 
War. The League of Nations has general charge of the former 
German colonies, but has appointed a particular nation to 
administer each group. Great Britain and the Union of South 
Africa govern most of Germany’s former possessions in Africa. 
Japan received the islands north of the equator, besides Kiao¬ 
chow, which she has since surrendered to China. Australia 


DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 625 


governs Germany’s former islands south of the equator, except 
her Samoan islands, which went to New Zealand. 

There are several other provisions of the treaty which are 
only second in importance to those already described. Ger¬ 
many recognized the independence of Poland, of the Czecho¬ 
slovak Republic, and of the Baltic states formerly part of Russia. 
She accepted in advance whatever arrangements were made 
with her former allies, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria. 
She annulled the treaties imposed by her armies upon Russia 
and Rumania. Finally, Germany promised to surrender for 
trial her military leaders responsible for atrocities and acts 
committed in violation of the customs of war. She also agreed 
to the trial of her former emperor, a provision ineffectual be¬ 
cause of Holland’s refusal to surrender the fugitive. 

These terms, though severe, were just. The World War had 
cost the lives of eight million men, lives given in vain unless 
effective measures were taken to destroy the spirit of militarism 
which had caused the war. History records no conflict compa¬ 
rable with the World War in loss of life, in vast destruction of 
property, in enormous expenditure of money/ The close of the 
conflict found practically every nation facing its own difficult 
problems of reconstruction ; for Europe’s four years of warfare 
had all but annihilated the civilization of centuries. 

The Attitude of Germany. When the peace terms were 
published, a storm of protest and denunciation swept over 
Germany. Chancellor Scheidemann, in his speech before the 
National Assembly at Weimar, described the treaty as a dread¬ 
ful document. As a matter of fact, when Germany signed the 
armistice, she accepted the principle of full reparation. Later, 
however, some German leaders and newspapers loudly pro¬ 
claimed that it was beyond Germany’s power to make adequate 
reparation. To do this, said Scheidemann, would be to make 
an enormous jail of Germany, in which 60,000,000 persons would 
have to labor for the victors in the war. President Wilson 
was the target for venomous attacks by the German press. 
It was asserted that the President had abandoned his fourteen 
peace principles, and that Germany would never have agreed 


626 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

to the armistice had she anticipated these terms of peace. 
These hypocritical protests deceived no one outside of Ger¬ 
many. That country had accepted the armistice in order 
to avoid the greatest military collapse in history; and the 
armistice itself distinctly sets forth the principles afterwards 
carried out in the peace treaty. The discussion of the peace 



© Underwood and Underwood. 


Surrender of the German High Seas Fleet 

No navy in history ever made so ignominious a surrender. The British 
Grand Fleet, accompanied by five American battleships and three French 
cruisers, steamed from its Scottish base to accept the surrender on November 
21, 1918. The Grand Fleet was arranged in two single lines, six miles apart, 
so formed as to enable the surrendering fleet to come up between them. 


terms by the German press and public leaders showed that 
Germany was not repentant for having sinned, but only 
regretful for having failed. 

The German battleships surrendered in accordance with 
the armistice had been interned at Scapa Flow, north of Scot¬ 
land. These ships were scuttled on June 21 by the German 
crews left in charge, acting under orders from the German 




DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 627 


admiral, and in direct violation of the armistice terms. This 
act completed the infamy of the German navy. It made war on 
unarmed passenger and merchant ships, surrendered without a 
fight, and then treacherously sank the surrendered property. 

Signing the Treaty of Peace, June 28, 1919. Germany 
submitted her counter-proposals on May 29. She objected 
to nearly all of the terms proposed, refused all cessions of 
territory, asked immediate admission to the League of Nations, 
and demanded that the Allies evacuate German territory within 
four months after signing the treaty. After some interchange 
of notes, Germany was informed that the terms must be accepted 
within a given time; meanwhile Marshal Foch was instructed to 
hold his armies ready to advance. Under these circumstances, 
the German National Assembly voted to accept the treaty. 
The ceremony of signing took place at Versailles on June 28, 
1919. An unusual feature on this occasion was the presence, 
within the space reserved for the high officials of the conference, 
of forty-five enlisted men from the French, British, and Amer¬ 
ican armies. This was in recognition of the fact that it was the 
enlisted men of the world’s democracies who were the real arti¬ 
sans of the new world order. 

The Treaty with Austria. While the Germans were debating 
their peace terms, the Peace Conference received the Austrian 
delegates at St. Germain (June 2, 1919). They represented 
the Republic of Austria; for the old Austro-Hungarian empire 
had ceased to exist. With the defeat of the Austrian armies in 
Italy, the empire itself broke into fragments. Hungary pro¬ 
claimed its independence; the Poles in Galicia joined with their 
brethren in Russia; the Czechs of Austria united with the 
Slovaks of Hungary to form a new republic; the Slovenes and 
Croats joined with the Serbs toward the south; Italy took 
over her coveted lands along the Adriatic coast; and Rumania 
occupied Transylvania, an Austrian province peopled chiefly 
by Rumanians. 

Thus the Austro-Hungarian empire had already broken up 
into several independent states; and the treaty of St. Ger¬ 
main required Austria to recognize and accept this situation. 


628 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


Before the World War, the Germans of Austria and the Mag¬ 
yars of Hungary combined to rule an empire of 260,000 square 
miles, with a population of 50,000,000. To-day Austria has a 
territory of approximately 25,000 square miles, with 7,500,000 
people; while Hungary has about the same area and population. 

The Bolshevist Tyranny in Russia. On coming into power 
in Russia, the Bolsheviki, or extreme Socialists, inaugurated a 
rule of violence and bloodshed. They abolished even the most 
primitive forms of justice, and thousands 
of persons suspected of being unfriendly to 
Bolshevism were shot or hanged without 
the semblance of a trial. Every news¬ 
paper which did not favor the cause was 
suppressed; the right of holding public 
meetings was abolished; and the Constit¬ 
uent Assembly, an anti-Bolshevist body 
elected by the Russian people, was forcibly 
dissolved. 

The Bolsheviki would not fight against 
the Germans, to whom they had surren¬ 
dered one third of Russia's territory; but 
they were ready to fight and plunder their 
own countrymen. The most savage blows 
were aimed at the educated classes, at the 
men who had accumulated property, or 
who were managing industries. The Bolsheviki seized all the 
mills, stores, and factories throughout Russia, without any 
compensation to the owners; so that private enterprise was 
everywhere .destroyed. Having removed from industry its 
intelligent directing force, as represented by the owners and 
managers, the Bolsheviki themselves undertook to operate the 
factories, aided by committees of workmen. 

It was soon found that factories operated by committees 
could not pay expenses. In the metal trades, in the linen, 
woolen, and cotton mills, and in the coal mines, production 
shrank more than 50 per cent. As a result of unemployment 
and disease, the population of Petrograd decreased from 2,125,' 



The United States 
Distinguished Service 
Cross 







DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 629 


000 to, 650,000. Throughout the country as a whole, conditions 
were almost as bad. Hundreds of thousands of lives were lost 
from starvation and disease, so that in the end the Bolshevist 
tyranny cost Russia more lives than the war itself. Thus the 
silly economic theories of the Bolsheviki brought ruin on the 
workmen and peasants, as well as on the wealthier classes. 
To-day Russia is facing national bankruptcy, the only sure 
source of income being the government printing presses, which 
have flooded the country with worthless paper money. 

The Effort to Give Russia Majority Rule. Not all of Russia 
was cowed by the Red Terror. Siberia, the Don region, and 
the Caucasus declared their independence, and fought for it. 
British and French marines were landed at Murmansk and 
Archangel to aid these independent Russians, and to prevent 
the Bolsheviki from seizing immense military stores belonging 
to the Allies. A joint force of Japanese, British, French, and 
Americans afterwards occupied Vladivostok, the eastern termi¬ 
nal of the Siberian railroad. In a campaign to clear the country 
of Bolshevist troops, this force advanced for many miles along 
the line of the railroad. It was aided by a force of Czecho¬ 
slovaks, soldiers who had surrendered to the Russians in order 
to escape further service in the Austrian armies. But the 
Allied troops in Russia were too many for peace, and too few 
for war. They were gradually withdrawn, since it was recog¬ 
nized that Russia must work out her own salvation. 

Attempts to Spread Bolshevism. Not the least among the 
crimes of the Bolshevist leaders was their attempt to undermine 
the governments of other countries, so as to bring on a uni¬ 
versal revolution. To accomplish this, they relied upon bomb 
outrages, the destruction of factories and material, and the 
stirring up everywhere of class hatred. Lenine succeeded in 
introducing Bolshevism into Hungary, but he failed in Switzer¬ 
land owing to the energetic action of the Swiss government. 
An attempt was also made to undermine our own government 
by the spread of Bolshevist doctrines in the United States. 
But the American Federation of Labor dealt a severe blow to 
these agitators when its national convention voted against 


630 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


the proposed general strike, and against other revolutionary 
schemes. American labor realizes what the Bolsheviki fail 
to appreciate, — that the same blow which destroys capital, 
destroys trade and industry as well. Bolshevist doctrines will 
never become popular in the United States. Our government is 
founded on the will of the majority, as embodied in the consti¬ 
tution and the laws. Bolshevism stands for the tyranny of the 
few, and relies for its existence upon bloodshed and violence. 

Results of the War. The consequences of the World War 
are many and far-reaching; they may determine the course of 
our own history, as well as that of Europe, for ages to come. 
Some of these consequences are apparent to-day, while others 
will only be revealed with the lapse of years. One of the out¬ 
standing results was the tremendous loss of life and property. 
The World War cost the lives of 7,485,000 soldiers. Of this 
number the Allies lost 4,735,000, while the death toll of the 
Central Powers was 2,750,000. The total number of wounded 
exceeded 18,000,000, about one third of whom were almost 
totally disabled. The United States lost 50,000 men killed in 
battle, while 206,000 were wounded, and 57,000 died from 
disease. 

The money cost of the war is estimated at $336,000,000,000. 
Of this sum, $186,000,000,000 represents direct outlay in war 
expenditures; while the indirect cost in diminished trade and 
financial disturbance is estimated at $150,000,000,000. The 
war cost the United States about $24,000,000,000, or enough 
to pay all the expenditures of our national government from 
1791 to the present day. In addition to this outlay, the 
United States loaned to the Allies about $10,000,000,000. 

International Law and Morality Vindicated. The principle 
of guilt and reparation for any nation starting an unprovoked 
war was established. It is settled that no nation, however 
strong, may tear up treaties, throttle international law, wage an 
inhuman war of conquest, and then go unpunished. Another 
immediate result of the war was the creation of the League of 
Nations, which may prove an important factor in securing inter¬ 
national peace and cooperation. 



iTornea 


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Moscow® 


V Memel 


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< EAST 
PRUSSIA 


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ENGLISH CHANNEL 




Lemberg 


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Ionian 


Adana 


Sicily 


Malta 


Scale of Miles 
0 100 200 300 


'CYPRUS 


Europe after 
The World War 






























































DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 631 


A New Map of Europe. The new independent countries 
now appearing on the map of Europe were formerly held in 
subjection by stronger states. Their freedom was the direct 
result of democracy’s triumph in the World War, which for 
them was a war of liberation. Among these new states are: 

(1) Poland, one of the oldest countries of Europe, which 
many years ago was partitioned among Austria, Russia, and 
Prussia, and so disappeared from the map. Its people have 
always longed for freedom. The new Polish Republic includes 
a considerable part of Poland’s ancient territory, and with Dan¬ 
zig under international control, has an outlet on the Baltic Sea. 

(2) The Czecho-Slovak Republic includes the territory of the 
Czechs, Slovaks, and Moravians, Slavic peoples formerly under 
the rule of Austria-Hungary. 

(3) Jugo-Slavia, or the new South-Slav kingdom, includes 
Serbia and Montenegro, together with Bosnia, Herzegovina, 
and other districts ceded by Austria-Hungary. 

(4) The Ukraine, or southwestern part of old Russia. The 
loss of this region was a severe blow to Russia, for it comprises 
nearly 300,000 square miles of fertile territory, with a popula¬ 
tion of 40,000,000. The people of the Ukraine refused to accept 
the Bolshevist tyranny; they set up their own government, 
and succeeded in maintaining their independence. 

(5) Finland, Esthonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, countries 
on the Baltic Sea which formerly were part of Russia. These 
states declared their independence of Bolshevist Russia, and 
have since been recognized as independent powers. As a re¬ 
sult, Russia is now almost entirely cut off from access to the 
Baltic Sea. 

(6) The new Italy. The boundaries of Italy are extended 
to include the lands peopled largely by Italians, but formerly 
held by Austria-Hungary. Italy entered the war in order to 
liberate the Italians in Trentino, Istria, and Dalmatia. The 
Peace Conference awarded part of these districts to her, but 
reserved for Jugo-Slavia certain areas peopled chiefly by Slavs. 
The war has given Italy her natural frontiers, the Alps, which 
from the time of the Romans have served as a barrier against 


632 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


Germanic invasion. Italy dominates the Adriatic Sea, on the 
eastern shore of which she gained Istria with the important port 
of Trieste, and the district of Zara. Fiume was organized as an 
independent state as the result of a treaty between Italy and 
Jugo-Slavia. 

(7) The Ottoman Empire, like that of Austria and Russia, 
was shattered as a result of the war. Except for Constanti¬ 
nople and a small surrounding area, Turkey lost all of her 
territory in Europe. The “ Zone of the Straits ” was placed 
under the guardianship of the Allies, so that the Dardanelles, 
the Sea of Marmora, and the Bosporus are open to all vessels. 
Turkey ceded Smyrna and Thrace to Greece; France received 
the mandate for Syria, Great Britain the mandate for Pales¬ 
tine and Mesopotamia; the Hedjaz became an independent 
Arab state; and finally, Turkey recognized the French protec¬ 
torate over Tunis and Morocco, and the Italian rule over 
Tripoli; and she renounced all claim to Egypt and Cyprus. 

Closer Relations with the World’s Democracies. It was not 
only to protect our own democracy, but also to secure the right 
of self-government for all peoples, that the United States en¬ 
tered the war. Like Crusaders of old, America’s men went 
forth to take their part in the world struggle of democracy and 
right against militarism and evil. The victory was not an 
American victory; it was a world victory, in which our county 
gave great and probably indispensable aid in a supreme crisis. 
But the victory could never have been won without the gal¬ 
lant armies of our allies, which fought the long stern fight for 
four years. The sacrifices made in common by the democracies 
of the world have brought them into closer relationship than 
ever before. We have learned that the people of Great Britain, 
France, and Italy are inspired by the same ideals as those of 
our own great Republic. We can never go back to our old 
policy of indifference toward European affairs; and in fact, 
we renounced our policy of isolation twenty years ago, when 
Dewey’s guns sank the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. We are 
interested in the future welfare of every country in Europe, 
and especially in its democracies. 


DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 633 

Some of the German newspapers and public leaders have openly 
announced that Germany signed the treaty under compulsion, 
and that she will regard it as only a scrap of paper. Thus the 
war has not wholly changed Germany’s attitude toward her 
international obligations, for in 1914 she held her solemn treaty 
concerning Belgium as only another scrap of paper. Hence the 
outstanding lesson of the war is, that the United States must 
cooperate as closely as possible with France, Great Britain, and 
Italy. The decisions of the peace treaty will prove of value 
only in so far as they are upheld by the powers which won the 
victor}^ and dictated the peace. 

Three great powers of the world are to-day the guarantors 
that democracy shall not again be assailed by military 
hordes bent on conquest. This is the reason why the United 
States and Great Britain were asked to promise their assistance 
if France should be again wantonly attacked by Germany. 
For, unless the German people show a different spirit, France 
must continue to hold the gate of the world’s civilization, just 
as she did by her heroic defense at the Marne. Germany will 
pause long before repeating her attack if she knows that back 
of the heroic French poilus, the first line of defense, stand the 
English tommies and the American doughboys. 

Closer Relations between the Two Americas. The World 
War linked the two Americas in friendship and trade more 
closely than years of peace had ever accomplished. Our de¬ 
termined stand for the right of smaller nations to govern them¬ 
selves had its effect on Latin-America. As a result, much of the 
old distrust and jealousy toward the United States disappeared. 
Of the twenty independent republics in Latin-America, thirteen 
sided with the United States and the Allies, either by severing 
diplomatic relations with Germany, or by declaring war. The 
others remained officially neutral, but with the possible excep¬ 
tion of Mexico, none of them could be regarded as unfriendly. 

Before the war, millions of dollars’ w T orth of trade that should 
have been carried on between the two Americas went to Europe. 
In 1914 our trade with Latin-America was $750,000,000; 
three years later it was $1,750,000,000, an increase of one bil- 


634 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


lion dollars. This gain was made with limited shipping facili¬ 
ties, and with the imperious demand for supplies in Europe; 
so that with peace restored, the trade with our southern neigh¬ 
bors should continue to grow. This means that the people of 
the United States must pay more attention to Latin-America, 
to the study of its language, customs, and institutions. We 
should continue and extend our credit and banking institutions 
in South America, expand our passenger and freight facilities, 



© Underwood and Underwood 


The Type of Navy Airplane to Make the First Trans-Oceanic 
Flight, May, 1919 

The N-C 1 being moored to a buoy in Trepassy Bay, Newfoundland. Her 
sister-ship, the N-C 4, with Lieutenant-Commander A. C. Read in command, 
started on May 16, 1919, reached the Azores May 18, and with numerous de¬ 
lays, finally landed at Plymouth, England, May 31. 

and neglect no opportunity to cultivate the friendship and good 
will of our neighbors. 

A Clearer Conception of Our National Problems. The war 

showed us some of our national problems in a new, clear light. 
Americanization of a host of aliens within our borders, re¬ 
striction of immigration, lessening of unemployment, intelli¬ 
gent dealing with discontent which might turn to something 
worse, stern repression of anarchists and others seeking to 
undermine our institutions — these were some of the problems 
of the new reconstruction period. Fortunately, our task of 






DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 635 


reconstruction did not involve the rebuilding of immense 
devastated areas, as in France and Belgium. But it did 
mean the problem of restoring more than two million men to 
industrial life, so that they should be assured of productive 
employment. It meant, too, the reeducating, at national 
expense, of those who had received some injury unfitting them 
for their previous occupations. 

Opposition to the League of Nations. On his return from 
Europe, President Wilson laid the Treaty of Versailles before 



Modern Dayton-Wright Airplane 


the United States Senate (July 10, 1919). It soon became 
evident that the Senate would not ratify the treaty unless 
several important reservations were included. It was argued 
that Article X of the League of Nations covenant might involve 
the United States in foreign war, even against the will of our 
own people. Many senators insisted upon a clear and definite 
statement that certain matters of national policy were not to 
be in any way subject to the decision of the League of Nations. 
For example, they demanded that the United States should 





636 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


have the sole and exclusive right to interpret the Monroe Doc¬ 
trine, and should reserve to itself the decision of all domestic 
and political questions, including immigration and the tariff. 
Finally, the awarding of Shantung to Japan instead of to China, 


its rightful owner, was condemned 



© Harris and Ewing 


Warren G. Harding 

President Harding’s boyhood was spent 
on his father’s farm in Ohio. He adopted 
journalism as his profession, and became 
editor and proprietor of the Marion Daily 
Star. After serving two terms in the Ohio 
legislature, he was elected lieutenant-gov¬ 
ernor. 

In 1914 he was chosen to represent Ohio 
in the United States Senate. He was 
elected President in 1920 by the largest 
plurality of the popular vote ever given to 
a presidential candidate. 

President Harding’s life affords another 
illustration of what may be accomplished in 
our democracy by a comparatively poor boy. 

dential election of 1920 as the bes 


as an act of injustice. 

For four months a bitter 
fight was waged in the Senate 
over the question of ratifica¬ 
tion. Senator Lodge of Mas¬ 
sachusetts, supported by a 
majority of the Republi¬ 
can senators, demanded 
the addition of fourteen 
reservations to the treaty; 
while President Wilson and 
the Democratic senators 
refused to accept any ma¬ 
terial changes. “ Practically 
every so-called reservation,” 
said President Wilson, “ is in 
effect a rather sweeping nul¬ 
lification of the terms of the 
treaty itself.” The contest 
ended November 19, 1919, 
when the Senate voted 
against ratification; and a 
second vote in March, 1920, 
resulted in the final rejection 
of the treaty. Apparently 
the deadlock between Presi¬ 
dent Wilson and the Repub¬ 
lican senators could not be 
broken; and both parties 
looked forward to the presi- 
means of deciding the issue. 


Presidential Election of 1920. The Republican national 
convention met at Chicago in June, 1920, and on the tenth 




DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 637 


ballot nominated Warren G. Harding of Ohio for President, 
and Calvin S. Coolidge of Massachusetts for Vice-President. 
The Democrats chose for their standard-bearers James M. Cox 
of Ohio, and Franklin S. Roosevelt of New l r ork. The adoption 
or rejection of the League of Nations was the chief issue of the 
campaign; and the election on November 2, 1920, resulted 
in an overwhelming victory for the Republican candidates. 
Harding and Coolidge received a plurality of nearly 7,000,000 
votes, while the electoral vote was 404 to 127 in their favor. 
The Republicans also had a majority in both houses of Con¬ 
gress ; so that the voters had registered their decision against 
having the United States join the League of Nations. 

Special Session of Congress. President Harding summoned 
the Sixty-seventh Congress to meet in special session April 11, 
1921, and on the following da}^, read his message to the as¬ 
sembled members. He urged the adoption of a budget system 
for our national finances, and recommended the reorganization 
of the numerous federal departments and bureaus. The Presi¬ 
dent declared that while the United States would not join the 
League of Nations, his administration would favor some plan of 
international cooperation for the purpose of aiding Europe, 
and for the prevention of future wars. During its special 
session, Congress took action on several important matters. A 
national budget system was adopted, making it the President’s 
duty to present to Congress, at the opening of the session, the 
estimates of the appropriations necessary for each department. 
Up to this time, appropriation bills had been prepared by vari¬ 
ous Congressional committees after a series of hearings. This 
method encouraged each Congressman to try to secure some 
special appropriation, popularly called “ pork,” for his own 
district. The budget plan was intended to abolish the “ pork- 
barrel,” and to place responsibility for recommending appro¬ 
priations upon the executive branch of the government. Con¬ 
gress also authorized the appointment of a special committee 
to devise a plan for reorganizing the federal departments and 
bureaus, so as to avoid duplication of work and secure a more 
efficient and business-like administration. 


638 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


An important immigration law was passed in May, 1921. 
This measure limits the number of immigrants coming to the 
United States in any one year. During this period, no foreign 
country is permitted to send a number of immigrants larger 
than three per cent of the number of people of that nationality 
already in the United States. The result of this measure is 
to restrict our annual immigration to about 355,000 persons, 
as compared with an annual average of 1,000,000 immigrants 
during the decade 1905-1914. 

Our Country on a Peace Basis. The Adjutant General re¬ 
ported in 1919 that during the year preceding, 3,422,000 officers 
and men of our great army had been demobilized. The Sixty- 
seventh Congress reduced the size of our regular army to 150,000 
men, a smaller force than that before the World War. Owing to 
the Senate’s failure to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, we were 
still in a technical sense at war with Germany, although all 
hostilities had ceased with the armistice (November 11, 1918). 
In order to give official recognition to the fact that the war was 
over, Congress passed a peace resolution in June, 1921. This 
resolution, which was promptly signed by President Harding, 
declared that our state of war with Germany and Austria- 
Hungary was at an end. Our railroads, which on account of 
the war had been operated under government control for about 
two years, were returned to their owners on March 1, 1920. 

The Disarmament Conference at Washington. The out¬ 
standing event of President Harding’s administration was his 
proposal for an international conference to meet in Washington 
beginning November 11, 1921. The object of this conference 
was to devise practical plans for the reduction of military and 
naval armaments, also to discuss the problems of the Pacific 
and the Far East. Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan 
accepted the President’s invitation to participate in the confer¬ 
ence; while China, Belgium, Holland, and Portugal were 
asked to send delegates to take part in the discussion of Far 
Eastern questions. 

Limitation of Naval Armaments. The conference began 
its sessions on November 12, 1921, in the hall of the Daughters 



639 


© Underwood and Underwood I 

International Conference at Washington, D. C., for Discussion of Limitation of Armaments 

and Pacific and Far Eastern Questions 

















640 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


of the American Revolution at Washington. Our Secretary 
of State, Charles E. Hughes, was chosen permanent chairman. 
In his opening speech Secretary Hughes outlined the program 
favored by the United States for the limitation of naval arma¬ 
ments. This program was accepted by the conference, and its 
principles were embodied in the Five-Power Naval Limitation 
Treaty. Under its terms the United States, Great Britain, Japan, 
France, and Italy agreed to abandon their shipbuilding pro¬ 
grams, also to make further reductions in their naval strength 
by scrapping many older battleships. Until the year 1936, 
these powers agreed that their strength in battleships should 
be in approximately the following ratio: the United States 5, 
Great Britain 5, Japan 3, France 1.75, Italy 1.75. Expressed 
in other words, the treaty limits the five navies to the follow T - 
ing tonnage in capital ships: the United States and Great 
Britain, each 525,000 tons; Japan, 315,000 tons; France and 
Italy, each 175,000 tons. The treaty further limits the size of 
any new warships to not over 35,000 tons; and it fixes the 
maximum tonnage of aircraft carriers assigned to each of the 
several powers. 

Prohibition of Inhuman Agencies of Warfare. The British 

delegates to the conference made a strong plea for the complete 
abolition of the submarine, but this proposal was not accepted. 
However, the conference adopted the resolutions introduced by 
Elihu Root, re-affirming the principles of international law regu¬ 
lating the search and seizure of neutral ships by belligerent 
vessels. Another resolution declared that it was practically 
impossible to use submarines as commerce destroyers without 
violating the rules of international law for the protection of 
the lives of neutrals. Hence the five powers agreed that as 
between themselves the use of submarines should be prohibited, 
and that other nations should be invited to adhere to this 
policy. Another resolution forbade the use of asphyxiating or 
poisonous gas or similar devices in warfare, a prohibition which 
had been previously made in treaties signed by most of the 
civilized powers. 

The Open-door Treaty for China. Another great achieve- 


DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 641 


ment of the conference was 
the settlement of several 
perplexing problems con¬ 
cerning China and affairs in 
the Pacific. The questions 
relating to China were set¬ 
tled by the “ Open-Door 
Treaty,” approved at the fi¬ 
nal session of the conference. 
Each of the nine powers 
represented promised to re¬ 
spect the independence and 
territorial integrity of China ; 
also to accept the principle 
that all nations were to have 
equal commercial rights and 
privileges in Chinese terri- 



© Underwood and Underwood 

Elihu Root 


tory, and that none were to 
have special spheres of influ¬ 
ence or exclusive opportuni¬ 
ties. Both Great Britain and 
France announced that they 
would return to China those 
portions of her territory that 


As Secretary of War from 1899 to 1904, 
Root’s record was one of achievement. 
He was responsible for the creation of the 
General Staff and for the founding of the 
War College ; and he administered affairs 
in Cuba and the Philippines with marked 
ability. In 1905 he re-entered President 
Roosevelt’s Cabinet as Secretary of State 
and accomplished many important results, 
including the reorganization of the Con¬ 


sular Service. Root was awarded the 
Nobel Peace Prize in 1912 in recognition 
of his services in Cuba and the Philip¬ 
pines, and in adjusting disputes between 
the United States and Japan. In 1921 he 
was appointed by President Harding as 
one of our delegates to the Washington 
Disarmament Conference. 


had been leased to them. 

By a separate treaty with 
China, Japan agreed to re¬ 
store the territory of Kiao- 
chow, formerly leased to 
Germany by China, together 

with the railway in Shantung which Japan had taken from the 
Germans during the World War. 

The Four-Power Pacific Treaty. An important step toward 
securing permanent peace in the Pacific was the adoption of 
the Four-Power Treaty between the United States, Great 
Britain, France, and Japan. This agreement pledges the four 
powers to respect each other’s insular possessions in the Pacific ; 



642 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 

also to accept mediation in case a dispute over these possessions 
occurs between any of the powers signing the treaty; and to 
take concerted action if their rights in these island areas are 
threatened by an outside power. Upon ratification of this 
treaty, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was automatically ter¬ 
minated. Japan made a separate agreement with the United 
States concerning the island of Yap, which had been granted to 
Japan by the treat}^ of Versailles. Japan assured to the United 
States free access to the island for the operation of our Yap- 
Guam cable, as well as for the operation of radio-telegraphic 
service. 

The Ideal of International Peace. The epoch-making con¬ 
ference at Washington came to a close on February 6, 1922, 
and the treaties framed during its sessions are to be ratified 
by the governments concerned, including the United States. 
The spirit which animated the conference and which inspired 
the delegates was expressed by one of them in the following 
way: — “We make the experiment here of trying to assure 
peace by trusting ... to the good faith of the nations 
responsible for it. The world has just passed through a war 
the very memory of which makes us shudder. We all believe 
deep in our hearts that this hideous destruction of life, this 
suffering and ruin which still beset us, must not be permitted 
to come again if we can prevent it. If the nations of the earth 
are still in the innermost recesses of their consciousness plan¬ 
ning or dreaming of coming wars and longing for conquests, no 
treaties of partition and no alliance can stay them; but if, as 
I firmly hope, the world has learned a frightful lesson from the 
awful experiences of the great war of 1914, then our surest ap¬ 
peal in order to prevent wars in the future must be to the hearts, 
the sympathies, the reason, and the higher impulses of man¬ 
kind.” 

Our Country’s Position and Responsibilities. Our country 
emerged from the World War stronger in productive power than 
ever before, the chief reservoir both of the world’s wealth and 
of the world’s raw materials. Before the war, the United 
States owed Europe about $5,000,000,000, part of which repre- 



643 


Hulett Unloaders taking Iron Ore from Lake Steamers 

The bucket leg extending over the vessel dumps the ore into a car, which in turn empties it into railroad 
cars or places it in stock piles. In the blast furnaces the iron ore is converted into pig iron, much of which 
is afterwards made into steel in the rolling mills. In the iron and steel industry, the United States leads 
the world. 
















644 THE UNITED STATES AS A WORLD POWER 


sented European capital invested in American securities. To¬ 
day we are a creditor nation; Europe owes us $11,000,000,000, 
and most of the gold supply of the world is on this side of the 
Atlantic. Our annual exports have increased from $2,500,000,- 
000 in 1913, to $6,516,000,000 in 1921; and our imports have 
doubled in the same period. Moreover, this enormous foreign 
trade is being carried chiefly in American vessels. Germany 
ordered our merchant ships off the seas; but the outcome of 
her order has been to restore the American flag to its 
rightful place on the ocean. As a result of the shipbuilding 
program made necessary by the war, the United States has 
again become one of the great carrying nations of the world. 

The possession of these vast resources means that our eco¬ 
nomic possibilities are almost unlimited. Not only the peace, 
but also the happiness and prosperity of the world, are to-day 
chiefly in the keeping of the United States and the British Em¬ 
pire. Together we have the ownership and responsibility for 
most of the vital necessities of the modern world, — wheat, 
meat, cotton, coal, iron, and copper. Not only for its material 
needs, but for moral leadership as well, war-worn Europe is 
turning to the United States. It is for us to meet our new re¬ 
sponsibilities in such a way as to realize the greatest helpfulness 
to a world which is facing a long and difficult period of recon¬ 
struction. 


DEMOCRACY’S VICTORY AND ITS MEANING 645 


REFERENCES FOR TEACHERS 

Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 
vol. LXXXIV, no. 173 : International Reconstruction. 

Beck, James M., The Evidence in the Case. 

Beer, G. L., The English-Speaking Peoples. 

Cheradame, Andre, The Pan-German Plot Unmasked. 

Gibson, Hugh, A Journal from Our Legation in Belgium. 

Lauzanne, Stephan^, Great Men and Great Days. 

Lawrence, T. J., The Society of Nations; Its Past, Present and Possi¬ 
ble Future. 

Lloyd-George, David, The Great Crusade. 

Repington, Lt. Col. Charles, After the War. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, The Great Adventure. 

Ross, E. A., Russia in Upheaval. 

Scherer, James A. B., The Nation at War. 

Scott, James Brown, A Survey of International Relations Between 
the United States and Germany, August 1, 191^-April 6, 1917. 
Stoddard, Lothrop, and Frank, Glenn, Stakes of the War. 
Strother, French, Fighting Germany's Spies. 

Tardieu, Andre, The Truth About the Treaty. 

REFERENCES FOR PUPILS 

Benezet, L. P., The Young People's History of the World War. 
Dawson, Coningsby, Carry On. 

Egan, Eleanor Franklin, The War in the Cradle of the World. 
Hankey, Donald, A Student in Arms. 

Hough, Emerson, The Web. 

Lauder, Harry, A Minstrel in France. 

O’Brien, Patrick, Outwitting the Hun. 

Paine, Ralph D., The Fighting Fleets. 

Wright, Peter, At the Supreme War Council. 





APPENDIX 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

(Agreed to, July 4, 1776) 

In Congress, July 4, 1776 

THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF 

AMERICA 

in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one 
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with 
another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate 
and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God 
entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that 
they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. — 
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, 
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, 
that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. — That 
to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving 
their just powers from the consent of the governed. — That whenever 
any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right 
of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, 
laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such 
form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. 
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should 
not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experi¬ 
ence hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils 
are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which 
they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, 
pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them 
under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off 
such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. 
— Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is 
now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems 
of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a 
history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object 
the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove 

I 


11 


DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 


this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.—He has refused his 
Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. 

— He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and press¬ 
ing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should 
be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend 
to them. — He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of 
large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of 
Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formi¬ 
dable to tyrants only. — He has called together legislative bodies at places 
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public 
Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his 
measures. — He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for op¬ 
posing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. — He 
has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be 
elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have 
returned to the People at large for their exercises; the State remaining in 
the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and 
convulsions within. — He has endeavoured to prevent the population 
of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization 
of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, 
and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. — He has ob¬ 
structed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for 
establishing Judiciary powers. ■— He has made Judges dependent on his 
Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment 
of their salaries. — He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent 
hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance. 

— He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the 
Consent of our legislatures. — He has affected to render the Military 
independent of and superior to the Civil power. — He has combined with 
others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and 
unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended 
Legislation : — For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : — 
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders 
which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: — For 
cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: — For imposing Taxes 
on us without our Consent: — For depriving us in many cases, of the bene¬ 
fits of Trial by Jury: — For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for 
pretended offences: — For abolishing the free System of English Laws 
in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary govern¬ 
ment, and enlarging its Boundaries, so as to render it at once an example 


DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 


111 

and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colo¬ 
nies: — For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, 
and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: — For sus¬ 
pending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with 
power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. — He has abdicated Gov¬ 
ernment here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against 
us. — He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, 
and destroyed the Lives of our people. — He is at this time transporting 
large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, deso¬ 
lation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy 
scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the 
Head of a civilized nation. — He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken 
Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become 
the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their 
Hands. — He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has 
endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless 
Indian Savages, whose known rule, of warfare, is an undistinguished de¬ 
struction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these Oppres¬ 
sions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our re¬ 
peated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, 
whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is 
unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have We been wanting in at¬ 
tentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to 
time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdic¬ 
tion over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emi¬ 
gration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice 
and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common 
kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably inter¬ 
rupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to 
the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce 
in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we 
hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. — 

21{Me, therefore, the Representatives of the Stmteti States of America, 
in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of 
the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by 
Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and 
declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, JFree 
anh Untiepentient States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the 
British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the 
gtate of Great Britain, is.and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as 


IV 


DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 


Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude 
Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts 
and Things which Independent States may of right do. — And for the sup¬ 
port of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine 
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and 
our sacred Honor. 

JOHN HANCOCK. 

[Signatures of representatives of the thirteen States, affixed under date 

of August 2, 17*76.] 


NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
Josiah Bartlett, 

William Whipple, 
Matthew Thornton. 
MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 
Samuel Adams, 

John Adams, 

Robert Treat Paine, 
Elbridge Gerry. 

RHODE ISLAND. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
William Ellery. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger Sherman, 

Samuel Huntington, 
William Williams, 

Oliver Wolcott. 

NEW YORK. 

William Floyd, 

Philip Livingston, 
Francis Lewis, 

Lewis Morris. 

NEW JERSEY. 

Richard Stockton, 

John Witherspoon, 
Francis Hopkinson, 

John Hart, 

Abram Clark. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert Morris, 

Benjamin Rush, 

Benjamin Franklin, 

John Morton, 

George Clymer, 

James Smith, 


George Taylor, 

James Wilson, 

George Ross. 

DELAWARE. 

C/esar Rodney, 

George Read, 

Thomas M’Kean. 

MARYLAND. 

Samuel Chase, 

William Paca, 

Thomas Stone, 

Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. 

VIRGINIA. 

George Wythe, 

Richard Henry Lee, 

Thomas Jefferson, 

Benjamin Harrison, 

Thomas Nelson, Jun., 

Francis Lightfoot Lee, 

Carter Braxton. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

William Hooper, 

Joseph Hewes, 

John Penn. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Edward Rutledge, 

Thomas Heyward, Jun., 

Thomas Lynch, Jun., 

Arthur Middleton. 

GEORGIA. 

Button Gwinnett, 

Lyman Hall, 

George Walton. 


THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES V 


(After the ratification of the Constitution by New Hampshire and Vir¬ 
ginia, the following announcement appeared in the Pennsylvania Packet 
of July 14, 1788.) 

“SHIP NEWS — EXTRA” 

“Arrived safe in port, the ship ‘Federal Constitution,’ Perpetual Union, 
commander. In her came passengers, Flourishing Commerce, Public 
Faith, Confidence, Justice 


THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 

Preamble 

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect 
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com¬ 
mon defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of 
liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this consti¬ 
tution for the United States of America. 

Article I. Legislative Department 
Section I. Congress in General 

All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the 
United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representa¬ 
tives. 


Section II. House of Representatives 

1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen 
every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in 
each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most 
numerous branch of the State legislature. 

2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to 
the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United 
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in 
which he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the 
several States which may be included within this Union, according to their 
respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole 
number of the free persons, including those bound to service for a term 


vi THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. 
The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first 
meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent 
term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number 
of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each 
State shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumeration 
shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose 
three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, 
Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Dela¬ 
ware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina 
five, and Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the 
executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other 
officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

Section III. Senate 

1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators 
from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each 
Senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the 
first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. 
The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration 
of the second year; and of the second class, at the expiration of the 
fourth year, of the third class, at the expiration of the sixth year, so 
that one third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies hap¬ 
pen by resignation or otherwise during the recess of the legislature of any 
State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the 
next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age 
of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who 
shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall 
be chosen. 

4. The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the 
Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro 
tempore in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise 
the office of President of the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When 
sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the 


THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES vii 


President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: 
and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds 
of the members present. 

7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to 
removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of 
honor, trust, or profit under the United States; but the party convicted 
shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, 
and punishment, according to law. 

Section IV. Both Houses 

1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and 
Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; 
but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, 
except as to the places of choosing Senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such 
meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law 
appoint a different day. 

Section V. The Houses Separately 

1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifi¬ 
cations of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a 
quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to 
day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, 
in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house may provide. 

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its 
members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, 
expel a member. 

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to 
time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment re¬ 
quire secrecy, and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any 
question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the 
journal. 

4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the con¬ 
sent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place 
than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Section VI. Privileges and Disabilities of Members 

1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for 
their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out of the treasury of the 


viii THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


United States. They shall, in all cases except treason, felony, and breach 
of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session 
of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same; 
and for any speech or debate in either house they shall not be questioned in 
any other place. 

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was 
elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United 
States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have 
been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under 
the United States shall be a member of either house during his continuance 
in office. 


Section VII. Mode of Passing Laws 

1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representa¬ 
tives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other 
bills. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and 
the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of 
the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return 
it, with his objections, to that house in which it shall have originated, who 
shall enter the objections at large on their journal and proceed to recon¬ 
sider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds of that house shall agree 
to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other 
house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two 
thirds of that house it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes 
of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the 
persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of 
each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President 
within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to 
him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless 
the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall 
not be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a 
question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United 
States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, 
or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate 
and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations pre¬ 
scribed in the case of a bill. 


THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES ix 


Section VIII. Powers granted to Congress 

The Congress shall have power: 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the 
debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the 
United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform through¬ 
out the United States; 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States; 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several 
States, and with the Indian tribes; 

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on 
the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States; 

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and 
fix the standard of weights and measures; 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and 
current coin of the United States; 

7. To establish post offices and post roads; 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for 
limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective 
writings and discoveries; 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court; 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high 
seas and offenses against the law of nations; 

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make 
rules concerning captures on land and water; 

12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that 
use shall be for a longer term than two years; 

13. To provide and maintain a navy; 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and 
naval forces; 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the 
Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions; 

16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and 
for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the 
United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the 
officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline 
prescribed by Congress; 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such 
district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular 
States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government 


X THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased 
by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, 
for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful 
buildings; and 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying 
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this 
constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department 
or officer thereof. 

Section IX. Powers denied to the United States 

1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States 
now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the 
Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a 
tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars 
for each person. 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, 
unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require 
it. 

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 

4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion 
to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or rev¬ 
enue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound 
to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of 
appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the 
receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time 
to time. 

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no 
person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the 
consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, 
of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. 

Section X. Powers denied to the States 

1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; 
grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; 
make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass 
any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of 
contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 


THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


XI 


2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts 
or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and im¬ 
posts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the 
treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the 
revision and control of the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any duty 
of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agree¬ 
ment or compact with another State or with a foreign power, or engage in 
war, unless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not admit 
of delay. 


Article II. Executive Department 
Section I. President and Vice President 

1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United 
States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, 
and together with the Vice President, chosen for the same term, be elected 
as follows: 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof 
may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators 
and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress; 
but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or 
profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 

3. [The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot 
for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted 
for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and cer¬ 
tify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, 
directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, 
in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the 
certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the 
greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a major¬ 
ity of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than 
one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the 
House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them 
for President; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest 
on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the President. But 
in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the representa¬ 
tion from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall con- 


xii THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


sist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority 
of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the 
choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes 
of the electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two 
or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot 
the Vice President.] 1 

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors and the 
day on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be the same 
throughout the United States. 

5. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United 
States at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligible 
to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office 
who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been four¬ 
teen years a resident within the United States. 

6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, 
resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, 
the same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by 
law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both 
of the President and Vice President, declaring what officer shall then act 
as President, and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be 
removed or a President shall be elected. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a com¬ 
pensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the 
period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive 
within that period any other emolument from the United States or any 
of them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office he shall take the follow¬ 
ing oath or affirmation: 

“I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office 
of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, 
protect, and defend the constitution of the United States.” 

Section II. Powers of the President 

1. The President shall be commander in chief of the army and navy 
of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called 
into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, 
in writing, of the principal officer in each of the* executive departments, 
upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he 

1 This clause of the constitution has been superseded by the twelfth amend¬ 
ment. 


THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES xiil 


shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the 
United States, except in cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present con¬ 
cur; and he shall nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, 
judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, 
whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall 
be established by law; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment 
of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the 
courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

3. The President shall have power to fill tip all vacancies that may hap¬ 
pen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall 
expire at the end of their next session. 

Section III. Duties of the President 

He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state 
of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he 
shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, 
convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between 
them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to 
such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other 
public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, 
and shall commission all the officers of the United States. 

Section IV. Impeachment 

The President, Vice President, and all civil officers of the United States 
shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, 
bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

Article III. Judicial Department 
Section I. United States Courts 

The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme 
Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time 
ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, 
shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, 
receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished 
during their continuance in office. 


xiv THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


Section II. Jurisdiction of the United States Courts 

1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising 
under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, 
or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting am¬ 
bassadors, other public ministers, and consuls; to all cases of admiralty 
and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States 
shall be a party; to controversies between two or more States; between a 
State and citizens of another State; between citizens of different States; 
between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different 
States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, 
citizens, or subjects. 1 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, 
and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have 
original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme 
Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such 
exceptions, and under such regulations, as the Congress shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by 
jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall 
have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial 
shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. 

Section III. Treason 

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war 
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two 
witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, 
but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture 
except during the life of the person attainted. 

Article IV. — The States and the Federal Government 
Section I. State Records 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, 
records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress 
may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and 
proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

1 This clause has been amended. See Amendments, Article xi. 


THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES XV 


Section II. Privileges of Citizens, etc. 

1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and im¬ 
munities’ of citizens in the several States. 

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, 
who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand 
of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up 
to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, 
escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation 
therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up 
on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. 1 

Section III. New States and Territories 

1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but 
no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States or 
parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the States con¬ 
cerned as well as of the Congress. 

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules 
and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the 
United States; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to 
prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular State. 

Section IV. Guarantees to the States 

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republi¬ 
can form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, 
and on application of the legislature, or of the Executive (when the legis¬ 
lature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 

Article V. Power of Amendment 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it neces¬ 
sary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or, on the application 
of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a conven¬ 
tion for proposing amendments, which in either case shall be valid to all 
intents and purposes as part of this constitution, when ratified by the 
legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three 
fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be pro- 
iThis clause has been nullified by Amendment xiii, which abolishes slavery. 


xvi THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


posed by the Congress, provided that no amendment which may be made 
prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner 
affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; 
and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suf¬ 
frage in the Senate. 


Article VI. Public Debt, Supremacy of the Constitution, Oath 
of Office, Religious Test 

1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adop¬ 
tion of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under 
this constitution as under the Confederation. 

2. This constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be 
made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, 
under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the 
land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the 
constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members 
of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers both 
of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or 
affirmation to support this constitution; but no religious test shall ever be 
required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United 
States. 


Article VII. Ratification of the Constitution 

The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for 
the establishment of this constitution between the States so ratifying the 
same. 

Done in convention by the unanimous consent of the States present, 
the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord, one thou¬ 
sand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of 
the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof, we 
have hereunto subscribed our names. 

George Washington, President, and Deputy from Virginia. 

New Hampshire — John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. 

Massachusetts — Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King. 

Connecticut — William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman. 

New York — Alexander Hamilton. 


AMENDMENTS 


XVII 


New Jersey — William Livingston, David Brearley, William Paterson, 
Jonathan Dayton. 

Pennsylvania — Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, 
George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, 
Gouverneur Morris. 

Delaware — George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickinson, 
Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. 

Maryland — James McHenry, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel 
Carroll. 

Virginia — John Blair, James Madison, Jr. 

North Carolina — William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh 
Williamson. 

South Carolina — John Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles 
Pinckney, Pierce Butler. 

Georgia — William Few, Abraham Baldwin. 

Attest: William Jackson, Secretary. 

AMENDMENTS 1 
Article I 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or 
prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech 
or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to 
petition the government for a redress of grievances. 

Article II 

A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, 
the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

Article III 

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without 
the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be pre¬ 
scribed by law. 

Article IV 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and 
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, and 
no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or 

1 The first ten amendments were proposed by Congress, September 25, 1789, 
and declared in force December 15, 1791. 


xviii THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the 
persons or things to be seized. 

Article V 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous 
crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in eases 
arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service 
in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same 
offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled 
in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property 
be taken for public use without just compensation. 

Article VI 

In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the 
crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously 
ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accu¬ 
sation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compul¬ 
sory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance 
of counsel for his defense. 


Article VII 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed 
twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact 
tried by a jury shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the United 
States, than according to the rules of the common law. 

Article VIII 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor 
cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

Article IX 

The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights shall not be con¬ 
strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

Article X 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or 
to the people. 


AMENDMENTS 


XIX 


Article XI 1 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend 
to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the 
United States, by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any 
foreign state. 

Article XII 2 

1. The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot 
for President and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an 
inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their 
ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person 
voted for as Vice President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons 
voted for as President and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of 
the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and 
transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed 
to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certifi¬ 
cates and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest 
number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a 
majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have 
such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not 
exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of 
Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But 
in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the representa¬ 
tion from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall 
consist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a 
majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House 
of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice 
shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, 
then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or 
other constitutional disability of the President. 

2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice President shall 
be the Vice President, if such number be a majority of the whole number 
of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then from the two 
highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice President; a 
quorum for the purpose shall consist of two thirds of the whole number of 
Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 

1 Proposed by Congress March 5, 1794, and declared in force January 8, 1798. 

2 Proposed by Congress December 12, 1803, and declared In force September 
25, 1804, 


XX THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President 
shall be eligible to that of Vice President of the United States. 


Article XIII 1 

1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment 
for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist 
within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legis¬ 
lation. 


Article XIV 2 

1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to 
the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State 
wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall 
abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor 
shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal 
protection of the laws. 

2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States accord¬ 
ing to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in 
each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at 
any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of 
the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial 
officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to 
any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, 
and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged,, except for parti¬ 
cipation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein 
shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens 
shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in 
such State. 

3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elec¬ 
tor of President and Vice President, or hold any office, civil or military, 
under the United States or under any State, who, having previously taken 
an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or 
as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer 
of any State, to support the constitution of the United States, shall have 

1 Proposed by Congress February 1, 1865, and declared in force December 18, 
1865. 

8 Proposed by Congress June 16, 1866, and declared in force July 28, 1868. 


AMENDMENTS 


XXI 


engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or com¬ 
fort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two thirds 
of each house, remove such disability. 

4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by 
law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for ser¬ 
vices in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But 
neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or 
obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United 
States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such 
debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. 

5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, 
the provisions of this article. 


Article XV 1 

1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied 
or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, 
or previous condition of servitude. 

2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate 
legislation. 


Article XVI 2 

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from 
whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several States, 
and without regard to any census or enumeration. 

Article XVII 3 ' 

1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators 
from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years; and each 
Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State shall have the 
qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the 
State legislatures. 

2. When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the 
Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue writs of election 
to fill such vacancies : Provided, that the legislature of any State may em- 

1 Proposed by Congress February 26, 1869, and declared in force March 30, 
1870. 

2 Proposed by Congress July 12, 1909, and declared in force February 25, 
U ^Proposed by Congress June 12, 1912, and declared in force April 8, 1913. 


xxii THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 


power the executive thereof to make temporary appointments until the 
people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature may direct. 

3. This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the election 
or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Com 
stitution. 


Article XVIII 1 

1. After one year from the ratification of this article the manufacture, 
sale or transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importation 
thereof into or the exportation thereof from the United States and all 
territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof for beverage purposes is hereby 
prohibited. 

2. The Congress and the several States shall have concurrent power to 
enforce this article by appropriate legislation. 

3. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as 
an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of the several States 
as provided in the Constitution within seven years from the date of sub¬ 
mission hereof to the States by the Congress. 

Article XIX 2 

1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be 
denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account ol 
sex. 

2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate 
legislation. 

1 Proposed by Congress December 17, 1917, and declared by the State De¬ 
partment on January 29, 1919, to be in force on and after January 16, 1920. 

2 Proposed by Congress June 4, 1919, and declared in force August 26, 1920. 


LINCOLN’S GETTYSBURG SPEECH 


Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth 
upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedi¬ 
cated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now 
we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, 
or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. 
We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come 
to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for 
those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It 
is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But 
in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we 
cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, 
who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power 
to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remem¬ 
ber, what we say here; but it can never forget what they 
did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here 
to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus 
far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated 
to the great task remaining before us ; that from these honored 
dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they 
gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly re¬ 
solve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this na¬ 
tion, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that 
government of the people, by the people, and for the people, 
shall not perish from the earth. 


XXI11 


XXIV 


THE STATES OF THE UNION 


ORDER AND DATE OF ADMISSION INTO UNION, AREA, POPULATION, AND 

ELECTORAL VOTE 


State 

Order 

Admitted 

UNDER 

Constitu¬ 

tion 

Admitted 
into Union 

Area 

Square 

Miles 

Population 

Elec¬ 

toral 

Vote 

1910 

1920 

Alabama 

22 

1819 

51,998 

2,138,093 

2,348,174 

12 

Arizona .... 

48 

1912 

113,956 

204,354 

334,162 

3 

Arkansas 

25 

1836 

53,335 

1,574,449 

1,752,204 

9 

California . 

31 

1850 

158,297 

2,377,549 

3,426,861 

13 

Colorado . . . 

38 

1875 

103,948 

799,024 

939,629 

6 

Connecticut 

5 

1788 

4,965 

1,114,756 

1,380,631 

7 

Delaware 

1 

1787 

2,370 

202,322 

223,003 

3 

Florida .... 

27 

1845 

58,666 

752,619 

968,470 

6 

Georgia .... 

4 

1788 

59,265 

2,609,121 

2,895,832 

14 

Idaho .... 

43 

1890 

83,888 

325,594 

431,866 

4 

Illinois .... 

21 

1818 

56,665 

5,638,591 

6,485,280 

29 

Indiana .... 

19 

1816 

36,354 

2,700,876 

2,930,390 

15 

Iowa « 

29 

1846 

56,147 

2,224,771 

2,404,021 

13 

Kansas .... 

34 

1861 

82,158 

1,690,949 

1,769,257 

10 

Kentucky . . . 

15 

1791 

40,598 

2,289,905 

2,416,630 

13 

Louisiana 

18 

1812 

48,506 

1,656,388 

1,798,509 

10 

Maine .... 

23 

1820 

33,040 

742,371 

768,014 

6 

Maryland . 

7 

1788 

12,327 

1,295,346 

1,449,661 

8 

Massachusetts . 

6 

1788 

8,266 

3,366,416 

3,852,356 

18 

Michigan 

26 

1837 

57,980 

2,810,173 

3,668,412 

15 

Minnesota . . . 

32 

1858 

84,682 

2,075,708 

2,387,125 

12 

Mississippi . . . 

20 

1817 

46,865 

1,797,114 

1,790,618 

10 

Missouri .... 

24 

1821 

69,420 

3,293,335 

3,404,055 

18 

Montana 

41 

1889 

146,997 

376,053 

548,889 

4 

Nebraska . . 

37 

1867 

77,520 

1,192,214 

1,296.372 

8 

Nevada .... 

36 

1864 

110,690 

81,875 

77,407 

3 

New Hampshire . 

9 

1788 

9,341 

430,572 

443,083 

4 

New Jersey. 

3 

1787 

8,224 

2,537,167 

3,155,900 

14 

New Mexico 

47 

1912 

122,634 

327,301 

360,350 

3 

New York . . 

11 

1788 

49,204 

9,113,614 

10,385,227 

45 

North Carolina 

12 . 

1789 

52,426 

2,206,287 

2,559,123 

12 

North Dakota . . 

39 

1889 

70,837 

577,056 

646,872 

5 

Ohio. 

17 

1802 

41,040 

4,767,121 

5,759,394 

24 

Oklahoma . 

46 

1907 

70,057 

1,657,155 

2,028,283 

10 

Oregon .... 

33 

1859 

96,699 

672,765 

783,389 

5 

Pennsylvania . 

2 

1787 

45,126 

7,665,111 

8,720,017 

38 

Rhode Island . 

13 

1790 

1,248 

542,610 

604,397 

5 

South Carolina 

8 

1788 

30,989 

1,515,400 

1,683,724 

9 

South Dakota . 

40 

1889 

77,615 

583,888 

636,547 

5 

Tennessee . . . 

16 

1796 

42,022 

2,184,789 

2,337,885 

12 

Texas .... 

28 

1845 

265,896 

3,896,542 

4,663,228 

20 

Utah . . . . ' . 

45 

1894 

84,990 

373,351 

449,396 

4 

Vermont 

14 

1791 

9,564 

355,956 

352,428 

4 

Virginia .... 

10 

1788 

42,627 

2,061,612 

2,309,187 

12 

Washington 

42 

1889 

69,127 

1,141,990 

1,356,621 

7 

West Virginia . 

35 

1863 

24,170 

1,221,119 

1,463,701 

8 

Wisconsin . 

30 

1848 

56,066 

2,333,860 

2,632,067 

13 

Wyoming 

44 

1890 

97,914 

145,965 

194,402 

3 

Total . 



3,026,719 

91,641,197 

105,273,049 

531 






























THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE PRESIDENTS 


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This is not the Republican party which came into power in 1861. 









































INDEX 


(Including a pronouncing vocabulary for the more unfamiliar foreign names, 
especially those in relation to the World War.) 


Abolition, movement for, 347-348; 
right of petition, 348. See Emanci¬ 
pation. 

Acadia, 33, 39, 59, 111; removal of 
the Acadians, 119. 

Adams, Charles Francis, minister to 
Great Britain, 426, 427, 482. 

Adams, John, revolutionary leader, 
160, 168, 173; first Vice President, 
230-231; President, 249-254. 

Adams, John Quincy, 308, 310, 313; 
President, 322-324; upholds right 
of petition, 348. 

Adams, Samuel, revolutionary leader, 
153, 154, 158, 160, 170. 

Africa, 1, 7, 8, 27. 

Agassiz (ag'a se), Louis, naturalist, 345. 

Agriculture, in the colonies, 129-130; 
agricultural colleges, 343; progress 
in, before Civil War, 405; in the 
West, 491; Commissioner of, 491; 
in the South, 497-498 ; recent prog¬ 
ress in, 554-555. 

Aguinaldo (a ge nal'do), Filipino leader, 
533. 

Aircraft, invention of, 560; aircraft 
production in World War, 583-584. 

Aisne (an), 601. 

Alabama, 22, 294, 296, 303, 306, 399, 
406. 

Alabama Claims, arbitration of, 482. 

Alamo (a'la mo), the, 353-354. 

Alaska, discovery of, 109; purchased, 
481; railway in, 539; discovery of 
gold in, 542; boundary question 
settled, 543-544. 

Albany, 40, 117, 182, 318, 319. 

Albany Congress, 117. 

Albany Plan of Union, 117. 

Aldrich, Thomas Bailey, author, 568. 

Algiers, preys on American commerce, 
262-263. 

Algonquin Indians, 34-35, 48. 

Alien and Sedition Laws, 251-252. 


Allegheny Mountains, 43-45. 

Allen, Ethan, captures Ticonderoga, 
169. 

Allen, James Lane, author, 568. 

Allenby, General, 611. 

Alsace-Lorraine QU-sas'16-ran'). 569, 
571, 612, 614, 623. 

Amendments, constitutional, how 
made, 227; Twelfth amendment, 
255 ; Thirteenth, 462; Fourteenth, 
462, 468, 469 ; Fifteenth, 472 ; Six¬ 
teenth, 549; Seventeenth, 549; 
Eighteenth, 549; Nineteenth, 549. 

America, origin of name, 17; native 
inhabitants, 13. See North Amer¬ 
ica, South America. 

American Federation of Labor, 505, 
629. 

Americus Vespucius. See Vespucius, 
Americus. 

Amiens (am'i 8nz), drive toward, 599- 
600. 

Anarchists, in Chicago, 508. 

Anderson, Maj. Robert, surrenders 
Fort Sumter, 419. 

Andre (an'dra), Maj. John, British 
spy, 196. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, governor of New 
England, 93-94, 102. 

Annapolis Convention, 219. 

Antietam (an te'tam), battle of, 445. 

Appalachian Mountains, 43-45. 

Appomattox Court House, Lee surren¬ 
ders at, 440, 453-454. 

Arbitration, of Alabama claims, 482; 
in South American affairs, 483-484; 
of Behring Sea dispute, 485; of 
Newfoundland fisheries question, 
543 ; of Alaskan boundary, 543-544 ; 
The Hague Court, 543; arbitration 
of labor disputes, 509, 542-543. 

Ardennes, 608. 

Argonne-Meuse (merz) offensive, 608- 
609. 


xxvi 




INDEX 


xxvii 


Arizona, 48, 367, 496, 549. 

Arkansas, 420, 435. 

Arkwright, Sir Richard, 288. 

Armada (ar ma'da), Spanish, 28. 

Armament, production of, in World 
War, 581-584. 

Armistice, terms of, 612-613. 

Army, the Revolutionary, 168 ; in War 
of 1812, 271-274, 275, 276,. 279-281; 
in Mexican War, 362-368; in Civil 
War, 420, 441, 458; in World War, 
578-580, 602-610, 615. 

Arnold, Gen. Benedict, attacks Quebec, 
169, 200 ; treason of, 195-196. 

Arthur, Chester A., becomes President, 
512, 513. 

Articles of Confederation. See Con¬ 
federation, Articles of. 

Asia, 1, 4-6, 17. 

Assembly, the colonial, 62, 63, 129. 

Assumption of state debts, 236-237. 

Astoria, established, 357. 

Asylums, insane, 341 ; deaf and dumb, 
342. 

Atlanta (Ga.), 437-440, 461, 499. 

Atlantic cable, 558. 

Atlantic Ocean, 1, 2. 

Audubon, John James, naturalist, 345. 

Australian ballot, adoption of, in 
United States, 546. 

Austria, 4, 573, 611, 614, 625, 627. 

Aztecs, the, 21-22, 46. 

Bacon’s Rebellion, 66. 

Bahama Islands, discovered by Co¬ 
lumbus, 12; occupied by the English, 
109. 

Baker, Newton D., 600. 

Balboa (bal bo'a), discovers Pacific 
Ocean, 17. 

Ballot reform, 546. 

Baltimore, 72, 177, 279-280, 320-321, 
355, 395, 403, 408, 445, 447. 

Baltimore, Lord. See Calvert. 

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 321. 

Bancroft, George, historian, 346, 349. 

Banks, First Bank of the United States, 
237, 239; Jackson’s attack on the 
Second Bank, 333-334 ; State banks, 
334-336; National Banking Act of 
1863, 459-460; Federal Reserve Act, 
523. 

Baptists, 139. 

Barbados (bar ba'd5z), occupied by 
the English, 72, 109. 


Barbary pirates, War witfi, 262-263. 
Barre, Col. Isaac, 144, 151. 

Barry, John, 172. 

Barton, Clara, 590. 

Bates, Edward, 418. 

Bay Psalm Book, 140. 

Beauregard, Gen. P. C. T., Confeder¬ 
ate commander, 423, 432. 

Beecher, Henry Ward, 346. 

Behring Sea, arbitration of fisheries 
dispute, 485. 

Belgium, 571, 573, 609, 610, 612, 614. 
Bell, Alexander, inventor, 558. 

Bell, John, presidential candidate, 398. 
Belleau Wood (bSl lo'), 595, 603-604. 
Bellecourt (bel coor'), 610. 

Bennington, battle of, 181. 

Berkeley, Sir John, proprietor of New 
Jersey, 102-103. 

Berkeley, Sir William, governor of 
Virginia, 65, 66, 141. 

Bernstorff, Count von, 576. 
Birmingham (Ala.), 499. 

Birney, James G., 348. 

Bismarck, 569. , 

Bladensburg, battle of, 279. 

Blaine, James G., 516. 

Blair, Francis P., 429. 

Blair, Montgomery, 418. 

Blockade, during the Napoleonic Wars, 
264-266; in the Civil War, 425- 
426; duringthe World War, 574-575. 
Bolsheviki, the, 596, 628-630. 
Bonaparte, Napoleon. See Napoleon I. 
Bond issues, in Civil War, 459; in 
World War, 588. 

Bon Homme Richard (bo nom re- 
shar'), 192-193. 

Bony (b5 ne'). 610. 

Boone, Daniel, explores Kentucky, 189, 
216. 

Booth, John Wilkes, assassin, 454. 
Bosnia, 631. 

Bosporus, 632. 

Boston, 86, 94, 126, 154, 155, 157, 158, 
160, 163, 164, 170, i75, 312, 321, 
342, 408, 563. 

Boston News Letter, 140. 

Bouresches (boo rSsh'), 603. 

Boxer Rebellion, 534. 

Braddock, Gen. Edward, 117—119. 
Bradford, Governor William, 83. 
Bragg, Gen. Braxton, Confederate 
commander, 433, 435, 436. 
Brandywine, battle of the, 184-185. 



INDEX 


xxviii 


Breckenridge, John C., 395. 

Brest-Litovsk (lye tofsk'), treaty of, 
596. 

British East India Company, 57. 

Brown, John, raid in Kansas, 387; 
seizes Harper’s Ferry, 394-395. 

Brown University, 140. 

Bryan, William J., 522, 536. 

Bryant, William Cullen, 326, 344. 

Buchanan, James, elected President, 
387, 390; favors slave constitution 
for Kansas, 387; attitude toward 
secession, 399-400. 

Buell, Gen. Don Carlos, Union com¬ 
mander, 431, 432, 433. 

Buena Vista, battle of, 364. 

Buffalo, 276, 317, 318, 319, 321, 540, 
558. 

Bulgaria, 573, 610-611, 625. 

Bull Run, first battle of, 424-425; 
second battle of, 444. 

Bunker Hill, battle of, 165-167; fif¬ 
tieth anniversary of, 312. 

Burgesses, House of, in Virginia, 62- 
63, 66; protests against stamp tax, 
*149-150. 

Burgoyne, Gen. John, surrenders to 
Americans, 180-182. 

Burke, Edmund, sides with colonists, 
144, 152, 162. 

Burnside, Gen. Ambrose E., Union 
commander, 446, 460. 

Burr, Aaron, Vice President, 254-255; 
conspiracy of, 262. 

Butler, Gen. Benjamin F., 434. 

Cabinet, creation of, 226; Washing¬ 
ton’s, 235; Lincoln’s, 417-418. 

Cable, Atlantic, 558. 

Cable, George W., author, 568. 

Cabot, John, explores coast of North 
America, 15, 32. 

Calhoun, John C., supports war against 
Great Britain, 271; Vice President, 
329 ; opposes tariff of abominations, 
329-330 ; champion of slavery, 355 ; 
last speech, 376. 

California, 47, 356-357, 362-368, 372- 
376, 403, 407, 410, 488, 549. 

Calvert, Cecil, second Lord Baltimore, 
founds Maryland, 69. 

Calvert, George, Lord Baltimore, 69. 

Cambrai (kam bra'). 610. 

Cambridge (Mass.), 87, 168. 

Camden, battle of, 199. 


Camden, Lord, sides with colonists, 
144, 161-162. 

Canada, first settlements in, 32-36; 
conquest of, by the British, 111-124 ; 
invasion of, in War of 1812, 273- 
276; agreement for naval disarma¬ 
ment with, 285-286; boundary 
disputes with, 352-353, 543-544; 
formation of . the Dominion, 525 ; 
fisheries question, 543. 

Canal, the Erie, 318-319 ; other canals, 
319-320; the Isthmian, 536-538. 

Canning, George, 308. 

Capital, combinations of, 501-505; 
employers’ associations, 506; wel¬ 
fare work of employers, 506-507. 

Capital, national, location of, 237, 256; 
captured by British, 280-281. See 
Washington, city of. 

Caporetto (ka po ret'td), 612. 

Carpetbaggers, the, 469; carpetbag 
governments, 470-472. 

Carroll, Charles, 321. 

Carteret, Philip, first governor of 
New Jersey, 102. 

Carteret, Sir George, proprietor of 
New Jersey, 102. 

Cartier, Jacques, discovers St. Law¬ 
rence River, 32-33. 

Cartwright, Dr. Edward, 288. 

Cass, Lewis, presidential candidate, 
371. 

Cathay. See China. 

Catholics, 139. 

Cavaliers, in Virginia, 64. 

Centennial Exposition, 558. 

Cervera, Admiral Pascual, Spanish 
commander, 529-530. 

Champlain, Samuel de, founds Quebec, 
33; explorations, 34-36; attacks 
Iroquois Indians, 35. 

Chancellorsville, battle of, 446-447. 

Channel ports, drive toward, 600-601. 

Charles I, King of England, 64, 85, 

88 . 

Charles II, King of England, 65, 71, 
93, 104, 105. 

Charleston (S.C.), 72, 74, 155-157, 
197-198, 200, 247, 395. 

Charter Colonies. See Connecticut, 
Rhode Island, Massachusetts Bay 
Colony. 

Charters granted, to London and 
Plymouth Companies, 58-59; to 
Lord Baltimore, 69-71, to Carolina 



INDEX 


xxix 


proprietors, 72; to Massachusetts 
Bay Company, 85-86; to New 
Jersey proprietors, 102 ; to William 
Penn, 105. 

Chase, Salmon P., 377, 385-386, 417. 

Chateau-Thierry (sha to'-tl e'ry), 595, 
602, 605. 

Chatham, Lord. See Pitt, William. 

Chattanooga (Tenn.), 436-437, 439. 

Chesapeake , the Leopard fires on, 265. 

Chesapeake Bay, 15, 29, 60, 69, 184, 
201-203, 279. 

Chicago, 395, 397, 508, 509, 540, 563. 

Chickamauga, battle of, 435-436. 

Chile, dispute with United States, 483, 
484. 

China, early trade with, 4-6, 248; 
Marco Polo in, 6; first treaty with 
United States, 367 ; Boxer uprising 
in, 534; open-door policy in, 534; 
Japan’s rights in, 545, 624; “ Open- 
Door Treaty,” 640. 

Chinese, exclusion of, 514. 

Chippewa, battle of, 277. 

Choate, Rufus, 381. 

Church of England, origin, 78-79. 

Churches. See Religion. 

Cincinnati, 215, 317, 319, 378, 408, 
433. 

Cities, colonial, 126; recent growth, 
562; problems of, 562, 563; com¬ 
mission government in, 564; city 
manager plan, 564. 

Civil Rights Act of 1866, 467-468. 

Civil Service Reform, 512-513. 

Civil War, 415-463. 

Claiborne, William, 71. 

Clark, Gen. George Rogers, conquers 
Northwest, 190-191. 

Clark, William. See Lewis and Clark 
expedition. 

Clay, Henry, Speaker of House, 270, 
271; proposes Compromise Tariff, 
333; presidential candidate, 313, 
333, 348, 355-356, 383; intro¬ 

duces bill for United States Bank, 
352; speech on Compromise of 
1850, 375-378 ; death, 383. 

Clayton Anti-Trust Law, 503. 

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 537. 

C16menceau, Georges (klay mang s5' 
zhorzh), 617, 618, 621. 

Clemens, Samuel L. (Mark Twain), 
author, 567. 

Clermont, Fulton’s steamboat, 316. 


Cleveland, Grover, President, 509, 513, 
520, 521. 

Cleveland (Ohio), 540. 

Clinton, Governor De Witt, plans Erie 
Canal, 318. 

Clinton, Sir Henry, British com¬ 
mander, 193, 195-196, 197-198. 

Coal. See Mining Industries. 

Coblenz (kS'blents), 612. 

Cold Harbor (Va.), battle of, 451. 

Colleges, colonial, 140. See University. 

Cologne, 612. 

Colombia, rejects canal treaty, 538. 

Colonies, life in, 126-141; population 
and immigration, 126-127 ; govern¬ 
ment, 129; industries, 129-131; 
labor system, 131-132; slavery 
and slave trade, 132; houses, 132- 
135; clothing, 136-137; amuse¬ 
ments and sports, 137; religious 
life, 137-139; schools and news¬ 
papers, 140; relations with Great 
Britain, 143-158; in American 
Revolution. 160-203. 

Colonization, Spanish, 20-26 ; French, 
32-39; early English efforts, 27- 
30, 109 ; Dutch, 39-40 ; Swedish, 
98. 

Colorado, 22, 262, 367, 384, 491, 548. 

Columbia River, explored by Captain 
Gray, 248, 357 ; by Lewis and Clark, 
261, 357. See Oregon. 

Columbia University, founded, 140. 

Columbus, Christopher, early life, 9; 
influenced by Toscanelli and Marco 
Polo, 9-10; Spanish aid, 10-11; 
preparation for voyage, 11; first 
voyage, 11-13; later voyages, 13- 
14 ; last days and death, 14. 

Commerce, routes to the East, 4-8; 
in colonial times, 130-131; under 
the Confederation, 217 ; compromise 
on, in Constitutional Convention, 
224; early trade with China, 248; 
growth of, after 1830, 411-412; in 
the Pacific, 248, 367, 485; regu¬ 
lation of, 503-504; recent growth 
of, 561-562. 

Commission government in cities, 564. 

Committees of Correspondence, 154- 
155. 

Common Sense, Paine’s pamphlet, 171. 

Compass, invented, 7. 

Compromise of 1850, 375-378. 

Concord, 163-164. 



XXX 


INDEX 


Confederacy, the Southern, formed, 
399 ; seizes federal property, 419 ; 
seeks foreign recognition, 422, 426- 
428. See Civil War. 

Confederation, Articles of, adopted, 
211; defects of, 212, 216-218; 

comparison with Constitution, 228- 
229. 

Confederation, New England, 91-92. 

Conference, Peace. See Peace Con¬ 
ference. 

Congregational Church, 139. 

Congress, Stamp Act, 150; First 
Continental, 160-161; Second Con¬ 
tinental, 167-168, 209; of Con¬ 
federation, 212, 216-219 ; of United 
States, 225-226. 

Connecticut, 40, 90, 91, 93, 99, 129, 
157, 158, 160, 212, 217, 230, 283. 

Conscription, during Civil War, 458; 
in the World War, 578-579. 

Conservation movement, 540-542. 

Constantinople, 6. 

Constitution , warship, 276, 277, 278. 

Constitution, the Federal, framed at 
Philadelphia, 221-229; compromises 
of, 223-225 ; sources of, 225 ; contrast 
with Articles of Confederation, 228- 
229 ; amendments, 227 ; ratification, 
229-230; first tests of, 240; two 
constructions of, 241; text, Appen¬ 
dix. See Amendments. 

Constitution, early state, 210-211. 

Constitutional Convention of 1787, 
proposed, 219 ; work of, 221-229. 

Continental currency. See. Money. 

Cooper, James Fenimore, 326, 344. 

Copperheads, the, 460-461. 

Cornwallis, Lord Charles, British 
commander, 179, 197-198, 199, 200; 
surrenders at Yorktown, 201-203. 

Coronado, explores Southwest, 22. 

Corporations, recent growth of, 501- 
505. 

Correspondence, Committees of, 154- 
155. 

Cortez, Hernando de, conquers Mexico, 
21 - 22 . 

C6tes de Florimont, Les (flo'ri mong), 
609. 

Cotton gin, invention of, 290; in¬ 
fluence on slavery, 301-302. 

Cotton industry, rise of, 290; im¬ 
proved machinery, 290-291; in the 
Southwest, 296-297; slave labor 


and, 309, 405-406; during Civil 
War, 422. 

Coucy (koo se'), 601. 

County, in South, 128; county-town- 
ship government, 300-301. 

Courts, national, 226-227, 236. 

Cowpens (S.C.), battle at, 199. 

Cox, James M., 637. 

Crawford, Francis M., author, 568. 

Crawford, W. H., presidential candi¬ 
date, 313. 

Credit Mobilier, 475. 

Creel, George, 589. 

Crisis, The, Thomas Paine’s pamphlet, 
178. 

Crittenden Compromise, 400-401. 

Croix de Guerre (krwa de gair), 610. 

Cromwell, Oliver, ruler of England, 65, 
71, 99. 

Crown Point, captured by patriots, 
169. 

Crusades, the, 2. 

Cuba, discovered by Columbus, 13; 
Spanish colony, 20, 123; revolts 
in, 525, 526; United States army in, 
530; independence of, 531, 532. 

Cumberland Road. See National 
Road. 

Currency. See Money. 

Curtis, George William, author, 568. 

Custer, Gen. George A., 493. 

Cyprus, 632. 

Czar, Russian, proposes The Hague 
Conference, 543 ; dethroned, 596. 

Czecho-Slovak Republic (check'6- 
slo'v&k), 627, 631. 

Dale, Sir Thomas, governor of Virginia, 
62. 

Dalmatia, 631. 

Dana, Richard H., author, 345. 

Danish West Indies, 481-482. 

Danzig, 624, 631. 

Dardanelles, 632. 

Dare, Virginia, 29-30. 

Darien. See Panama, Isthmus of. 

Dartmouth College, 140. 

Davis, Jefferson, youth of, 297-298; 
opposes Compromise of 1850, 377; 
in Civil War, 399, 419, 420. 

Debt, assumed by national govern¬ 
ment, 236-237; payment of (1835), 
335; created by Civil War, 459, 462 ; 
by the World War, 588, 630. See 
Bonds. 



INDEX 


XXXI 


Declaration of Independence, events 
leading to, 170-172; author of, 
173 ; adopted, 174; text, see Appen¬ 
dix. 

De Kalb, Baron Johann, 187, 199. 

Delaware, 40, 69, 108, 129, 139, 230, 
301, 369, 420, 462. 

Delaware, Lord, governor of Virginia, 
61, 62. 

De Lesseps, Ferdinand, 537. 

Demarcation, line of, 15. 

Demobilization of army, 638. 

Democracy, changes American life, 
341-348; threatened by German 
militarism, 569-593; final victory 
of, 617-645. 

Democratic party, founded by Jeffer¬ 
son, 241-242; gains control of the 
government, 254-255, 256-257; 

Jackson as leader of, 327-338; 
divides on slavery issue, 395; 
elects Cleveland, 516, 520; elects 
Wilson, 550. 

Departments, federal. See Cabinet. 

De Soto, Hernando, Spanish explorer, 
22-23. 

D’Esperey, General (da/pair a'). 611. 

Detroit, 39, 190, 191, 246, 273, 274, 
275, 305, 317, 558. 

Dewey, Admiral George, at Manila 
Bay, 528-529. 

Diaz (de'as), Bartholomew, discovers 
Cape of Good Hope, 7, 10. 

Diaz, Gen. Porfirio, President of 
Mexico, 551. 

Diaz, Gen., 612. 

Dickinson, John, 160. 

Dingley Tariff, the, 517. 

Dinwiddie, Governor, 115. 

Direct legislation, 547-548. 

Direct primary, 547. 

Disarmament Conference, 638. 

District of Columbia, 237, 348, 457. 

Divine Right theory, 79, 85. 

Dix, Dorothea, 341. 

Dix, John A., 415. 

Dobrudja (d5 brood'ja), 597. 

Domain, public creation of, 212- 
214. See Lands. 

Douglas, Stephen A., champions 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 384, 385, 

386, 387; debates with Lincoln, 
393-394 ; candidate for Presidency, 
395, 398. 

Draft. See Conscription. 


Drake, Sir Francis, attacks Spanish 
commerce, 27; world voyage of, 
27-28, 357. 

Dred Scott decision, 391-392. 

Duluth, 490. 

Duquesne, Governor, 113, 115. 

Dutch, in New Netherland, 40, 96-101; 
conquer New Sweden, 98; surrender 
New Netherland to English, 101. 

Dutch West India Company, 40, 96- 
97. 

Early, Gen. Jubal A., Confederate 
commander, 452, 453. 

Earth, early ideas about its size and 
shape, 1-2. 

Edison, Thomas A., inventor, 559. 

Education, colonial, 140-141; district 
school system, 301; development of, 
in Massachusetts and at the North, 
342; land grants for, 343; State 
universities, 343-344 ; in the South, 
499-500; present conditions, 564- 
567. 

Egypt, 632. 

Eighteenth Amendment, 549. 

El Caney, battle at, 530. 

Electoral College, 224, 226. 

Electoral Commission, 477. 

Electoral Count Act, 477. 

Electricity: for lighting and trans¬ 
portation, 558; telegraph, 558; 
telephone, 558 ; wireless, 559. 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, 26, 28, 
29, 57, 78. 

Emancipation, demand for, 456; Lin¬ 
coln’s proclamation, 457-458; 
results of, 457-458; Thirteenth 
Amendment, 462. See Abolition. 

Embargo Act, 265-267, 284, 291. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 345, 349. 

Employers’ Associations, 506-507. 

Endicott, John, 85. 

Engine, steam, invention of, 288. 

England. See Great Britain. 

Episcopal Church, 139. 

Era of Good Feeling, 305-306, 309. 

Ericson, Leif, 14-15. 

Ericsson, John, inventor, 450. 

Erie Canal, 318-319. 

Esthonia, 631. 

Europe, beginnings of American his¬ 
tory in, 1-8; during fifteenth cen¬ 
tury, 3-4; and the East, 4-5 ; the 
Holy Alliance, 307, 308; attitude 





XXX11 


INDEX 


of, during Civil War, 422, 426-427; 
during Spanish-American War, 529; 
recent World War in, 569-636. 

Evian (av yan'), 592. 

Excise tax, 240. 

Expositions: Philadelphia (Centennial, 
1876), 558; Chicago (1893), 560; 
Buffalo (1901), 536, 561; St. Louis 
(1904), 561; San Francisco (1915), 
561. 

Factory system, origin of, in England, 
289; in America, 289-292; growth 
and results of, 292, 408-409 ; factory 
laws, 505-506. 

Faneuil Hall (fan'’l), 380. 

Farm machinery, improvements in, 
405. 

Farragut, Admiral David B., in Civil 
War, 433-434. 

Federalists, urge adoption of con¬ 
stitution, 230; favor liberal con¬ 
struction, 241-242; oppose War of 
1812, 271; downfall of, 283, 312. 

Federal Reserve Act, 523. 

Federal Trade Commission, 503. 

Field, Eugene, poet, 568. 

Fifteenth Amendment, 472. 

Fillmore, Millard, President, 372, 377- 
381, 383. 

Finances: during the Revolution, 179- 
180; under the Confederation 
government, 217 ; Hamilton’s finan¬ 
cial policy, 236-237, 239; during 
the Civil War, 458-460; during the 
panic of 1893, 521; in the World 
War, 588. See Money. 

Financial panics. See Panics. 

Finland, 596, 597, 631. 

Fisheries, the, attract French sailors, 
32; in colonial times, 130; arbi¬ 
tration of dispute over, 543. 

Fiske, John, historian, 568. 

Fiume (fyoo'ma), 632. 

Five-Power Naval Limitation Treaty, 
640. 

Florida, 20-21, 22, 23, 75-76, 123, 204, 
306, 399, 476. 

Foch (fosh), General Ferdinand, 
595, 600, 606, 612, 627. 

Food supply, in World War, 586-587. 

Foote, Commodore A. H., Union com¬ 
mander, 430. 

Ford Automobile Company, 507. 

Forest reserves, 540-541. 


Fort Amsterdam, 40, 96. 

Fort Crown Point (N.Y.), 169. 

Fort Donelson (Tenn.), 430, 431. 

Fort Duquesne (Pa.), 115, 116, 117- 
119, 120-121. 

Fort Frederica (Ga.), 76. 

Fort Henry (Tenn.), 430. 

Fort Lee (N.Y.), 176. 

Fort McHenry (Baltimore), 280. 

Fort Necessity (Pa.), 115. 

Fort Niagara (N.Y.), 121, 276. 

Fort Orange (N.Y.), 40. 

Fort Pitt (Pittsburgh), 121. 

Fort Sumter (Charleston, S.C.), 399, 
400, 419. 

Fort Sutter (Cal.), 372, 373. 

Fort Ticonderoga (N.Y.), 34, 169, 181. 

Fort Washington (N.Y.), 176. 

Four-Power Pacific Treaty, 641. 

Fourteenth Amendment, 462, 468, 469. 

Fox, Charles James, sides with colonists, 
144, 174. 

Fox, George, founds the Quaker sect, 
103. 

France, early exploration and settle¬ 
ments in America, 32-39, 111; 

claims of, in North America, 39; 
at war with England, 112-124; 
aids United States in Revolution, 
183-184; revolution in, 244; con¬ 
troversy with United States, 246, 
250-251; cedes Louisiana, 258-260 ; 
attitude during Civil War, 422, 426- 
427; occupation of Mexico, 480- 
481; in the World War, 571-574, 
590-593, 597-608. 

Franco-Prussian War, 569, 570. 

Franklin, Benjamin, 116, 155, 162, 
173, 184, 221, 229. 

Frederick the Great, 183, 188. 

Fredericksburg (Va.), battle of, 445- 
446. 

Free silver, 519-522. 

Free Soil party, 372, 389. 

Free trade. See Tariff. 

Freedmen’s Bureau, 467-468. 

Fremont, John C., 364, 365, 390. 

French and Indian War, 112-124. 

Frontier, the, 496-497. See Westward 
movement. 

Fuel supply, in World War, 587. 

Fugitive Slave Law, 378, 380. 

Fulton, Robert, invents Steamboat, 316, 

Fur trade, 34, 91, 111, 113, 130, 261, 
357, 




INDEX 


XXXlll 


Gadsden Purchase, 367. 

Gag rule, in Congress, 347-348. 

Gage, Gen. Thomas, British com¬ 
mander in Revolution, 158, 163, 165. 

Gallatin, Albert, 257. 

Gama (ga'ma), Vasco da, Portuguese 
navigator, 8. 

Garfield, Harry A., 587. 

Garfield, James A., President, 512. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, 347. 

Gas, use of, in warfare, 573, 583, 
640. 

GaspSe (gas-pe'), British tea vessel, 154. 

Gates, Gen. Horatio, in Revolution, 
182, 199. 

Genet (zhe-na/), Edmond Charles, 
French minister, 245-246. 

Geneva Award, the, 482. 

Genoa, rival of Venice in eastern 
trade, 4 ; birthplace of Columbus, 9. 

George III, King of England, 144, 154, 
174, 184, 203. 

Georgia, 22, 75-76, 130, 160, 188, 196- 
197, 198, 213, 230, 294, 296, 306, 
399, 405. 

Germans, early immigration of, to 
America, 127. 

Germantown (Pa.), battle at, 184-185. 

Germany, unfriendly attitude pf, in 
Samoa, 485; at Manila Bay, 529 ; 
character of government, 569 ; plans 
of, 570-573; claims against Vene¬ 
zuela, 544 ; in the World War, 569- 
578; ruthless policies of, 573-575; 
intrigues in the United States, 576; 
in Mexico, 552; at war with United 
States, 574-575, 576-578, 595-615, 
638. 

Gettysburg, battle of, 447-449; Lin¬ 
coln’s speech at, 346. 

Ghent, Treaty of, 281. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 28-29. 

Gilder, Richard Watson, poet, 568. 

Gist, Christopher, 113, 115. 

Goethals, Colonel Geo. W., 538. 

Gold, discovered in California, 372- 
374; in Alaska, 542; mining of, 
409-410, 491; in Colorado, 491; 
gold reserve, 519; gold standard, 
522-523. 

Gompers, Samuel, labor leader, 505,586. 

Gorges (gor'jez), Sir Ferdinando, land 
grant to, 93. 

Gouraud (goo'rb), Gen., 608. 

Government, federal, 227-228. 


Grant, Gen. Ulysses S., in Civil War, 
430, 431-432, 436, 437, 439, 440, 451, 
452-454; President, 473-476, 512. 

Grasse, Count de, French admiral, 
201-203. 

Gray, Capt. Robert, 248, 357. 

Great Britain, reformation in, 78-79 ; 
voyages of Cabots, 15; becomes a 
world power, 26; attacks Spanish 
commerce, 27-28; defeats Spanish 
Armada, 28; conditions favoring 
colonization, 57-58; early settle¬ 
ments in Virginia, 57-67 ; in other 
Southern Colonies, 69-77 ; in New 
England, 78-95 ; in Middle Colonies, 
96; seizes New Netherland, 100- 
101; struggle with France for 
North America, 112-124; colonial 
policy of, 143-158; American 
revolution and, 160-207; early 
relations with United States, 218, 
246-247 ; Jay's Treaty, 247 ; search 
and impressment, 264-265 ; War of 
1812, 269-285; Oregon controversy 
with, 357-359 ; relations with, dur¬ 
ing Civil W ar, 422, 426-428; arbi¬ 
tration of Alabama claims, 482; 
arbitration of the Behring Dispute, 
485; Venezuelan boundary con¬ 
troversy, 486; Alaskan boundary 
dispute, 543-544; Newfoundland 
fisheries question, 543; claims 
against Venezuela, 544; in World 
War, 597-601; present-day relations 
with, 604-606, 609-611, 632-633. 

Greeley, Horace, 420, 476. 

Greenback party, 519. 

Greene, Gen. Nathanael, in Revolution, 
167, 178, 199-200. 

Greenland, 14, 109. 

Grenville, George, British Premier, 147, 
149, 171. 

Guam, 531. 

Guilford Court House (N.C.), battle 
at, 200. 

Gunpowder, invented, 7. 

Hague Conference, 543; The Hague 
Court, 543. 

Haig, Field Marshal Sir Douglas, 601. 

Haiti, 13, 20, 27, 109, 545. 

Hale, Edward Everett, 568. 

Hale, Captain Nathan, 174. 

Half Moon, Hudson’s ship, 39-40. 

Halleck, Gen. Henry W., 431, 432. 



XXXIV 


INDEX 


Hamilton, Alexander, 219, 221, 230, 
235, 236-237, 239, 241-242, 255. 

Hamilton, Sir Henry, 190-191. 

Hancock, Gen. Winfield ^., Union 
commander, 449; presidential 
candidate, 512. 

Hancock, John, in Revolution, 158. 

Harding, Warren, President, 636. 

Harper’s Ferry (Va.), 394-395, 445. 

Harris, Joel Chandler, author, 568. 

Harrison, Benjamin, President, 516- 
517. 

Harrison, William Henry, defeats 
Indians, 271, 274, 275; elected 
President, 338; inauguration and 
death, 351. 

Harte, Bret, author, 568. 

Hartford (Conn.), settled, 90; con¬ 
vention at, 283. 

Harvard University, founded, 140. 

Hawaii, revolution in, 485-486; 
annexed, 531, 533, 534. 

Hawkins, Sir John, English sea cap¬ 
tain, 27. 

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 345, 349. 

Hay, John, policy toward China, 534. 

Hayes, Rutherford B., President, 476, 
477, 478. 

Hayne, Robert Y., in debate with 
Webster, 330. 

Hedjas (hSj'az), 632. 

Heligoland, 622. 

Helper, Hinton R., anti-slavery author, 
412. 

Henry VIII, 26, 58, 78. 

Henry, Patrick, 63, 149-150, 161, 170, 
229. 

Herkimer, Gen. Nicholas, 181. 

Herzegovina (her'tsS go ve'na), 631. 

Hessians, in Revolution, 171, 178. 

Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, 568. 

High Schools. See Education. 

Hindenburg, General von, 610. 

Hobson, Lieut. Richmond P., 530. 

Holland. See Netherlands. 

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 340, 345. 

Holy Alliance, 307, 308. 

Homestead Act, 403, 405, 490-491. 

Hood, Gen. John B., Confederate 
commander, 438, 439. 

Hooker, Gen. Joseph, Union com¬ 
mander, 436, 437, 447. 

Hooker, Thomas, Connecticut pioneer, 
90. 

Hoover, Herbert C., 586, 587. 


House of Burgesses. See Burgesses, 
House of. 

House of Representatives, how com¬ 
posed, 225; elects President, 254- 
255, 313. See Congress. 

Houston, Gen. Sam, in Texas, 354. 

Howe, Elias, inventor, 410. 

Howe, Gen. William, British com¬ 
mander in Revolution, 166, 170, 
176, 178, 179, 184-185. 

Howells, William D., author, 568. 

Hudson, Henry, discovers Hudson 
River, 39-40. 

Hudson River, 39-40, 42, 112, 180, 
195-196, 318. 

Hudson Valley, 175, 180. 

Huerta, General, 551. 

Hughes, Charles E., presidential can¬ 
didate, 552, 640. 

Huguenots, 34, 72, 111, 127. 

Hull, Capt. Isaac, naval captain, 276. 

Hull, Gen. William, surrenders Detroit, 
273. 

Hurd, Archibald, 581. 

Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 89, 154. 

Iceland, 9, 14. 

Idaho, 359, 490, 548. 

Illinois, 215, 297, 302, 316, 391, 392, 
393, 397, 457, 549, 558. 

Immigration, 294-295, 405, 407, 513- 
515, 638. 

Impeachment, of President Johnson, 
469-470. 

Imperialism, question of, 536. 

Impressment, of American sailors, 
247, 270, 272, 281, 284. 

Income tax, 459, 517, 549, 588. 

Indented servants, 63, 131-132. 

Independence, Declaration of, 170- 
174. Text, see Appendix. 

Independent treasury, established, 
336-337. 

Independents or Separatists, origin of, 
78-79 ; migrate to Holland, 79-80. 

India, 5, 6, 7-8, 9, 13, 15. 

Indiana, 215, 297, 303, 316, 319, 457. 

Indians, naming of, 13, 45; treatment 
by Spaniards, 25-26; families and 
tribes, 48; mode of life, 46, 49-50; 
warfare, 50-51; religion, 52; char¬ 
acter, 52-53; relations with colo¬ 
nists, 54-55, 127; in Revolution, 
189; Indian wars, 92, 271, 491, 
493-494; our policy toward, 494-495. 



INDEX 


XXXV 


Indian Territory, open to settlement, 
496. 

Industrial Revolution, 287-292. 

Industry. See Manufacturing. 

Initiative, 548. 

Injunction, 509. 

Insurance, soldiers, 589. 

Internal improvements, 322-323, 539- 
540. 

Interstate Commerce Act, 504. 

Intolerable Acts, 157-158, 161. 

Inventions, in fifteenth century, 3, 7; 
in early nineteenth century, 410- 
411; recent, 559-560. 

Irish, in United States, 126, 420. 

Iron industry, establishment of, in 
Pennsylvania, 292; growth of, 
409 ; in the South, 498-499 ; recent 
development, 556. 

Iroquois Indians, 34-35, 40, 48, 96. 

Irrigation, 491, 541-542. 

Irving, Washington, 98, 326, 344. 

Isabella, Queen of Spain, aids Colum¬ 
bus, 10, 11, 13, 14. 

Island Number 10, in Civil War, 430, 
433. 

Istria, 631. 

Italy, early trade of, 4-5; dispute 
with United States, 484; claims 
against Venezuela, 544; in World 
War, 573, 611, 614, 631-632. 

Jackson, Andrew, victor at New 
Orleans, 280-281 ; campaign in 
Florida, 306; in election of 1824, 
313; elected President, 324; char¬ 
acter of, 327; inaugurates spoils 
system, 328; opposes nullification, 
331-332; war on the United States 
Bank, 333-334. 

Jackson, Gen. Thomas J. (Stonewall), 
at Bull Run, 425; campaign in 
Shenandoah Valley, 442, 444; seizes 
Harper’s Ferry, 445; killed at 
Chancellorsville, 446-447. 

Jamaica, 109. 

James, Henry, author, 568. 

James I, King of England, persecutes 
Puritans, 79-80; charters London 
Company, 58, 62; revokes Virginia 
charter, 64. 

James II, King of England, 71, 93-94, 
101 - 102 . 

James River, 42, 43. 

Jamestown, 60-67. 


Japan, visited by Perry, 367 ; relations 
with China and United States, 
545-546; in World War, 573, 624, 
636, 641, 642. 

Jaulgonne (zhol gon'), 602. 

Jay, John, 160, 230, 247. 

Jay’s Treaty, 247. 

Jefferson, Thomas, writes Declaration 
of Independence, 173; in Wash¬ 
ington’s Cabinet, 235; founds a 
political party, 237, 241-242; Vice 
President, 249 ; author of Kentucky 
Resolutions, 253; President, 254- 
255, 256—267; opinion on slavery 
dispute, 310. 

Jesuits, in Canada, 36. 

Jewett, Sarah Orne, author, 568. 

Joffre, Joseph Jacques (zhof), 599. 

Johnson, Andrew, elected Vice Presi¬ 
dent, 461; President, 465-473; im¬ 
peachment of, 469-470. 

Johnston, Gen. Albert Sidney, Con¬ 
federate commander, 431, 432. 

Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., Confederate 
commander, 423, 424, 438, 440, 441, 
444. 

Joliet, Louis, French explorer, 36-37. 

Jones, John Paul, in sea fight, 192-193. 

Jugo-Slavia (yoo'go-slav'i a), 627, 631. 

Kansas, 22, 262, 383-389, 392, 394, 
549. 

Kansas-Nebraska Act, 384-386. 

Kearny, Stephen W., 364-365. 

Kentucky, 189, 216, 247, 248, 253, 
293, 330, 398, 403, 429, 430, 431, 
433, 434, 456, 462. 

Key, Francis Scott, 280. 

Kiaochow (kee ow'chow), 624, 641. 

Kiel Canal (kel), 622. 

King Philip’s War, 92. 

King’s Mountain, battle of, 199, 216. 

Klondike, gold discoveries in, 542. 

Knights of Labor, 505. 

Knox, General Henry, 235. 

Kosciuszko (kos i us'kd), Gen., in the 
Revolution, 187. 

Ku Klux Klan, 471-472. 

Kultur (kool toor'), 572. 

Labor, in colonial times, 63-64, 131- 
132; under factory production, 
286-289; North and South com¬ 
pared, 406-408; organization of, 
505; strikes, 507-509. 



XXXVI 


INDEX 


Lafayette, Marquis de, in Revolution¬ 
ary War, 185, 187, 200-201; re¬ 
visits United States, 312. 

Lake Champlain, 34, 112, 121, 175, 
181, 273, 279. 

Lake Erie, 113, 115, 318, 319, 502. 

Lake Erie, battle of, 274-275. 

Lake George, 175. 

Lake Huron, 34. 

Lake Michigan, 36. 

Lake Ontario, 112, 180. 

Lake Superior, 502. 

Lands, public, ceded by states, 212- 
213; system of surveys, 213-214; 
speculation in, 335-336; grants for 
education, 343 ; grants to railroads, 
489; Homestead Act, 403, 405, 

490-491; forest reserves, 540-541; 
irrigation, 491, 541-542. See North¬ 
west Territory. 

Lanier, Sidney, poet, 568. 

Laon (la ong'), 610. 

La Salle, Robert, French explorer, 37. 

Latvia, 631. 

Law, common, 59. 

Lawrence, Captain James, 278. 

Laws, how made, 225-226. 

League of Nations, the, 614, 618-620, 
621, 635. 

Lecompton constitution, 387. 

Lee, Gen. Charles, in Revolution, 176- 
177, 187-188. 

Lee, Henry (Light Horse Harry), 195, 

200 . 

Lee, Richard Henry, 161, 172, 229. 

Lee, Gen. Robert E., 394; joins 
Confederacy, 421; battles, 444, 
445, 446, 447, 448, 449, 451, 452; 
surrenders at Appomattox, 453-454. 

Legal Tender Act, 459. 

Legislature, state, 209, 211, 300; 

National, see Congress. 

Lens (lanz), 610. 

Lewis and Clark, exploring expedition, 
260-261, 293, 357. 

Lexington, 163, 164, 165. 

Liberator, The, 347. 

Liberty Loans, 588. 

Liberty Motor, 584. 

Lille (lei), 610. 

Lincoln, Abraham, early life of, 297- 
298 ; speeches, 346 ; criticizes Dred 
Scott decision, 392; debates with 
Douglas, 393-394; nominated for 
President, 395, 397-398; opposes 


Crittenden Compromise, 401; first 
inaugural, 416-417 ; Cabinet, 417 ; 
calls for volunteers, 420; in Civil 
War, 442, 449, 451; Emancipation 
Proclamation, 456-458; reelection, 
461; reconstruction policy, 465; 
assassination, 454. 

Lincoln, Gen. Benjamin, surrenders 
Charleston, 198. 

Literature, American, 344-346,567-568. 

Lithuania, 631. 

Little Big Horn, battle of, 493. 

Livingston, Robert R., minister to 
France, 173. 

Lloyd George, David, 617. 

Local government, in early New 
England, 82, 87-88, 127-128; in 
Southern Colonies, 128; in Middle 
Colonies, 129 ; in the West, 300-301. 
See Cities. 

Locomotive, steam, invention of, 320. 
See Railroads. 

Lodge, Henry C., 636, 642. 

Log Cabin Campaign, the, 338. 

London Company, charter to, 58; 
establishes Jamestown colony, 60; 
forfeits charter, 64. 

Longfellow, Henry W., author, 33, 
340, 344-345. 

Long Island, battle of, 175-176. 

Longstreet, Gen. James, Confederate 
cqmmander, 436, 449. 

Lookout Mountain, battle of, 436. 

Loom, power, 288. 

Lords, House of, 161-162. 

Louis XVI, 244. 

Louisburg, 116, 119 ; capture of, 120- 

121 . 

Louisiana (state), 302, 399, 406, 

435, 476, 477. 

Louisiana, territory of, explored by La 
Salle, 37-38; ceded to Napoleon, 
257; sold to United States, 258- 
260; southwestern boundary of, 
306-307. 

Louisville, 216, 433. 

Lowell, Francis C., 291. 

Lowell, James Russell, 340, 345; 

tribute to Lincoln, 454-455. 

Loyalists, in American Revolution, 
170, 175, 188, 189, 199, 2C0, 204, 
218 ; emigration of, and results, 273. 

Ludendorff, General von, 597, 604, 612. 

Lundy’s Lane, battle of, 276. 

Lusitania, sinking of, 574-575, 620. 



INDEX 


XXXVll 


Luxemburg, 612. 

Lynn (Mass.), 558. 

Lyon, Capt. Nathaniel, 429. 

McAdoo, William G., 587. 

McClellan, Gen. George B., Union 
commander, 429, 441, 442, 444, 
445, 454, 461. 

McCormick, Cyrus H., inventor, 422. 

McCormick, Vance, 586. 

McDowell, Gen. Irvin, 424, 442, 444. 

McKinley, William, introduces tariff 
bill, 516; President, 521, 522, 

525-536; assassinated, 536. 

McMaster, John Bach, 568. 

Macdonough, Lieut. Thomas, defeats 
British, 279. 

Madison, James, early services, 221, 
223 ; President, 267, 269-285. 

Magellan, Ferdinand, world voyage of, 
18-19. 

Maine, 39, 92-93, 94, 279, 310, 342, 
343. 

Maine, battleship, 527. 

Manassas, battle of. See Bull Run. 

Manhattan, 40. 

Manila Bay, battle of, 528-529. 

Mann, Horace, 342. 

Manufacturing, forbidden in colonies, 
131; effect of Embargo and War of 
1812, 283; introduction of machin¬ 
ery, 289-292; demand for pro¬ 
tection, 283; North and South 
contrasted, 422; growth of, 409; 
in the South, 498-499; in recent 
times, 556. See Industrial Revolu¬ 
tion, Tariff. 

Marconi, Guglielmo, inventor, 559. 

Marietta (Ohio), 215. 

Marines, in World War, 603-604. 

Marion, Gen,. Francis, in Revolution, 
198. 

Marne (marn), battles of the, 602-603, 
605. 

Marquette, Father Jacques, French 
explorer, 36-37. 

Marshall, John, Chief Justice, 250, 
255 

Maryland, 69-72, 129, 130, 139, 211- 
212, 213, 218, 230, 237, 240, 292, 
316, 370, 420, 445, 456, 462. 

Mason and Dixon’s Line, 108. 

Mason, Captain John, 93. 

Mason, James M., Confederate agent, 
427. 


Massachusetts, 85, 86, 88, 99, 126, 
129, 130, 153, 157, 158, 160, 162- 

163, 165, 167, 212, 217, 230, 283, 

289, 291, 292, 301, 310, 342, 409, 

420, 558. 

Massachusetts Bay Colony, founding 
of, 85 ; early history of, 86-87. 

Massasoit, Indian chief, 83. 

Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, 480. 

Mayence (ml ons'), 612. 

Mayflower, voyage of, 81. 

Mayo, Rear Admiral, 615. 

Meade, Gen. George Gordon, Union 
commander, 448, 449. 

Mediterranean Sea, 2, 4, 6. 

Memel (ma'm&l), 625. 

Menendez, Pedro, Spanish explorer. 23. 

Merchant marine, condition of, 411- 
412, 584-585, 644. 

Merrimac, duel with Monitor, 449-451. 

Mesopotamia, 632. 

Metz, 603. 

Mexico, City of, 24. 

Mexico, conquest of, 21-22; part of 
New Spain, 23 ; wins independence, 
307; loses Texas, 353-356; at war 
with United States, 362-368; the 
French in, 480-481; recent events 
in, 550-552. 

M6zi&res (ma ze air'), 608. 

Michigan, 36, 215, 273, 275, 389. 

Middle Colonies, the, 129. See New 
York, New Jersey, Delaware, Penn¬ 
sylvania. 

Miles, Gen. Nelson A., 530. 

Militarism, in Germany, leads to 
World War, 569-574; safeguards 
against, 622-627. 

Milwaukee (Wis.), 540. 

Mining industries, 372-373, 409-410, 
491, 542. 

Minneapolis (Minn.), 558. 

Minnesota, 215, 391, 392. 

Mint, established, 239. 

Minuit (min'u it), early Dutch gov¬ 
ernor, 40. 

Minutemen, in Revolution, 163-165, 
168. 

Missionary Ridge, battle of, 436. 

Missions, Spanish, 23-24. 

Mississippi, 22, 298, 303, 306, 399, 
406, 469. 

Mississippi River, 22, 36-37, 204, 212, 
262, 280, 293, 430, 433, 434, 435. 

Mississippi Valley, 37, 39, 233, 423. 




INDEX 


xxxviii 

x 

Missouri, 302, 309-310, 360, 386, 429, 
456, 462. 

Missouri Compromise, 309-312, 369, 
384; proposal to extend to the 
Pacific, 370; repealed, 385-386; 
pronounced void in Dred Scott 
case, 391-392. 

Missouri River, explored by Lewis and 
Clark, 260-261. 

Mitchell, Donald Grant, author, 568. 

Mohawk Valley, 112. 

Molasses Act, 147. 

Money, during Revolution, 179-180; 
wild-cat currency, 335-336; green¬ 
backs, 459; resumption of specie 
payments, 519; free coinage of 
silver, 519-522; gold standard 
adopted, 522 ; Federal Reserve Act, 
523. See Banks, Finances. 

Monitor , in duel with Merrimac, 449- 
451. 

Monmouth, battle of, 187-188. 

Monroe Doctrine, origin and meaning, 
307-308; violation of, in Mexico, 
480-481; Venezuelan Controversy, 
486; and League of Nations, 619, 
636. 

Monroe, James, 229, 258; President, 
305-313. 

Mons (moNs), 603. 

Montana, 359, 384, 490, 549. 

Montcalm, Marquis de, 120-123. 

Montdidier (mong ded'ya), 603, 604. 

Montenegro, 631. 

Monterey, battle of, 364. 

Montfaucon (mong f5 kong'), 604. 

Montgomery, Richard, 169. 

Montreal, 32, 35, 123, 169, 273, 276. 

Morgan, Gen. Daniel, 199. 

Mormons, the, 491. 

Morris, Robert, 179-180, 221. 

Morse, Samuel F. B., inventor, 408. 

Motley, John Lothrop, historian, 346. 

Mount Vernon, Washington’s home, 
133, 206, 249, 312. 

Mower and reaper, invented, 422. 

Mugwumps, the, 516. 

Murfreesboro, battle of, 433. 

Muskogee (mus ko'ge) Indians, 48. 

Napoleon I, military leader, 245 ; com¬ 
mercial treaty with, 251; sells 
Louisiana, 257-259; decrees of, 
264, 270; ignores Embargo Act, 
266. 


Napoleon III, intervenes in Mexico, 
427. 

Napoleonic Wars, United States and, 
264, 269-270. 

Nast, Thomas, 473-475, 476. 

National budget system, 637. 

National Road, 295-296. 

Nations, League of, 614, 618-621. 

Naturalization, treaties concerning, 
482-483. 

Nauroy (no rwa), 610. 

Naval armaments, limitation of, 638. 

Navigation Acts, 66-67, 100, 143, 147. 

Navigation, in colonial times, 67, 130- 
131; early development of, 248; 
growth of, after 1830, 411; decline 
of, after Civil War, 412; recent 
growth of, 584-585, 644. 

Navy, in Revolution, 192; in Bar¬ 
bary wars, 262-263; in the War of 
1812, 274, 276-279 ; in Civil War, 
425, 430-431, 433-434; in Spanish- 
American War, 528-530; in the 
World War, 580-581, 615. 

Nebraska, 384, 386. 

Negro, as soldier, 458; after emanci¬ 
pation, 466-468; suffrage, 473 ; 
during Reconstruction period, 470- 
473. 

Netherlands, The, grants charter to 
West India Company, 40, 96; Pil¬ 
grims emigrate to, 79-§0; rise as a 
sea power, 98-99; claims all terri¬ 
tory between Delaware and Connect¬ 
icut rivers, 98; at war with Eng¬ 
land, 99-100, 184; surrenders New 
Netherland, 101. 

Neutrality, Washington’s proclamation 
of, 245-246; during Napoleonic 
Wars, 264, 269-270 ; in World War, 
574-577. 

Nevada, 367, 491, 549. 

New Amsterdam, founded by Minuit, 
40; surrenders to English fleet, 101. 
See New York City. 

New England, coast explored, 15, 32; 
colonization of, 78-95 ; local govern¬ 
ment in, 82, 87-88, 127-128; early 
industries of, 127-128, 129-131; 

colonial customs of, see Colonies; 
opposes War of 1812, 271, 283; 
attitude on slavery, 380. See 
Boston, and the several New 
England Colonies. 

New England Confederation, 91-92. 



INDEX 


XXXIX 


Newfoundland, 29, 33, 204, 525. 

New France. See France. 

New Hampshire, 92-93, 230, 301. 

New Haven (Conn.), settled, 90-91; 
in New England Confederation, 91; 
united with Connecticut, 93. 

New Jersey, 94, 102, 103, 104, 132, 
139, 176-178, 184, 213, 217, 230, 
398, 558. 

New Jersey Plan, in Constitutional 
Convention, 223. 

New Mexico, 48, 262, 356, 362, 363, 
364, 366, 367, 376, 496, 551. 

New Nether land, settled, 96-97; under 
the Dutch governors, 97-100; be¬ 
comes New York, 100-101. 

New Orleans, 39, 123, 247-248, 257, 
258, 262, 279, 280, 316, 317, 378, 
408, 433, 434, 499. 

Newspapers, 140; New York Tribune, 
420, 476 ; New York Times, 473, 475. 

New Sweden, 98. 

New York City, 126, 154, 175, 178, 

181, 184, 187, 196, 205, 230, 232, 

247, 279, 319, 321, 378, 408, 473, 

561, 563. 

New York (state), 94, 101-102, 126, 

130, 132, 139, 158, 160, 175, 188, 

193, 205, 211, 213, 217, 230, 292, 

318, 319, 344, 409, 412, 457, 458, 

476, 549, 558. 

Nicolet (nic'o la), Jean, French ex¬ 
plorer, 36. 

Nineteenth Amendment, proposed, 
549. 

Non-Intercourse Act, 267. 

North, favors protective tariff, 323, 
328-330; anti-slavery sentiment 
in, 347-348; military strength of 
North and South, 421-422. See 
Local Government. 

North, Lord Frederick, British premier, 
171, 184, 203. 

North America, climate, 42; area and 
waterways, 42-43; forests and ani¬ 
mal life, 43 ; natives, 45-55. 

North Carolina; 29, 72, 74, 126, ISO- 

131, 139, 172, 189, 200, 213, 216, 
230, 294, 296, 405, 421, 453, 498. 

North Dakota, 260, 384, 490. 

Northmen, voyages of, 14-15. 

Northwest, explored by French, 36- 
37; during Revolution, 190-191; 
posts held by British, 218, 246; 
Northwest Territory, 213-215, 302. 


Northwest Passage, search for 19, 32, 
36-37, 39. 

Nova Scotia, 14, 33, 39, 59, 119, 188, 
204. 

Noyon (nwa y5ng'), 604. 

Nullification, doctrine of, 253-254; 
in South Carolina, 331-332. 

Oglethorpe, Gen. James, founder of 
Georgia, 75-76. 

Ohio, 215-216, 241, 293, 294-295, 316, 
319, 343, 403, 457, 460, 476, 558. 

Ohio Company, the, 113. 

Ohio River, 37, 45, 113, 118, 212, 213, 
215, 309, 316, 319. 

Ohio Valley, 113-114, 115, 117. 

Oil industry, 410, 557. 

Oklahoma, 496. 

Omaha (Nebraska), 489, 558. 

Omir, John, 585. 

“Open-Door Treaty,” 640. 

Orders in Council, 264, 273. 

Ordinance of 1787, 214-215, 391. 

Oregon, 28, 261, 356, 357-360, 367, 
403, 488, 549. 

Oregon, battleship, 530. 

Oregon Trail, 359-360, 373, 488. 

Orlando, 617. 

Otis, James, 148, 153. 

Pacific Ocean, discovered by Balboa, 
17-18; our early trade interests in, 
248 ; United States becomes a power 
in, 367, 485, 528-529, 533-534. 

Page, Thomas Nelson, author, 568. 

Paine, Thomas, 171, 178. 

Palestine, 632. 

Palmer, Alice Freeman, 565. 

Panama Canal, 536-538. 

Panama, Isthmus of, 17-18, 368. 

Panama-Pacific International Exposi¬ 
tion, 561. 

Pan-American Congress, 484. 

Pan-American Exposition, 536, 561. 

Panic, of 1837, 334-336; of 1873, 518 ; 
of 1893, 521. 

Paris, 4, 184, 203. 

Paris, treaty of, after French and Indian 
War, 123-124; after the Revolution, 
203-204 ; after war with Spain, 530- 
531; Declaration of Paris, 284; 
Peace Conference, 617-627, 630- 

632. 

Parker, Theodore, 377. 

Parkman, Francis, historian, 568. 




xl 


INDEX 


Parliament, British, representation in, 
416. 

Parties, political, rise of, 241-242 ; re¬ 
organization of, 313, 324. See Fed¬ 
eralist, Republican, Democratic, and 
Whig parties. 

Paterson (N.J.), 558. 

Patroon system, on the Hudson, 96-97. 

Peace Conference, 617-627, 630-632. 

Peace resolution, 638. 

Peking, siege of, 534. 

Peninsular Campaign, 442. 

Penn, William, life of, 104-105 ; founds 
Pennsylvania, 105-107. 

Pennsylvania, 69, 104, 105-108, 126, 
129, 139, 157, 160, 213, 230, 240, 
292, 294, 295, 300, 319, 409, 410, 
447, 457, 558. 

Pennsylvania, University of, 140. 

Pensions, military, 462, 589. 

Perry, Capt. Oliver H., 274-275. 

Perry, Matthew, 367. 

Pershing, Gen. John Joseph, 551, 592- 
593, 600, 606-607, 608-609. 

Peru, conquest of, by Pizarro, 22. 

Petition, right of, 347-348. 

Phelps, Elizabeth Stuart, author, 568, 

Philadelphia, 107, 126, 155-156, 160, 
164, 167, 177, 178, 182, 184-185, 
187, 203, 219, 237, 239, 246, 319, 
321, 408, 416, 447, 563. 

Philippine Islands, discovered, 123; 

' ceded by Spain, 531 ; insurrection 
in, 533; development of self- 
government in, 533. 

Phillips, Wendell, anti-slavery orator, 
346, 347. 

Pickens, Andrew, in Revolution, 198. 

Pickett, Gen. George E., Confederate 
commander, 449. 

Pierce, Franklin, President, 383-390. 

Pike, Zebulon, explorations of, 262. 

Pilgrims, emigrate from Holland to 
America, 80-82. See Separatists. 

Pirates, along Carolina coast, 74; in 
the Mediterranean, 262-263. 

Pitt, William, British premier during 
Seven Years’ War, 120; sides with 
colonists, 144, 152, 161, 171. 

Pittsburgh, 45, 190, 240, 292, 316, 317, 
319, 507, 508, 558. 

Pittsburg Landing (Tenn.), battle at, 
431-432. 

Pizarro (pi za'ro), Francisco, conquers 
Peru, 22. 


Plantation system, introduction of, 
296-297, 298-300; in later years, 
406-407 ; decline of, 497-498. 

Plattsburg (N.Y.), battle near, 279. 

Plymouth Qolony, founding of, 80-82; 
early history of, 82-84; joined to 
Massachusetts, 85, 94. 

Plymouth Company, chartered, 58, 92. 

Plymouth Harbor, 81. 

Poe, Edgar Allan, author, 326, 345. 

Poilu (pwa'loo), 605, 633. 

Poland, 614, 624, 631. 

Polk, James K., President, 355-368. 

Polo, Marco, early traveler, 6,. 10. 

Ponce de Leon (pSn'tha da la on'), 
Spanish explorer, 20-21. 

Pope, Gen. John, Union commander, 
433, 444. 

Pope, head of the Roman Catholic 
Church, 78; establishes demar¬ 
cation line, 15. 

Population, of English colonies, 126- 
127; center of, in United States, 
403. 

Populist party, 520. 

“Pork-barrel,” 637. 

Port Royal, 33, 39. 

Porto Rico, 20, 525, 531, 533. 

Portuguese, early voyages of, 7-8. 

Potomac River, 113, 237, 430, 445. 

Presbyterians, 139. 

Prescott, Col. William, at Bunker 
Hill, 165-166. 

Prescott, William H., 346, 349. 

President, office of, 226; change in 
method of election, 255; third term 
tradition, 512; Presidential Suc¬ 
cession Act, 517-518. 

Primary, direct, 547. 

Prince Henry, the Navigator, 6-7. 

Princeton (N.J.), battle of, 179. 

Princeton University, 140. 

Printing-press, 3, 25, 408. 

Privateering, in War of 1812, 278-279. 

Progressive party, 550, 552. 

Prohibition, movement for, 342, 549. 

Proprietary colonies, 69-76, 101-108. 

Protection, policy of. See Tariff. 

Protestant Reformation, 78-79. 

Providence (R.I.), settled, 89-90. 

Prussia, 569-573, 624. 

Public Domain. See Lands, public. 

Public improvements. See Internal 
improvements. 

Public Information, Committee of, 589, 



INDEX 


xli 


Pueblo Indians, the, 46, 48. 

Puritans, origin and ideals of, 78-79; 
persecution of, 79-80; emigrate to 
America, 80-82. 

Putnam, Gen. Rufus, in Ohio, 166, 
215. 

Quakers, 99, 103-107. 

Quebec, 32, 33-34, 35, 39, 116, 121- 
123, 169, 273. 

Queenston Heights, battle of, 274. 

Railroads, early, 320-322; in South, 
495-496, 499; in the West,. 488- 
490 ; combinations among, 503-504 ; 
regulation of, 504; government 
operation of, 587, 638. 

Rainbow Division, 605. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 29-30. 

Randolph, Edmund, 235. 

Rawlinson, General, 610. 

Reaper, invention of, 422. 

Reclamation Act, 541-542; forest 
reserves, 540-541. 

Reconstruction, Lincoln’s plan, 465; 
Johnson’s, 466-467; congressional, 
467-469; carpet-bag government, 
470-472. 

Red Cross, 590-592, 620. 

Referendum, 547-548. 

Reichstag (rlks'tag), 570. 

Religion, of the Indians, 52; in¬ 
tolerance in England, 79-80, 85; 
motive for colonization, 86, 105; 
in New England Colonies, 88-89, 90, 
137-139 ; in Middle Colonies, 71, 99, 
103, 106; work of churches, 346; 
denominations divided over slavery 
question, 370. 

Renaissance, the, 3. 

Reparation, by Germany, 618, 620- 
625. 

Representation, conflicting views of 
Great Britain and Colonies, 145- 
146; dispute over, in Constitu¬ 
tional Convention, 223-224. 

Republican party, 389-390, 397-398. 

Republican party (founded by Jeffer¬ 
son). See Democratic party. 

Resumption Act, 519. 

Revere, Paul, in Revolution, 164. 

Revolution, American, causes of, 143- 
158, 160-162; first battles of, 163- 
167 ; account of, 168-203 ; results, 
203-206. 


Revolution, the English, 102, 144; 
French, 244, 287 ; Russian, 628. 

Revolution, Industrial, 287-292. 

Reynolds, General John Fulton, 448. 

Rheims (remz), 604. 

Rhode Island, 89-90, 93, 129, 139, 221, 
230, 283, 290. 

Rhodes, James Ford, 568. 

Richmond (Va.), 200-201, 423, 424, 
442, 444, 451, 452-453. 

Riley, James Whitcomb, poet, 568. 

Rimaucourt (re mo coor'), 607. 

Rio Grande, 262, 307, 363, 481. 

Roads, in colonial times, 315; turn¬ 
pikes, 315; National Road, 295- 
296, 315-316. 

Roanoke Island, settled, 29-30. 

Robertson, James, 189. 

Rochambeau, Count, 201. 

Roosevelt, Theodore: President, 536- 
546 ; leads Progressive movement, 
550, 552. 

Root, Elihu, 641. 

Rosecrans, Gen. William S., 433, 436. 

Rumania, 596, 597, 613, 625. 

Rush-Bagot Agreement, 284-285. 

Russia, claims Pacific Coast, 308 ; atti¬ 
tude during Civil War, 427; sells 
Alaska, 481 ; war with Japan, 545 ; 
in World War, 573, 596-597, 628- 
630. 

Rutgers University, 140. 

Ryan, John W., 586. 

St. Augustine (Fla.), 21, 23. 

St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, governor of 
Northwest Territory, 215 ; defeated 
by Indians, 240. 

St. Germain (sang zhar mang'), 627. 

St. Lawrence River, 15, 32-33, 42, 
43, 121, 122, 204. 

St. Lawrence Valley, 39. 

St. Louis, 317, 408, 508. 

St. Mary’s (Md.), 70, 71. 

St. Mihiel (sang me yel'), capture of, 
606. 

St. Quentin (sang kang' tang'), 610. 

Saar (zar) Basin, 623, 624. 

Sabbath, the Puritan, 137-139. 

Sacramento Valley, 367, 372-373. 

Salem (Mass.), witchcraft delusion in, 
139-140. 

Samoan Islands, 481, 485. 

Sampson, Admiral William T., in 
Spanish-American War, 530. 




xlii 


INDEX 


San Antonio (Tex.), 353. 

San Francisco, 372. 

Sandys, Sir Edwin, 62, 64. 

San Jacinto (san ha sin'to), battle of, 
354. 

San Juan (san ho an') Hill, 530. 

San Salvador Island, 13. 

Santa Anna, Gen. Antonio L., 353, 
354, 364, 366. 

Santa Fe Railroad, 495-496. 

Santa F6 trail, 373. 

Santiago, Cuba, 530. 

Santo Domingo, 109, 544-545. 

Saratoga, surrender of Burgoyne at, 
182. 

Savannah (Georgia), 76, 439. 

Scheidemann, Philip (shi'de man), 625. 

Schleswig-Holstein(shlas'vik-hol'shtin), 
569, 624. 

Schley (shla), Admiral Winfield Scott, 
in Spanish-American War, 530. 

Schwab, Charles M., 584, 585. 

Schools. See Education. 

Scotch, immigration of, to colonies, 74, 
76, 126. 

Scott, General Winfield, in War of 
1812, 276; in Mexican War, 363, 
365-366 ; nominated for Presidency, 
383 ; in Civil War, 423. 

Schuyler, Gen. Philip, in Revolution, 
181-182. 

Seal fisheries, dispute over, 485. 

Search, practice of, 247, 270, 272, 281, 
284. 

Secession, 331, 391-401, 415-416, 421, 
462. 

Sedan, occupation of, 608. 

Sedition Act, 251-252. 

Senate, the United States, composition 
of, 225; election of Senators by 
direct vote, 549. 

Separatists or Independents, origin of, 
78-79; emigrate to Holland, 79-80; 
come to America, 80-82. 

Serapis, British warship, 192-193. 

Serbia, 573, 596, 611, 614, 631. 

Servants, indented, 63, 131-132. 

Seven Days’ Battle in Virginia, 444. 

Seventeenth Amendment, 549. 

Seven Years’ War, 112. 

Sevier, John, 189, 216. 

Seward, William H., anti-slavery 
leader, 377, 400; candidate for 
presidential nomination, 397 ; Secre¬ 
tary of State, 417, 481. 


Sewing machine, invented by Howe, 
410. 

Shantung (shan tdong'), 636, 641. 

Shays’ Rebellion, 217. 

Shenandoah Valley, in Civil War, 424, 
442-443, 447, 452. 

Sheridan, Gen. Philip H., Union com¬ 
mander, 452, 453. 

Sherman Anti-trust Act, 503. 

Sherman, John, 519. 

Sherman, Roger, 160, 173, 221, 224. 

Sherman Silver Law, 520-521. 

Sherman, Gen. William T., Union com¬ 
mander, 425, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440. 

Shiloh, battle of, 431-432. 

Shipbuilding, in colonial times, 130; 
after 1830, 411; decline in, after 
Civil War, 412; during World War, 
584-585, 644. 

Silver, discovered in Nevada, 491; 
demonetized by Congress, 520. 

Sims, Admiral William S., 580-581, 615. 

Sitting Bull, 493. 

Sixteenth Amendment, 485. 

Slater, Samuel, 290. 

Slave trade, 132, 224. 

Slavery, introduced into Virginia, 
63-64 ; during Colonial period, 132 ; 
invention of cotton gin, 290; 
becomes sectional question, 301- 
303; Missouri Compromise, 309- 
310; attacked by Abolitionists, 
346-348; dispute over Texas, 354- 
355, 368; Wilmot Proviso, 369- 
370; character of, in South, 370- 
371; Compromise of 1850, 375-378; 
Fugitive Slave Law, 378, 380 ; Dred 
Scott decision, 391-392 ; inefficiency 
of slave labor, 406; Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill, 384-386; abolished 
in District of Columbia, 457 ; Eman¬ 
cipation, 457-458; abolished by 
Thirteenth Amendment, 462. 

Slidell, John, 427. 

Smith, Capt. John, in Virginia, 60-61. 

Smuggling, colonial, 147-148. 

Smyrna, 632. 

Socialism, 510. 

Sons of Liberty, colonial society, 151. 

South, local government in, 128; 
opposes protective tariff, 323, 328- 
330 ; military strength of North and 
South, 421-422; reconstruction in, 
465-473, 477-478; the New South, 
497-500. See Slavery. 



INDEX 


xliii 


South America, discovered, 13 ; revolts 
from Spain, 307-308 ; relations with 
United States, 483-484, 633-634. 

South Carolina, 72-74, 126, 127, ISO- 
131, 132, 139, 157, 160, 188, 198, 
213, 230, 294, 296, 329, 330, 331- 
333, 398,399,405, 471, 476, 477, 498. 

South Dakota, 384, 490. 

Southwest, explored by Coronado, 22; 
development of, 495-496. 

Spain, aids Columbus, 10-11 ; claims 
the New World, 15; first American 
colonies, 20-26; Spanish explorers, 
20-23; conquest of Mexico and 
Peru, 21-22; founds St. Augustine, 
23; New World empire, 25-26; 
Spanish missions, 23-24; decline 
of Spain’s power, 26; relations with 
England, 26-28; defeat of Spanish 
Armada, 28; ally of France, 184; 
treaty with United States (1795), 
247-248 ; cedes Louisiana to France, 
257-258; Florida, treaty ceding, 
306-307; loses South American 
colonies, 307-308. 

Spanish-American War, 525-533. 

Spanish Armada, defeat of, 28. 

Specie Circular, 334, 336. 

Specie payments. See Money. 

Speedwell, the, 80-81. 

Spinning jenny, 288. 

Spoils System, 328, 513. 

Squanto, 83. 

Squatter sovereignty, 385-387. 

Stamp Act, 148-152. 

Stamp Act Congress, 150. 

Standard Oil Company, 501, 502, 503. 

Standish, Miles, 83. 

Stanton, Edwin M., 417, 470. 

Star-Spangled Banner, composed, 280. 

Stark, Col. John, in Revolution, 166, 
181-182. 

State governments, 209, 211, 228. 

State rights, 223, 229, 253-254, 331- 
332, 415. 

Steamboat, invention of, 316. 

Steam engine, invention of, 288. 

Stedman, Edmund Clarence, 568. 

Steel, increased use of, 556-557. 

Stephens, Alexander H., 399. 

Stephenson, George, English engineer, 
320. 

Stettinius, Edward R., 586. 

Steuben, Baron Friedrich von, in Revo¬ 
lution, 185, 200, 201. 


Stockton, Francis Richard, 568. 

Stony Point, captured by Gen. Wayne, 
195. 

Stowe, Harriet Beecher, author, 345, 
380-381. 

Strikes, 507-509. 

Stuyvesant (stl've sant), Peter, gover¬ 
nor of New Netherland, 97, 99-101. 

Submarines, attack neutral shipping, 
574-578 ; restriction on use of, 640. 

Suffrage, colonial, 87-88 ; in 1830, 341; 
for freedmen, 473; for women, 

548- 549. 

Sugar Act, 147. 

Sullivan, Gen. John, 178, 189. 

Sumter, Fort, fired on, 419. 

Sumter, Gen. Thomas, 198. 

Supreme Court of the United States, 
established, 226-227, 236 ; authority 
of, 255, 331; Dred Scott decision, 
391-392. 

Sussex, 575. 

Swedes, colonize Delaware, 98. 

Syria, 611, 632. 

Tacoma (Wash.), 490. 

Taft, William H., President, 549—550. 

Talleyrand, French minister of Foreign 
Affairs, 251. 

Taney (taw'ni), Robert B., Chief Jus¬ 
tice, 391. 

Tariff, the : act of 1789, 239 ; of 1816, 
283; tariff of abominations^ 323, 
328-330; opposition of South Caro¬ 
lina, 329, 331-333 ; McKinley Tariff, 
516; Wilson Tariff, 517; Dingley 
Tariff, 517; Payne-Aldrich Tariff, 

549- 550; Underwood Tariff, 517; 
Tariff Commission, 517. 

Taylor, Gen. Zachary, in Mexican War, 
363-364; President, 372-377. 

Taxation, colonial controversy over, 
143-144, 146-153; under the Con¬ 
federation, 216-217 ; under the Con¬ 
stitution, 228; Hamilton’s plan 
for, 239-240; during Civil War, 
459; in World War, 588. See 
Tariff, Income Tax. 

Tea, tax on, 154-155; Boston Tea 
Party, 156-157. 

Teachers. See Education. 

Tecumseh (te kum'se), Indian chief. 
271. 

Telegraph, 408. 

Telephone, 558. 




xliv 


INDEX 


Temperance reform, 342, 549. 

Tennessee, 189, 216, 249, 293, 294, 
324, 370, 398, 403, 421, 430, 431, 433, 
434, 468. 

Tenure of Office Act, 469-470. 

Territory, federal, government of, 
300-301; acquisition of: Northwest 
Territory, 204 ; Louisiana Purchase, 
258-260; Florida Purchase, 306-307; 
annexation of Texas, 356; Oregon 
acquisition, 357-359; Mexican Ces¬ 
sion, 366; Gadsden Purchase, 367 ; 
Alaska, 481; Samoan Islands, 485 ; 
Porto Rico, 533; the Philippines, 
533; Hawaii, 533; Panama Canal 
Zone, 538. 

Texas, 306, 343, 353-355, 356, 362, 
363, 399, 435, 469, 496. 

Textile industry. See Manufacturing. 

Thames River (Ont.), battle near, 275. 

Thanksgiving Day, first celebration, 83. 

Thaxter, Celia, author, 568. 

Thomas, Gen. George H., Union com¬ 
mander, 435, 436. 

Thoreau (tho'rd), Henry David, 345. 

Thrace, 632. 

Ticonderoga, capture of, 169. 

Tilden, Samuel J., presidential candi¬ 
date, 476, 477. 

Tippecanoe, battle of, 271, 274. 

Tirpitz, Admiral von (fon tir'pits), 
612. 

Toba.cco, 62, 63, 66, 405. 

Toleration, in Maryland, 71; in Rhode 
Island, 90; in Pennsylvania, 105. 
See Religion. 

Tories. See Loyalists. 

Toscanelli, Florentine astronomer, 9. 

Town meetings, in colonial New Eng¬ 
land, 82, 87-88, 128; suppressed in 
Massachusetts, 157. 

Towns, early New England, 127-128. 

Townshend Acts, 152-154. 

Trade. See Commerce. 

Transportation, roads in colonial days, 
316; turnpikes and the National 
Road, 315-316; the steamboat, 
316-318; canals, 318-320; early 
railways, 320-322; development of 
railways, 408, 488-490, 495, 496. 

Trent, British steamship, 427-428. 

Trentino (tren te'no), 631. 

Trenton (N. J.), battle of, 178. 

Trianon (tre'a nSng), 620. 

Trieste (tr6 gst'), 632. 


Tripoli, 218, 262-263. 

Trusts, formation of, 501; characteris¬ 
tics, 502; regulation of, 503-504. 

Turkey, 573, 610, 614, 625, 632. 

Turks, the, 26. 

Turnpikes. See Roads. 

Tweed Ring, the, 473-475. 

Tyler, John, President, 351-355. 

Unde Tom's Cabin, 345, 380-381. 

Underground railroad, 380. 

Ukraine (u'kran), the, 596, 597, 631. 

Union, steps toward: New England 
Confederation, 91-92; Albany Plan, 
117; Stamp Act Congress, 150; 
Committees of Correspondence, 154- 
155; First Continental Congress, 
160-161; Second Continental Con¬ 
gress, 167-168, 209; Declaration of 
Independence, 170-174; Articles of 
Confederation, 212, 216-218, 228- 
229; Constitutional Convention, 
221-229 ; nullification and, 253-254, 
331-332; threatened by secession, 
398-400, 415-417, effect of Civil 
War on, 462. 

Union Pacific Railway, 488-489. 

Unions, labor, 505. 

Universities, state, 343-344, 567. 

Utah, 48, 367, 376, 488, 492, 548. 

Vallandigham, Clement L., 460-461. 

Valley Forge, in Revolution, 185-187. 

Van Buren, Martin, President, 334- 
338; Free Soil candidate, 372. 

Vancouver, George, British navigator, 
357. 

Vaux (v5), capture of, 603. 

Venezuela, boundary dispute with 
Great Britain, 484, 486; claims 
against, 544. 

Venice, 6. 

Vera Cruz expedition, 551. 

Verdun (ver duN'), 603, 606. 

Vermont, 248, 301, 344. 

Verrazano (ver rat sa'no), Giovanni da, 
early navigator, 32. 

Versailles (var si' or ver salz'), 569, 
612, 621, 635, 638. 

Vesle (val), 601. 

Vespucius (ves po'che us), Americus, 
New World named for, 17. 

Vicksburg (Miss.), capture of, 434, 
435, 447. 

I Vincennes (vin senz'), 190-191. 



INDEX 


xlv 


Virgin Islands, 481-482. 

Virginia, 29, 57-67, 71, 126, 130, 132, 
139, 149, 150, 157, 158, 160, 161, 

189, 199, 200, 211, 212, 213, 218- 

219, 230, 237, 240, 253, 292, 296, 

330, 394-395, 398, 405, 412, 421, 

429, 449, 469. 

Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, 
252-253, 329, 330. 

Vise (ve sa) (Belgium), 591. 

Vote. See Suffrage. 

Waltham (Mass.), 558. 

Warner, Charles Dudley, author, 568. 

Warner, Seth, in Revolution, 169. 

War Risk Insurance, Bureau of, 589. 

Wars, French and Indian, 111 124; 
the Revolution, 143- 206; War of 
1812, 269-285, Mexican, 362-368; 
Civil War, 415-463; Indian Wars, 
491, 493-494; Spanish-American 

War, 525-533 ; World War, 569-636. 

Washington, Booker T., 500. 

Washington, city of, becomes National 
capital, 237-256; captured by 
British, 279, 280; threatened by 
Confederates, 423, 424, 425, 441, 
442, 445, 447. See District of 

Columbia. 

Washington, George, in French and 
Indian War, 115, 117-119; in 

Revolution, 168, 170, 174, 175-179, 
184-188, 203; resigns commission, 
205-206; criticizes Confederation 
government, 219 ; in Constitutional 
Convention, 221, 223, 230; inau¬ 
gurated President, 230-231; Presi¬ 
dent, 234-249; Neutrality Procla¬ 
mation, 245-246; Farewell Address, 
248-249; death, 249. 

Washington (state), 359, 490, 549. 

Waterloo, battle of, 245. 

Watt, James, discovers steam power, 
288. 

Wayne, Gen. Anthony, in Revolution, 
195, 201; defeats Indians in North¬ 
west, 240-241. 

Webster, Daniel, Bunker Hill oration, 
312; debate with Hayne, 330-331; 
rank as orator, 345-346; Webster- 
Ashburton Treaty, 352-353 ; Seventh 
of March speech, 376-378, 383. 

Webster-Ashburton Treaty, 352-353. 

Weimar (vi'mar), 625. 

Welles, Gideon, 418. 


West, during the Revolution, 189-191; 
states cede claims in, 211, 212-213; 
Northwest Territory, 214-215 ; 
westward movement, 42-43, 44-45, 
215-216, 293-303, 356-360, 403, 
405 ; speculation in lands, 335-336 ; 
recent development, 488-496. 

West India Company, Dutch, 40, 
96, 97. 

West Indies, discovered by Columbus, 
13 ; Spanish colony in, 20; acquired 
by England, 109, 123; trade with, 
247. See Cuba and Porto Rico. 

West Point, 195-196. 

West Virginia, 69, 316, 343, 429, 441. 

Weyler, Gen., Spanish commander in 
Cuba, 526. 

Whig party, formed, 337-338; Presi¬ 
dent Tyler breaks with, 351-352; 
slavery issue destroys, 389. 

Whisky Insurrection, 240. 

Whitman, Walt, 568. 

Whitney, Eli, inventor, 290. 

Whittier, John Greenleaf, author, 340, 
344, 345. 

Wildcat Banks, 335-336. 

Wilderness Campaign, 451. 

Wilkes, Capt. Charles, in Civil War, 
427. 

Wilkins, Mary E. (Mrs. Freeman), 
568. 

William and Mary College, founded, 
140. 

William II, emperor of Germany, 571, 
572, 612. 

Williams, Roger, founds Providence, 
89-90, 93. 

Wilmington (Del.), founded by Swedes, 
98. 

Wilmot Proviso, 369-370. 

Wilson, James, 221. 

Wilson, Woodrow, President, 550- 
553; in the World War, 574-578, 
600, 610, 613-614, 617-620, 625, 
636. 

Wilson Tariff, 517. 

Winthrop, John, leader of Massachu¬ 
setts colonists, 86. 

Wisconsin, 215, 370. 

Witchcraft delusion, in Massachusetts, 
139-140. 

Wolfe, Gen. James, captures Quebec, 
121-123. 

Woman suffrage, 548-549. 

Women, in colonial times, 136 ; in 




xlvi 


INDEX 


literature, 345, 380-381; suffrage 
and, 548-549 ; aid in social reforms, 
341-342; support child labor legis¬ 
lation, 506; support prohibition 
movement, 549. 

Woolen industry. See Manufactures. 

Workmen’s Compensation- Acts, 506. 

World’s Fair, at Chicago, 560. 

Wright brothers, 560. 

Writs of Assistance, 148. 

Wyoming, 359, 367, 384, 490. 


X. Y. Z. Affair, 251. 

Yale University, founded, 140. 
Yap-Guam cable (yap-gwam), 642. 
Yorktown (Va.), Cornwallis surrenders 
at, 201-203 ; in Civil War, 442. 
Ypres (ee'pr’), 603. 

Zara (za'ra), 632. 

Zimmermann, German foreign minister, 
576. 


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